New Languages of Possibility: Early Experiments in Education as Dissent
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| Title: | New Languages of Possibility: Early Experiments in Education as Dissent |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Walsh, Brendan, Lalor, John |
| Source: | History of Education. 2015 44(5):595-617. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 23 |
| Publication Date: | 2015 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Information Analyses Reports - Evaluative |
| Descriptors: | Dissent, Educational Change, Educational History, Politics of Education, Democracy, Teacher Role, Foreign Countries |
| Geographic Terms: | Ireland, United Kingdom (England) |
| DOI: | 10.1080/0046760X.2015.1050609 |
| ISSN: | 0046-760X |
| Abstract: | This paper reviews the work of four early radical educators: the cultural nationalist Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941), Asia's first Nobel Laureate; Bertrand Russell (1872-1970), Cambridge mathematician and philosopher; the Irish educationalist and insurgent Patrick Pearse (1879-1916) and Leonard Elmhirst (1893-1975), co-founder of Dartington Hall school in England. Each represents a type of radicalism that is particular to his own era but resonates in twentieth-century educational provision and policy. Each articulated his political vision through the establishment of a school and all contributed to modern pedagogical practice. The paper argues that ideological and methodological similarities not only compel us to consider them as radical founders, whose ideas are in many ways identical, but to identify them as pivotal theorists in early conceptualisations of education as dissent and disengagement, as a means of decoupling thought and habit from the mainstream of educational practice, colonial imposition or curricular conservatism. In particular, the paper concentrates upon the work of the Irish educationalist and political radical Patrick Pearse and, employing his educational writings and practice as a template for dissension, demonstrates that it was both typical of and reflected the wider tone of early formulations of education as dissent. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2015 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1071270 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwHOSWY1IMf3FUchbFA2nP9yAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDCYjqZSg8O60IGbOsAIBEICBm3LFMBWudDhfXdPu55tx8QsyQ0VJ94ci4ueC0TEexXNQeXNIZR-Ehc3YHmJ_l7_gQjOUZGlJZdKPHdqNfy-QFeLQDCzmIpcJ7kug9Rja1GYsBWzDAtYqvQGA9-J2u8RXixt7A1uaC0K3TWTZzlXZBWVzLdTYoT2SbxB6km1arlwFGWW4pU2JKqj_bJ9VxGcdxub3F9K_9sH2s-TP Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0108790256;hed01sep.15;2019Feb27.13:02;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0108790256-1">New languages of possibility: early experiments in education as dissent. </title> <p>This paper reviews the work of four early radical educators: the cultural nationalist Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941), Asia's first Nobel Laureate; Bertrand Russell (1872–1970), Cambridge mathematician and philosopher; the Irish educationalist and insurgent Patrick Pearse (1879–1916) and Leonard Elmhirst (1893–1975), co-founder of Dartington Hall school in England. Each represents a type of radicalism that is particular to his own era but resonates in twentieth-century educational provision and policy. Each articulated his political vision through the establishment of a school and all contributed to modern pedagogical practice. The paper argues that ideological and methodological similarities not only compel us to consider them as radical founders, whose ideas are in many ways identical, but to identify them as pivotal theorists in early conceptualisations of education as dissent and disengagement, as a means of decoupling thought and habit from the mainstream of educational practice, colonial imposition or curricular conservatism. In particular, the paper concentrates upon the work of the Irish educationalist and political radical Patrick Pearse and, employing his educational writings and practice as a template for dissension, demonstrates that it was both typical of and reflected the wider tone of early formulations of education as dissent.</p> <p>Keywords: radical education; Patrick Pearse; Paulo Freire; education as dissent; colonial education</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Patrick Pearse founded St Enda's school in Dublin in 1908 (and later St Ita's school for girls September 1910–June 1912) as a model of opposition to the intermediate system.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>] Established in 1878 as a means of formalising intermediate schooling and allowing for a mechanism for funding denominationally operated schools in Ireland by the payment of extra income to schools on the basis of pupils' examination results (payment-by-results) the system was condemned by Pearse as the 'murder machine' due to its overemphasis on terminal examinations and consequent limiting of innovation and pupil-centredness.[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>] Pearse, former editor of <emph>An Claidheamh Soluis</emph>, the journal of the Irish-language movement the Gaelic League, was a leading light in the cultural-nationalist movement of late nineteenth-century Ireland and, like Tagore, became politically active in the advocacy of linguistic and cultural separateness.[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref3">3</reflink>] Irish was the first language of St Enda's and Pearse and his staff encouraged cultural patriotism amongst the pupils. Four of the school's staff were executed for their participation in the Easter Rising of 1916, while a number of past pupils took part as armed insurgents.[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref4">4</reflink>] Pearse's school, then, was a critical site, both in terms of challenging the anglocentricity of the curriculum and as a stridently politically informed community.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref5">5</reflink>] Yet Pearse was also an important pedagogical innovator, particularly in the arena of second-language acquisition and his advocacy of pupil participation in school life. Visiting the work of these early radical thinkers provides a more comprehensive context in which later radical paradigms can be considered. The work of commentators such as Paulo Freire (1921–1997) and Henry Giroux (b. 1943) has influenced the way the dynamics of power, access and control are understood. Yet the origins of conceptualisations of schooling as a force of social reproduction lie in the work of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century thinkers, four of whom are discussed here. These figures are located between the fading of the romanticising of childhood that followed the work of thinkers such as Pestalozzi (1746–1827) and Froebel (1782–1852) and the stridently progressive work of school founders such as A.S. Neill (1883–1973).[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref6">6</reflink>] Rabindranath Tagore and Pearse were familiar with each other's work; Leonard Elmhirst (1893–1975) was much influenced by Tagore while William Curry, headmaster of Dartington Hall, was intellectually indebted to Bertrand Russell.[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref7">7</reflink>] Each founded or operated a school and shared a common conviction of the importance of schooling as a dissenting act. This paper examines the nature of that dissent, how it was articulated and the thematic relationships between these founders.</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-3">School as socially reproductive or transformative</hd> <p>Discussions regarding the purposes of schooling are seldom concerned with pedagogy alone but with what are held to be the most sustainable and equitable forms of society. Hence, theories regarding the purpose of schooling are as numerous as those concerning the attributes of acceptable social models.[<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref8">8</reflink>] School curricula and syllabi reflect the values of society even though these may be interpreted and disseminated within the school by a specific interest group, such as a religious order or voluntary body. That a relationship exists between schooling and the expectations of the society in which it functions is hardly contestable; as Durkheim remarked, 'all education is an eminently social thing in its origins as in its functions'.[<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref9">9</reflink>] Education consists of a 'systematic socialisation of the young generation'[<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref10">10</reflink>] and 'far from having as its ... principle object the individual and his interests ... is above all the means by which society ... recreates the conditions of its very existence'.[<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref11">11</reflink>]</p> <p>Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim and Michael Oakeshott, for example, considered education as reproduction and transmission.[<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref12">12</reflink>] Usually this transmission occurs through the agents of curriculum, syllabus, textbooks, parental decree, school ethos and the teaching body. But reproduction may also take place by the employment of silences and omissions. Meanings may be conveyed by the removal or obstruction of practices or bodies of knowledge. Values may be communicated by what is withheld rather than proffered. Regardless of the means, reproduction legitimises the interests of the 'dominant social order'.[<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref13">13</reflink>] The processes and content of schooling are not disinterested and ideologically innocent.[<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref14">14</reflink>] Schools are not 'simply instruction sites' but vehicles which legitimise certain forms of knowledge and disclaim others.[<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref15">15</reflink>] They are, therefore, 'political sites, inextricably linked to issues of power'.[<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref16">16</reflink>] Policy-makers, or groups such as parent associations, that have no electoral mandate may also influence the purposes of education. Schooling therefore may become identified as a means by which future societal needs might be met or ills avoided. In effect, schooling becomes inextricably linked to desired social outcomes. The attempt by successive post-independence administrations in Ireland to promote the Irish language while seeking the production, rather than the reproduction, of an all-Irish-speaking nation illustrates the close link between the vision of society as articulated by significant parties and the content and purpose of schooling.[<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref17">17</reflink>]</p> <p>That these interested parties seek to influence educational outcomes is not necessarily problematic. Typically democratic societies welcome the views of parties believed to have a significant interest in the discussion.[<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref18">18</reflink>] Indeed, the contribution of groups outside of government should serve to strengthen the democratisation of decision-making.[<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref19">19</reflink>] The relationship between interested parties is complex and must be played out in terms of persuasive dialogue. It is clear, however, that in all contexts schooling is influenced and moulded by legitimate groups within the wider society. Therefore discussions about schooling 'always reveal the ideological tensions occurring in ... society'.[<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref20">20</reflink>] Those who contribute uphold and encourage forms of education that most readily facilitate the formation of their desired society. Hence, views of education always incorporate 'a commitment to some normative political philosophy'.[<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref21">21</reflink>] This is because education is never external to society but a 'dynamic part of the general process which reproduces the cultural, economic and political life of society'.[<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref22">22</reflink>] Indeed, as Akenson notes: 'systems of schooling not only are shaped by society, they in turn shape society'.[<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref23">23</reflink>] Education or discussions about education are therefore intrinsically political.</p> <p>Revisions in educational provision are the result of alterations in societies' view of its purpose. Because conceptions change, the dominant view of education in society at a given time 'always bears the marks of past and present political struggles between competing conceptions of the good society'.[<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref24">24</reflink>] Any study of educational change is therefore inherently historical and change cannot be understood if divorced from historical antecedents.[<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref25">25</reflink>] The history of education is peopled by individuals who rejected the vision of schooling articulated by government or interested parties and chose to create schools outside of conventional provision. These reformers established schools based on oppositional or alternative ideologies or sought to influence mainstream provision. The legitimacy of this opposition is not relevant; we are concerned only with the reformers' belief that alternative models were desirable and their willingness to create such models.</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-4">The radical education reform paradigm</hd> <p>Radical reformers find the conceptualisation of schooling as a process of socialisation and the 'kinds of character traits, and values' that are encouraged by it to be objectionable.[<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref26">26</reflink>] They object to forms of provision on various grounds, but all share the belief that harm is done to the wider community due to the 'structures [and] values of mainstream schooling'.[<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref27">27</reflink>] They differ greatly in the nature of their opposition and the type of solutions they offer. The work undertaken by Pearse at St Enda's, for example, differs considerably from that of A.S. Neill at Summerhill School in England. Yet all reformers share ideological similarities, are discontent with prevailing provision and are committed to social, political or cultural change. The theoretical schemas devised by these thinkers, irrespective of the historical context, belong within the paradigm of radical educational theory which characteristically offers critiques that express: dissatisfaction with mainstream provision, a willingness to offer alternative models and a commitment to social justice.</p> <p>Radical reformers are not always educationists. Again, radical theory may only retrospectively be ascribed to the work of Pearse and others working in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Thinkers such as Pearse and Tagore belong to this tradition because each sought to contest 'dominant ideologies and practices' as articulated in mainstream schools.[<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref28">28</reflink>] Because radical educational reformers identify the school as a means of social reproduction, they contend that it must be conceptualised as a 'site for creating a critical discourse around the forms of democratic society'.[<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref29">29</reflink>] Radical theory is characterised by dissent and attempts at transformation and presents a theoretical framework in which the educational work of Pearse, for example, can be properly understood. Giroux has repeatedly promulgated this framework for understanding citizenship education and promoting the importance of democracy in education.[<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref30">30</reflink>] He holds that radical theory rests upon two assumptions:</p> <p>One, there is a need for a language of critique, a questioning of presuppositions. Radical educators ... criticize and indeed reject the notion that the primary purpose of public education is economic efficiency.... Which is why the second base assumption of radical education is a language of possibility. It goes beyond critique to elaborate a positive language of human empowerment.[<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref31">31</reflink>]</p> <p>Pearse wrote about empowering schools, teachers and pupils and places them at the heart of schooling in a collaborative relationship. As he employed the metaphor of 'machine' in his critique of the education system in Ireland, so Giroux warned against 'narrowing the scope of education so severely that schools become mere factories...'.[<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref32">32</reflink>] Central to Giroux's concern is the question of the 'the purposes of education ... what kind of citizens we hope to produce?'.[<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref33">33</reflink>] Like Pearse, his response is couched in the vocabulary of emancipation and empowerment. In particular, he cites the social reconstructionist thinkers who, cognisant of Dewey's insistence on the importance of schools as democratic institutions, held that schools were not value free and did not play an 'innocent role in transmitting an unproblematic democratic heritage to future generations'.[<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref34">34</reflink>] Rather, they viewed schools as vehicles wherein 'unjust and unequal' aspects of the 'dominant culture' were reproduced.[<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref35">35</reflink>]</p> <p>Within this paradigm Pearse's work at St Enda's becomes immediately recognisable. Pearse held education in Ireland to be an agent of cultural assimilation and developed an understanding of school as an act of defiance, an arena in which instruments of assimilation such as curriculum, textbooks and syllabi could be challenged. In other words the system could be changed from within by inversion: cricket could become hurling; English, Irish; jingoism, nationalism. The identification of schooling with the Irish-language revival and Gaelic League agenda identifies Pearse's conceptualisation of schooling as 'a form of cultural politics'.[<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref36">36</reflink>] The establishment of a student council and debating society at St Enda's and Pearse's emphasis on pupil participation reflected his desire that pupils become 'critical thinkers', empowered 'to address social problems in order to transform existing political ... inequalities'.[<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref37">37</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-5">Democracy within the radical school paradigm</hd> <p>The conviction that democratic living should be learned by experience is central to radical educational theory. This position espoused, for example, by Bertrand and Dora Russell is characteristic of the progressive movement.[<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref38">38</reflink>] Pupils should be inducted into the <emph>mores</emph> of democracy by encountering 'genuine problems ... at their level of maturity'.[<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref39">39</reflink>] The pupil council is the arena wherein pupils participate in the democratic process. An early example of such a council existed at St Enda's and boys were elected to various offices annually. The historical moment in which the school existed, however, could not have accommodated the progressive councils later established at Dartington Hall, for example.[<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref40">40</reflink>] Nonetheless the inspectors, who visited St Enda's in 1908, recorded that the school debating society was the first they had encountered.[<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref41">41</reflink>] Allowing for the period in which he lived Pearse attempted to provide a space where children might express their views and contribute to the school community. This was an informing principle of the 'child-republic' he wished St Enda's to become.[<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref42">42</reflink>] In this he attempted to provide a 'democratic culture in which pupils [were] encouraged to resolve problems through ... collective decision making'.[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref43">43</reflink>] In this, he anticipated the modern development of citizenship education and the recognition of the role of schools in its facilitation – 'the evolution of a more democratic social order'.[<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref44">44</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-6">The teacher as defiant</hd> <p>Freire's conception of the teacher as 'transformative intellectual' and his insistence upon their professional freedom was much earlier identified by Pearse who argued that they should be empowered to design curricula and operate in the interests of learning rather than terminal examinations.[<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref45">45</reflink>] Pearse sought to allow teachers the freedom to choose texts and methodologies and influence curricula.[<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref46">46</reflink>] Freire explained that to 'talk about teachers as intellectuals is to say that they should have an active role in shaping the curriculum ... shaping school policy, defining educational philosophies'.[<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref47">47</reflink>] Within the framework of radical theory, and the teacher as intellectual in particular, much of Pearse's work becomes identifiable as politically defiant. The process of education as transformative may occasion the identification of 'disqualified knowledges' and their reinstatement in the school experience.[<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref48">48</reflink>] To secure political ends, policy-makers may purposely omit these 'knowledges'. The omission of the Irish language from the National school programme in Ireland in 1831 was such an omission, representing a silence, a purposeful void in the new system implying that the vernacular of those living in Irish-speaking districts was without value.[<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref49">49</reflink>]</p> <p>Pearse also held that the history syllabus of schools peddled a sanctioned version of the past that emphasised the identity of Ireland within the scheme of Empire. The separateness of cultures and the narrative of conflict and dissent were ignored. Consequently, nationalists believed that students had become 'ideologically and materially' incorporated into the 'rules and logic' of the dominant culture.[<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref50">50</reflink>] The teaching of history, for Pearse, therefore, was a means of encouraging his pupils to re-appropriate their identity. In other contexts, these 'disqualified knowledges' may be concerned with black, immigrant, women's, ethnic or religious histories. Pearse cited the absurdity of English-only-speaking inspectors visiting Irish-only-speaking children in schools in <emph>gaeltacht</emph> areas, meetings that can only be described metaphorically as silences, and argued that Irish schooling had been constructed on what Giroux called 'silences and omissions'.[<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref51">51</reflink>] Pearse understood the relationship between knowledge and power, between what is offered and what withheld and insisted that, while control of education in Ireland remained in the hands of government at Westminster, 'silences and omissions' deemed expedient as facilitating political compliance would characterise Irish schooling.[<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref52">52</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-7">Inherent ambiguities: St Enda's as public school?</hd> <p>In 1910 Pearse wrote to his friend, Canon Arthur Ryan, that The Hermitage was an 'ideal' location for St Enda's due to the beauty of the grounds.[<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref53">53</reflink>] If he could secure it, the school 'would be on a level with Clongowes or Castleknock'.[<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref54">54</reflink>] These prestigious boarding schools were founded and operated in the tradition of the great English institutions such as Rugby and Eton. Pearse understood that, if St Enda's was to compete it must offer 'as much room, as much fresh air, as much accommodation' for games as pupils get 'in the other places'.[<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref55">55</reflink>]</p> <p>In a sense, Pearse set out to create a Gaelic version of the English boarding tradition. The head-boy and house structure, for example, had existed in English public schools since Elizabethan times.[<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref56">56</reflink>] Pearse implemented the same configuration at St Enda's where the crests and caps were similar to those worn by pupils attending prestigious English and Irish schools.[<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref57">57</reflink>] The comparison with these schools invites comparisons with Dr Arnold of Rugby who, in the mid-nineteenth century reinvigorated the English boarding school tradition. Arnold was appointed Headmaster of Rugby in 1828, a period that witnessed public concern regarding the state of education in England. Boarding schools, in particular, had become characterised as unruly and lawless places.[<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref58">58</reflink>] Arnold became a reformer, creating a model school that in turn was imitated by similar institutions.[<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref59">59</reflink>] Rugby, and schools like it, provided the model for prestigious boarding schools in Ireland such as Clongowes Wood, St Columba's and Blackrock College.[<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref60">60</reflink>] Pearse's positioning of St Enda's within this tradition and the exploitation of its trappings make a critique of the similarities with Arnold compelling. While Pearse sought to invert the tradition by substituting its paraphernalia and ethos with that of Gaelic revivalism, Arnold represents an ancestral model for the headmaster as campaigner and activist as he was a committed promoter of social reform.</p> <p>Related to this is the influence of a founder's political belief upon the pupil body. In 1836 Arnold conceded that 'influencing [a] boy's opinions' would give 'offence' to parents and represented a 'gross dereliction of duty'.[<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref61">61</reflink>] He exercised considerable caution to exclude politics from teaching and recorded that, rather than teach a lesson on the French Revolution he:</p> <p>... went back at once to the Middle Ages, because I thought that ... it would be impossible to go over the history of very recent events without expressing opinions which in my situation might be supposed likely to influence the boys on my own way of thinking.[<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref62">62</reflink>]</p> <p>Arnold was anxious that education become more accessible and he published a periodical, at his own expense, to 'enlighten and improve' the 'lower orders'.[<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref63">63</reflink>] While he insisted on delineation between his rights as a private citizen and his duty as headmaster, he also held that to become publicly perceived as a political commentator was not in the best interests of the school.[<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref64">64</reflink>] Conversely Pearse held that his work at St Enda's was a public manifestation of his political convictions. Pearse's establishment of a boarding school; his utilisation of the paraphernalia associated with the English public school tradition; his explicit comparison of St Enda's with schools in Ireland associated with that tradition and his public political activity reveal both his willingness to adapt that tradition and point to his, and Arnold's, position within the wider tradition of reforming headmaster as political activist.</p> <p>The development of the 'new education' movement challenged the orthodoxies upon which Arnold had established his new order and by the beginning of the twentieth century new conceptualisations of schooling resulted in the establishment of the first progressive schools.[<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref65">65</reflink>] The most significant of these encapsulated the transition from traditional to radical school and St Enda's reflects that evolution. Hence the symbolism of school badges and crests coexisted with the rhetoric of reform – Pearse's school was a model of defiance but dressed in traditional garb. The historic moment in which it existed determined its form. Anxious to re-shape schooling, Pearse was nonetheless forced to operate within the structures of his time. His educational work is located in the period between the popular acceptance of child-centredness that characterised the late nineteenth-century and its more radical and progressive articulation in the post-First World War period. In having national change as its <emph>raison d'être</emph>, St Enda's, in fact, reflected the wider historical context of a changing world order. Pearse was not alone in this and with the exception of O'Buachalla studies have constantly failed to notice the relationship between his work and that of contemporaneous thinkers.[<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref66">66</reflink>] This is not to claim that Pearse explicitly influenced these, rather that his work is reflected in that of later radical, transformative intellectuals locating him firmly within this tradition.</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-8">Transformative intellectuals: Leo Tolstoy and Yasnaya Polyana</hd> <p>The Russian reformer, Count Leo Tolstoy (1828–1910) established a school at Yasnaya Polyana, the family estate, after touring Europe in the 1860s. Unimpressed by what he witnessed there, he concluded that the development of pedagogy had not resulted in the appearance of any one effective teaching methodology, a view that led him to conclude that none could be formulated as all were dependent on the variables of place, time and human limitation.[<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref67">67</reflink>] His project at Yasnaya Polyana was an attempt to provide a positive experience of schooling for the children of the labourers on the estate. Writing before the benefits of compulsory schooling were accepted he pointed to the inability of most European countries to provide the most basic schooling for children, citing the prolific number of 'religio- philanthropic' undertakings in England as evidence of resistance to the provision of schooling there.[<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref68">68</reflink>]</p> <p>Tolstoy and Pearse had similar views concerning how pupils perceived their time in elementary school. Tolstoy's typical child thought of school as 'an institution for torturing children ... in which they [were] deprived of their chief pleasure and youthful needs ... where [the child] is generally compelled to speak not his native patois ...but a foreign language'.[<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref69">69</reflink>] Writing in 1906 Pearse compared pupils in Irish schools to 'slaves' who were 'trained ... in dingy places called schools'.[<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref70">70</reflink>] In his essay <emph>On Methods of Teaching the Rudiments</emph> (1862) Tolstoy insisted that the abilities of different pupils should result in the teacher having to plan for a variety of competences. Therefore he warned against all methods as 'one-sided' and advised that teachers should acquire knowledge of 'the greatest possible number...'.[<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref71">71</reflink>] Pearse believed that 'the good teacher must create his own method', adding that the teacher's own 'sympathy, insight and ingenuity will serve him in better stead than all the maxims of all the theorists ... he must not slavishly follow even the best of them'.[<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref72">72</reflink>] The best method was the one that most suited the children being taught.[<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref73">73</reflink>]</p> <p>Tolstoy was sceptical of testing and doubted its reliability when done by outsiders: 'it is ... impossible for an outsider to determine the knowledge of a pupil in an hour, while the teacher always feels the measure of that knowledge without ... examinations'.[<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref74">74</reflink>] Even the allocation of 'marks' – a remnant of 'the old order' – was gradually disregarded as serving no constructive purpose.[<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref75">75</reflink>] He considered rote learning to be a 'remnant of the ... mediaeval school'.[<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref76">76</reflink>] School inspection was invalidated by the limitation of time: in 'an hour' it was impossible to discover the 'actual knowledge' acquired in any subject and Tolstoy argued that to find a true estimation it would be 'necessary to live for months' with the pupils: [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref77">77</reflink>]</p> <p>... if an outsider wants to judge of the degree of knowledge, let him live awhile with us and let him study the results.... There is no other means, and all attempts at examination are only a deception, a lie, and an obstacle to instruction. In matters of instruction there is but one independent judge – the teacher.[<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref78">78</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-9">Shantiniketan: the 'Indian St Enda's'</hd> <p>The Irish poet W.B. Yeats described the school founded by Tagore (1861–1941) as 'the Indian St Enda's'.[<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref79">79</reflink>] The comparison with Pearse's school was obvious, given Tagore's identification of schooling as a means of confronting colonial influence and reinvigorating national life and customs. Tagore's school was located on the family estate at Shantiniketan in rural Bengal and it was his intention to model it upon the ancient Indian <emph>tapoban</emph> (forest hermitage) of the 'greatest teachers in ancient India'.[<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref80">80</reflink>] These forest retreats appealed to Tagore's imagination but he accepted that 'the purity' of such dwellings in their 'original shape' would be 'a fantastic anachronism in the present age'.[<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref81">81</reflink>] Yet he wised to create a similar institution 'under modern conditions'.[<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref82">82</reflink>] Like Pearse, Tagore was inspired by the vision of an age unaffected by colonial influence and both turned to what they considered to be 'older and truer' conceptions of the purpose of education.[<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref83">83</reflink>] Both founders drew on models that were characterised by religious or quasi-religious practices, geographically removed from the wider community and unaffected by colonial influences.</p> <p>Tagore, like Pearse, was not a trained teacher.[<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref84">84</reflink>] His personal experience of schooling had not been happy, often being the victim of his tutor's harsh treatment.[<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref85">85</reflink>] The school at Shantiniketan represented a reaction to the type of formal education then available to boys of Tagore's background and reflected his growing disenchantment with the West.[<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref86">86</reflink>] He was anxious to create an alternative model, based on traditional Indian culture, in particular the 'sacred and unsullied Indian tradition of poverty'.[<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref87">87</reflink>] He sought to undermine the influence of colonial culture through education but was not a separatist. Like Pearse, he held that the system of education pertaining in his country would eventually result in national customs becoming diluted and forgotten.[<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref88">88</reflink>] He was active in the <emph>Swadeshi</emph> (Our Country) movement, 'a Bengali <emph>Sinn Féin</emph>', which gained momentum in Bengal in 1905.[<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref89">89</reflink>] Like the Irish Ireland movement, the <emph>Swadeshi</emph> movement promoted a renewal of interest in culture and language. These were promoted as aspects of Indian culture signalling separateness from the British. Tagore was unwilling to embrace a more strident nationalism but understood the importance of schooling in the wider nationalist <emph>Swadeshi</emph> movement and was prepared to assist in establishing schools that would be independent of government influence.</p> <p>While Tagore finally grew disillusioned with the movement, Shantiniketan was increasingly recognised as an attempt to provide an alternative model of schooling in British India and a valuable educational experiment. Mahatma Gandhi sent his students there in 1914 when he and they moved from his school at Phoenix, South Africa. When, in 1917, the nationalist Annie Besant (1847–1933) was interned for openly calling for Home Rule in India, boys who had attended Shantiniketan were among those incarcerated following public unrest.[<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref90">90</reflink>] The police kept a list of names of those enrolled at the school and the incident demonstrates the similarity of political and cultural nationalism espoused at Shantiniketan and St Enda's.[<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref91">91</reflink>] Tagore was reluctant to embrace the separatist politics of Gandhi,[<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref92">92</reflink>] who pointed to 'English education' in India as the cause of 'the timidity and servility which afflicts us'.[<reflink idref="bib93" id="ref93">93</reflink>] Tagore could be no less strident, however, and, on a speaking visit to England in May 1930, he employed the famous Pearsian metaphor comparing British rule in India to 'a machine'.[<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref94">94</reflink>] At Shantiniketan, all teaching was through the vernacular, but English was taught 'as a second language'.[<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref95">95</reflink>] As at St Enda's, where the Direct Method was employed to teach Irish, at Shantiniketan, it was utilised to teach English.[<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref96">96</reflink>]</p> <p>Tagore advocated the strengthening of Indian culture so that Indians might 'gain mastery' of it by assimilation.[<reflink idref="bib97" id="ref97">97</reflink>] His objection was not, surprisingly, to the imposition of a curriculum that was largely Anglo-centric, rather that 'foreign education' tended to 'occupy all the space of our national mind'.[<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref98">98</reflink>] He was keen to model his school on the past, recalling that the 'greatest teachers in ancient India' were 'forest dwellers'.[<reflink idref="bib99" id="ref99">99</reflink>] The highest ideals of the Indian nation remained those of the masters in their 'forest sanctuaries' to whom students 'flocked'.[<reflink idref="bib100" id="ref100">100</reflink>] The 'old Hindu system of teaching' served as the model for Tagore's school[<reflink idref="bib101" id="ref101">101</reflink>] and paralleled Pearse's search for a template in ancient Gaelic society: 'the best and noblest (system) that has ever been known among men'.[<reflink idref="bib102" id="ref102">102</reflink>]</p> <p>William Pearson, who became Headmaster of Shantiniketan upon Leonard Elmhirst's (see below) return to England in the mid-1920s, objected, as Tagore had done, to the effect of examinations, noting that when the 'shadow' of the 'university examinations' began to 'loom' over the pupils they 'lose their natural freshness and originality'.[<reflink idref="bib103" id="ref103">103</reflink>] At Shantiniketan tests were held only annually in the 'lower classes'.[<reflink idref="bib104" id="ref104">104</reflink>] Tagore's school had a student council and a small museum. The publication of a school magazine there and at St Enda's gave pupils the opportunity to broadcast their talent for story writing, poetry and drawing.[<reflink idref="bib105" id="ref105">105</reflink>] Both founders encouraged pupils to embrace their cultural heritage and the boys were regularly taken to visit sights of historical interest. On a clear night at Shantiniketan a teacher might give a simple lesson in astronomy allowing the boys to study the moon through a telescope.[<reflink idref="bib106" id="ref106">106</reflink>] Much of the teaching was done out of doors. In the same way Pearse hoped that 'as much as possible of the school work' at St Enda's would be done 'in the open air' during the summer months.[<reflink idref="bib107" id="ref107">107</reflink>]</p> <p>The notion of sacrifice, often couched in the vocabulary of religion, underlies much of Tagore's educational writing. He told his pupils that death was a shedding of that which 'inhibits' us.[<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref108">108</reflink>] While this is an unproblematic stating of the religious credo of life after death, Tagore also referred to the ongoing war in Europe (1914–1918) as 'the tearing off, on a vast scale, of the wrappings of dead habits of mind which have been accumulated for so many years only to smother the truth of our nature'.[<reflink idref="bib109" id="ref109">109</reflink>] He continued: 'the currents of life which had become chocked and stagnant will once more become free to flow in fresh channels'.[<reflink idref="bib110" id="ref110">110</reflink>] The view is remarkably similar to that of Pearse, who welcomed the Great War having earlier written that 'murder and death make possible the terrible thing we call physical life. Life springs from death, life lives on death.'[<reflink idref="bib111" id="ref111">111</reflink>]</p> <p>Rabindranath Tagore was not, primarily, an educator. A poet who valued the Western intellectual tradition, he initially attempted to discover a way in which it could coexist with, rather than replace, Indian culture. His foundation at Shantiniketan was an attempt to provide a model for Indian schooling where Bengali traditions and the vernacular might be preserved and encouraged. His intent therefore was analogous to that of Pearse. Both viewed their respective schools as conduits for the preservation and promotion of national culture in the face of foreign influences. These schools were founded at a time when nationalist movements were gaining momentum. While both founders inspired others to establish similar institutions, neither Shantiniketan nor St Enda's was capable of surviving the death of their respective founders, St Enda's closing in 1935.[<reflink idref="bib112" id="ref112">112</reflink>] Tagore's school was always a 'will-o-the-wisp ... a poet's impractical fantasy'.[<reflink idref="bib113" id="ref113">113</reflink>] Tagore made little contribution to the field of pedagogical inquiry but, like Pearse, his understanding of education was closely linked to attempts to effect change. Writing of his reasons for founding Shantiniketan, he recorded that he 'felt ... the struggle of my motherland' to 'awake in spiritual emancipation'.[<reflink idref="bib114" id="ref114">114</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-10">Dartington Hall</hd> <p>Shantiniketan attracted a number of scholars anxious to become involved in Tagore's work. Leonard Elmhirst acted as private secretary to Tagore between 1924 and 1925 and, inspired by Tagore's work, co-founded Dartington Hall in Devon England in 1926. Elmhirst travelled to India in 1922 and upon leaving, in 1925, married the widowed Dorothy Whitney Straight (1883–1968). Whitney's late husband, Willard Straight, was a founder of the <emph>New Republic</emph>, a liberal journal to which Bertrand Russell occasionally contributed. Upon his death she inherited a substantial fortune, which she was anxious to use for the improvement of poor New York suburbs. Dorothy Whitney was also closely associated with the women's suffrage movement and, regrettably, remains an overlooked personality in gender and social history.</p> <p>Leonard and Dorothy Elmhirst wanted to establish a coeducational boarding school along the same lines as Tagore's institution with particular emphasis on practical skills. It was envisaged that the school and the estate would be closely interlinked and that pupils would spend time on the latter learning the various practical skills associated with its maintenance. Integration, however, proved difficult and the school finally became a semi-separate enterprise. The Dartington Hall estate and school were quite unorthodox in a number of ways. Within a short time of opening they had given rise to controversy concerning the manner of free association between the social classes and the seemingly bohemian encouragement of drama and dance, aspects of Shantiniketan that appealed to Elmhirst and were recurrent elements in the life of St Enda's. The work undertaken by female students such as carpentry, woodwork and farm labour was also unconventional. The most controversial aspect of the school, however, was its coeducational character.[<reflink idref="bib115" id="ref115">115</reflink>] Generally, Dartington Hall School gained the reputation of being experimental and liberal in outlook.[<reflink idref="bib116" id="ref116">116</reflink>] In 1931 William Curry was appointed as headmaster. As new buildings were made available, enrolments increased and parents seeking a less conventional type of school began to enrol their children. The Elmhirsts were anxious to encourage some measure of self-government at the school believing, along with Bertrand and Dora Russell (see below), this to be a preparation for democratic citizenship.[<reflink idref="bib117" id="ref117">117</reflink>] The practical articulation of this principle was the student council or 'Moot'.[<reflink idref="bib118" id="ref118">118</reflink>] Characteristically, the founders of these schools believed that participatory involvement in democratic living encouraged pupils to become responsible and tolerant adults.[<reflink idref="bib119" id="ref119">119</reflink>]</p> <p>Curry cited Bertrand Russell's <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph> (1916) as the document that most influenced his educational thinking. Writing in 1958, Curry explained that he had had a happy conventional schooling and was 'not one of those who turned to progressive education in a mood of bitter revolt'.[<reflink idref="bib120" id="ref120">120</reflink>] He found Russell's views on education to be 'altogether revolutionary' and was particularly influenced by his notion of 'reverence.'[<reflink idref="bib121" id="ref121">121</reflink>] Like Russell he embraced pacifism and, as Arnold and Pearse had done, actively engaged in public political debate.[<reflink idref="bib122" id="ref122">122</reflink>] He condemned the 'armed sovereign state' as an 'antiquated murderous nuisance' and the nationalism that sustained it as a 'dangerous and destructive vice'.[<reflink idref="bib123" id="ref123">123</reflink>] Curry's abhorrence of corporal punishment was unsurprising and he objected to it on 'many grounds'.[<reflink idref="bib124" id="ref124">124</reflink>] In particular, he held that its use in schools merely encouraged pupils to believe that 'the way to get people to do what you want is to threaten them with violence'.[<reflink idref="bib125" id="ref125">125</reflink>] Dartington Hall eschewed examinations and all 'marks, competitions and prizes' were discarded.[<reflink idref="bib126" id="ref126">126</reflink>] Curry held that the allocation of grades pre-supposed that children were disinclined to learn. Because teachers tended to ignore pupils' 'natural interests and preferences' they created in them a dislike for learning and hence tempted them by the promise of awards and prizes.[<reflink idref="bib127" id="ref127">127</reflink>] The <emph>Prospectus</emph> of St Enda's (1909) explained that 'prizes and distinctions are awarded at the end of each school year on the basis, not of the results of an examination, but of good conduct and progress in studies'.[<reflink idref="bib128" id="ref128">128</reflink>] By 1916 Pearse condemned the Intermediate system as 'promot[ing] competitive examinations in the under-world'.[<reflink idref="bib129" id="ref129">129</reflink>] At Dartington Hall children were not prepared for entrance examinations to other schools and 'under no circumstances' were they prepared for the common entrance examination to secondary schools.[<reflink idref="bib130" id="ref130">130</reflink>] Curry insisted that 'in no sense ought the curriculum be imposed by wholly external circumstances'.[<reflink idref="bib131" id="ref131">131</reflink>] In 1909, the <emph>Prospectus</emph> of St Enda's had declared: 'in no instance will course or programme of the [Intermediate] Board be allowed to interfere with the pursuit of ... the ideals of the school'.[<reflink idref="bib132" id="ref132">132</reflink>] Because St Enda's and Dartington Hall undertook to meet the expressed academic wishes of pupils, senior pupils wishing to enter for university scholarship examinations were, in fact, prepared accordingly. Hence the notion of freedom informed decision-making. Like Pearse and Tolstoy, Curry did not embrace a particular teaching methodology. The initial <emph>School Prospectus</emph> (1927) explained that each teacher would employ the most appropriate method. The teachers at Dartington Hall should be 'flexible', their concern always being the 'real needs of the child' rather than the ambitions of the parents or the 'supposed interests of the school'.[<reflink idref="bib133" id="ref133">133</reflink>]</p> <p>Both St Enda's and Dartington Hall represented attempts to provide alternative models of schooling, based on child-centred principles and informed by the suspicion, indeed rejection, of the notion of the child as product, rather than pursuer of knowledge. The founding principles of each institution insist upon the importance of initiation into the discourse of democracy and the importance of the arts in a more holistic conception of education and the facilitation of practical subjects. Pearse and Curry were unconvinced by the claims of prevailing methodology, suspicious of the pedagogic value of fixed, national curricula and suspected the merit of competitive examinations. Both schools represent an attempt to radically re-think the purpose of schooling in the early twentieth century.</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-11">Bertrand and Dora Russell: the sacredness of children</hd> <p>Bertrand Russell and his wife Dora (1894–1986) opened a small school, Beacon Hill, in 1927. Russell abhorred the use of corporal punishment as an aid to learning and declared its declining use in classrooms as 'one of the great advances of our time'.[<reflink idref="bib135" id="ref134">135</reflink>] In 1916 he criticised the English education system as determined to 'produce a level of glib mediocrity' shackled as it was by 'codes and rules emanating from central office' and repudiated the necessity of a 'fixed curriculum'.[<reflink idref="bib136" id="ref135">136</reflink>] Russell believed that the bureaucratic nature of the education system, and the hierarchical structure of the teacher–pupil relationship, resulted in pupils being 'mould[ed]'.[<reflink idref="bib137" id="ref136">137</reflink>] He employed the vocabulary of 'process' to articulate his concern and described the educative encounter in quasi-religious terms. Pearse wrote of teaching as a 'priest-like ... office'[<reflink idref="bib138" id="ref137">138</reflink>] while Russell repeatedly employed the term 'reverence' when speaking of the child.[<reflink idref="bib139" id="ref138">139</reflink>] The adult who approaches children with this attitude apprehends in them:</p> <p>... something sacred, indefinable ... and strangely precious, the growing principle of life, an embodied fragment of the dumb striving of the world. In the presence of a child he feels an unaccountable humility....[<reflink idref="bib140" id="ref139">140</reflink>]</p> <p>The metaphors of 'machine' and 'production' occur regularly in the writings of these early radical educationists. In November 1916 Russell wrote that if a teacher is to 'make the young grow and develop into their full stature' he must possess a 'spirit of reverence'.[<reflink idref="bib141" id="ref140">141</reflink>] This 'spirit' was lacking in those 'who advocated machine-made cast-iron systems'.[<reflink idref="bib142" id="ref141">142</reflink>] Russell maintained that lack of reverence was reflected in the 'codes of rules' and 'fixed curriculum' that lead to 'glib mediocrity'.[<reflink idref="bib143" id="ref142">143</reflink>] In <emph>The Murder Machine</emph> the education system was characterised as processing children to 'pre-determined' patterns, its purpose being their 'shaping and moulding'.[<reflink idref="bib144" id="ref143">144</reflink>] Russell denounced the teacher who lacked 'reverence' for thinking it was his/her duty to mould the child, thereby giving him/her 'some unnatural shape...'.[<reflink idref="bib145" id="ref144">145</reflink>] A.S. Neill (1883–1973) later described schools as 'mass-production factories'.[<reflink idref="bib146" id="ref145">146</reflink>]</p> <p>Russell conceded that, in an industrial community, it was perhaps inevitable that education should have 'the characteristic defects of machine-made products'.[<reflink idref="bib147" id="ref146">147</reflink>] Nevertheless, he argued that it should be possible to live in a mechanised society without coming to view schooling as a process to be employed for the production of virtues or habits. Modern state-controlled education, he contended, had the defects common to the modern world: 'nationalism, glorification of competition and success, worship of mechanism, love of uniformity and contempt for individualism'.[<reflink idref="bib148" id="ref147">148</reflink>] He was anxious about the possible effects of an increasingly industrial society and wondered if notions of production had begun to influence the discourse on education. Hesitancy in the face of modernity is not uncommon in progressive educational thought and had its antecedents in Rousseau's prelapsarian conceptualisation of the child's moral goodness. Pearse, for example, dismissed phrases such as 'a sound modern education' as 'meaningless'.[<reflink idref="bib149" id="ref148">149</reflink>] The problems of the modern world, he argued, had been solved by ancient societies; contemporary man had simply forgotten the solutions.[<reflink idref="bib150" id="ref149">150</reflink>] The gradual association of schooling with production resulted, according to Russell, in schooling becoming understood in terms of 'training for livelihood' and in the young coming to regard knowledge as 'the road to money, not as the gateway to wisdom'.[<reflink idref="bib151" id="ref150">151</reflink>] Education therefore became competitive and this had the 'bad effect' of encouraging rivalry rather than cooperation between pupils.[<reflink idref="bib152" id="ref151">152</reflink>] This led to 'over-education' as pupils strove to outdo one another to secure scholarships and employment.[<reflink idref="bib153" id="ref152">153</reflink>] Russell held that 'almost all education has a political motive ... aimed at strengthening some group ... it is this motive ... which determines the subjects taught, the knowledge offered and the knowledge withheld'.[<reflink idref="bib154" id="ref153">154</reflink>] The view is consistent with the position of radical school founders and echoes Pearse's view that schooling in Ireland was intended to 'tame' the 'people', designed 'by our masters ... to make us willing or at least manageable slaves'.[<reflink idref="bib155" id="ref154">155</reflink>] Russell's contention that education systems are concerned with the 'maintenance of the existing order'[<reflink idref="bib156" id="ref155">156</reflink>] points to the conceptualisation of state-sponsored education as politically informed and is characteristic of radical education discourse. The claim is identical to Pearse's proposition that the 'modern school is a State-controlled institution designed to produce workers for the State', its <emph>raison d'être</emph> being the 'the well being and ... defence of the State'.[<reflink idref="bib157" id="ref156">157</reflink>] In this respect Russell and Pearse inhabit the same ideological territory; they reflect and exemplify a mode of thinking about education that began to evolve in the early decades of the twentieth century and has most recently been articulated by commentators such as Paulo Freire and Henry Giroux.</p> <p>Russell held that the common focus of the educative process was the 'maintenance of the social order' rather than the interests of the child.[<reflink idref="bib158" id="ref157">158</reflink>] He complained that, where a spirit of 'reverence' was absent, the individual was considered 'almost exclusively with a view to worldly success – making money or achieving a good position'.[<reflink idref="bib159" id="ref158">159</reflink>] There were only a 'few rare teachers' who placed before their pupils any ideal other than 'getting on'.[<reflink idref="bib160" id="ref159">160</reflink>] His criticism exactly expresses the concern of early radical educationalists that the teacher–pupil relationship was becoming conceptualised as a transaction: 'the modern child is coming to regard his teacher as an official paid by the State to render him certain services; services which it is in his interest to avail of, since by doing so he will increase his earning capacity later on'.[<reflink idref="bib161" id="ref160">161</reflink>]</p> <p>Like Pearse, Russell insisted upon professional freedom. Headmasters should be free to choose the textbooks they wish to see used in their schools and 'some degree of freedom as to the curriculum in the higher standards'.[<reflink idref="bib162" id="ref161">162</reflink>] Significantly, Russell argued that teachers should be under no obligation to be impartial and insisted that 'the best' seldom were.[<reflink idref="bib163" id="ref162">163</reflink>] Rather, these were possessed of 'strong enthusiasms'.[<reflink idref="bib164" id="ref163">164</reflink>] The teacher should not feel obliged to conceal his/her political or ideological beliefs but should speak about the issues that exercised him/her.</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-12">Beacon Hill School</hd> <p>Russell, though not a teacher, set about establishing a school that would be the physical articulation of his explicitly political understanding of the nature and purpose of schooling. He and Dora established Beacon Hill school in 1927 and in <emph>The Defence of Children</emph> (1932) Dora articulated her educational programme which espoused characteristic tenets of the radical school credo as articulated by Tolstoy, Pearse, Tagore and Elmhirst.[<reflink idref="bib165" id="ref164">165</reflink>] Dora Russell, regrettably another pioneering educationalist largely overlooked by historians, argued that because conventional schooling depended on the authority of the teachers, rather than self-government, children were not exposed to the workings of democracy. The general absence of coeducational schools represented an artificial separation of the sexes and meant that boys and girls could not learn to cooperate as 'equal though different sharers in the work of life'.[<reflink idref="bib166" id="ref165">166</reflink>] Competition in school prohibited the flourishing of inquiry and children were not encouraged to indulge in a 'disinterested exploration of the world'.[<reflink idref="bib167" id="ref166">167</reflink>] This, she observed, was partly due to the relationship that had come to exist between schooling and material advancement. Finally she contended that a national tested curriculum encouraged conformity.</p> <p>Bertrand and Dora Russell opened Beacon Hill in their home, 'Telegraph House'.[<reflink idref="bib168" id="ref167">168</reflink>] In 1931 Russell wrote that the school had grown out of his and Dora's concern that a 'really modern education' might help children 'think and work for themselves'.[<reflink idref="bib169" id="ref168">169</reflink>] In keeping with the outlook of radical educational thought, the Russells articulated their view of the child in terms of growth and spiritual development. Rather than the 'beating and dogmatic instruction' that characterised traditional education, Russell countered that schooling should provide an environment in which the child was cared for 'as if he were a young seedling'.[<reflink idref="bib170" id="ref169">170</reflink>]</p> <p>Dora Russell explained that the founding principle of the school was freedom: 'one should leave one's neighbour alone to follow his own interests provided he does not interfere with or limit the liberty of others'.[<reflink idref="bib171" id="ref170">171</reflink>] At Beacon Hill children aged between five and seven were instructed in reading, writing and mathematics, though these were not compulsory and a child might wait until 'he sees some reason for learning'.[<reflink idref="bib172" id="ref171">172</reflink>] Voluntary attendance was practised at Dartington Hall and Beacon Hill and emphasis was placed upon the acquisition of practical skills, which Pearse hoped would also be part of the curriculum in independent Ireland.[<reflink idref="bib173" id="ref172">173</reflink>]</p> <p>Russell too was disinclined to trust to given methodologies and he and Dora tried to adapt to suit the needs of the individual pupil – a task made easier by having a student body of only 25. Dora explained: 'we try to teach the kind of thing that the pupils seem to want to learn, later on making suggestions as to the utility of various kinds of knowledge'.[<reflink idref="bib174" id="ref173">174</reflink>] There were no tests at the school, reflecting the Russells' belief that competition was unproductive. As at St Enda's and Dartington Hall, Beacon Hill had a student council where all children over the age of five had a vote. Bertrand and Dora encouraged an interest in drama. While Pearse employed theatre as a means of reinforcing the gaelic atmosphere of the school, the Russells simply allowed the children to create their own plays using slang if they wished. The plays produced were collaborative efforts and were produced before the pupil body. The school was founded on the belief that given the appropriate environment, a child can 'learn to make use, under expert guidance, of opportunities which suit his talents'.[<reflink idref="bib175" id="ref174">175</reflink>] This again was characteristic of this form of schooling: 'if a boy shows an aptitude for doing anything better than most people', Pearse held, 'he should be encouraged to do that.... I don't care what it is, hop-scotch if you like.'[<reflink idref="bib176" id="ref175">176</reflink>]</p> <p>Ultimately Russell was dissatisfied with Beacon Hill. He explained that it failed because he was a poor administrator, the teachers he employed were unconvinced by his methods, and the children 'unsatisfactory', meaning that some had problems that prevented them benefiting from being at the school.[<reflink idref="bib177" id="ref176">177</reflink>] His involvement with it ended with the breakdown of his marriage to Dora in 1934 and she continued to operate Beacon Hill at two different locations until 1943.While Beacon Hill was short lived and experimental, like St Enda's it represented a reaction against prevailing provision. The controversial nature of the school caused debate and Russell was obliged to publicly defend the project.[<reflink idref="bib178" id="ref177">178</reflink>] His critique of schooling as uninspiring and unconcerned with the actual life of children locates Russell decisively within the early radical school tradition. Given the understanding of schooling developed by Tagore, it is not surprising that William Curry, Headmaster at Dartington, should find Russell's views empowering.</p> <p>The vocabulary and metaphors employed by Russell belong to the discourse of radical educational thought and are those utilised (or developed) earlier by Pearse. Pearse wrote of the education system as 'shaping and moulding' (1913);[<reflink idref="bib179" id="ref178">179</reflink>] Russell described education as 'mould(ing)' children to 'unnatural shapes' (1916)[<reflink idref="bib180" id="ref179">180</reflink>] and as producing 'machine-made products' (1923).[<reflink idref="bib181" id="ref180">181</reflink>] Pearse wrote that education in Ireland was a 'state controlled institution ... which produces articles necessary to the progress ... of the state'[<reflink idref="bib182" id="ref181">182</reflink>] (1914); Russell wrote that education systems were designed for 'the maintenance of the existing order' (1916).[<reflink idref="bib183" id="ref182">183</reflink>] Pearse believed that the teacher was becoming popularly regarded as 'an official' whose task it was to assist pupils' 'earning capacity later on' (1914),[<reflink idref="bib184" id="ref183">184</reflink>] while Russell noted that too often teaching was regarded as helping pupils to make money or achieve 'a good position' (1916).[<reflink idref="bib185" id="ref184">185</reflink>] The similarities are so striking that it is tempting indeed to reflect upon whether Russell was familiar with Pearse's writings. Both men conceived their schools as vehicles for the fermentation of their political views. Each institution was the articulation of dissent and the attempt to encourage alternative models of behaviour and each identified the practices of the child-centred movement as reflecting the pedagogical articulation of its political beliefs.</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-13">Conclusion</hd> <p>An examination of the educational thought and work of Pearse within the theoretical framework of early radical educational discourse reveals a dimension to his work not previously identified. Once examined within the context of early contemporaneous thinkers, his contribution is recognisably political and forward looking. The provision of schooling by marginalised groups such as the Dissenters, in nineteenth century England, provides an insight into the historic antecedents of radical education and demonstrates that, by establishing a school that was explicitly informed by the aspirations of the Irish language revival and gaelic revivalism generally, Pearse can be located within this early radical tradition. Pearse wished to establish a school that would provide a model of defiance for the Irish Ireland movement. Seeking to invert the contemporaneous Anglophile culture of Ireland's prestigious schools, he sought to replicate their structure. Pearse utilised the customs and operational details of such schools but inverted their ethos by making them serve the agenda of revivalism and cultural nationalism. St Enda's inverted the project of Empire: hurling, Cuchulainn and <emph>na Fianna</emph> replacing rugby, Nelson and the Boy Scouts.[<reflink idref="bib186" id="ref185">186</reflink>]</p> <p>A pattern of dissent evolved in the early twentieth century characterised by cultural nationalism, child-centeredness, scepticism of modernity and the mechanised society, and anxiety regarding the role of the state in educational provision. School founders who belong within this tradition are characteristically sceptical of teaching methodology and prescribed curricula; abhor corporal punishment; and are drawn to establish, usually, boarding institutions, situated in removed or rural settings – physical 'separateness' in some way reflecting their attempt to move 'outside' the culture of mainstream provision. In identifying the act of schooling as politically defiant Pearse pre-dates the theoretic schemas offered by Freire and Giroux, although these theorists provided the vocabulary with which Pearse can most usefully be discussed. The concepts of the teacher as a 'transformative intellectual'[<reflink idref="bib187" id="ref186">187</reflink>] who can 'give direction to history',[<reflink idref="bib188" id="ref187">188</reflink>] and education as 'a practice of freedom'[<reflink idref="bib189" id="ref188">189</reflink>] describe and define the educational endeavour of Pearse in a way that has not been previously attempted.</p> <p>Commentators such as Tolstoy, Pearse, Tagore, the Elmhirsts, Curry and Russell gave practical expression to their reservations by establishing schools located outside mainstream provision. They thereby signalled their dissatisfaction with the education system of the time and their desire to provide an alternative model. The antecedent of their position is undoubtedly classical humanism and by scrutinising the act of education in relation to interested parties, such as the state, they highlighted and insisted upon the integrity of learning as inherently valuable, regardless of outcomes.</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-14">Notes on contributors</hd> <p>Brendan Walsh is lecturer in the history of education and educational policy at Dublin City University. His most recent publications include Boy Republic: Patrick Pearse and Radical Education (2013) and Knowing Their Place? The intellectual life of women in the nineteenth-century (2014).</p> <p>John Lalor is a lecturer in the School of Education Studies in DCU and was the Programme Chair of the BSc in Education and Training (full time mode) for the three years until November 2014. John teaches at undergraduate level in the areas of Values, Identity and Intercultural Learning, Citizenship Education, Curriculum Evaluation and Research, Curriculum Design and Implementation, Research Methods, Teaching Practice and Microteaching. At post-graduate level his work involves the teaching and supervision of Masters students on the MSc in Education and Training, Leadership strand.</p> <hd id="AN0108790256-15">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.</p> <ref id="AN0108790256-16"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> On disputed interpretations of Pearse's educational work see, for example, D. Limond, 'The Schoolmaster of all Ireland: The Progressive Credentials of Patrick Henry Pearse, 1879–1916', <emph>History of Education Review</emph> 34, no. 1 (2005): 6 –73, and B. Walsh, 'Schoolmaster of All-Ireland: A Response to Dr. David Limond', <emph>History of Education Review</emph> 35, no. 2 (2006): 32–44.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref2" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, described by Pearse as 'studies of the English education system in Ireland', was published by the Gaelic League in 1916. It consisted of the text of a speech delivered in the Mansion House in December 1912 and two articles previously published in <emph>The Irish Review</emph> in February 1913 and June 1914. All quotations are taken from the text published in Desmond Ryan, ed., <emph>The Complete Works of P.H. Pearse, Political Writings and Speeches</emph> (Dublin: Phoenix Publishing, 1917).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref3" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> On Pearse and the Irish language movement see B. Walsh, 'Frankly and Robustly National: Patrick Pearse, the Gaelic League and the Campaign for Irish at the National University of Ireland', <emph>Studies</emph>: <emph>An Irish Quarterly Review</emph> 103, 410 (2014): 135–46.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref4" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Thomas MacDonagh (1878–1916); Patrick Pearse (1879–1916); William Pearse (1881–1916); Con Colbert (1886–1916). The Easter Rising was an armed insurrection against British rule in Ireland. The rebellion began on Easter Monday 1916 when insurgents occupied several strategic sites around Ireland. On St Enda's see B. Walsh, <emph>Boy Republic: Patrick Pearse and Radical Education</emph> (Dublin: History Press, 2013), <emph>passim</emph>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref5" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> See ibid., chapter 5.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref6" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> A.S. Neill, educational reformer and founder of Summerhill School, England.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref7" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> B. Russell (1872–1970), mathematician and philosopher.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref8" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> See P. McLaren, <emph>Critical Pedagogy and Predatory Culture: Oppositional Politics in a Postmodern Era</emph> (New York: Routledge, 1995), 35.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref9" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> Emile Durkheim, cited in <emph>Education and Sociology</emph> (London: Collier Macmillan, 1956), 144.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 71.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Michael Oakeshott, 'Education: The Engagement and Its Frustration', (1972) in T. Fuller, ed., <emph>The Voice of Liberal Learning</emph> (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund, 2001).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Henry A. Giroux, <emph>Theory and Resistance in Education: A Pedagogy for the Opposition</emph> (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1983), 157.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> McLaren, <emph>Critical Pedagogy and Predatory Culture</emph>, 36–39. See also C. Sugrue, ed., 'Introduction', in <emph>Curriculum and Ideology, Irish Experiences, International Perspectives</emph> (Dublin: Liffey Press, 2004).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> H. A. Giroux, <emph>Border Crossings, Cultural Workers and the Political of Education</emph> (London: Routledge, 1993), 14.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giroux, <emph>Theory and Resistance in Education</emph>, 46.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Walsh, <emph>Boy Republic: Patrick Pearse and Radical Education</emph> (Dublin: History Press, 2013), chapter 3.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The National Education Convention, October 1993, Dublin, was convened as a forum for discussion on the future of educational policy and practice in Ireland. The scope of participation made it 'an unprecedented, democratic event in the history of Irish education' bringing together 'representatives from forty-two organisations...', J. Coolahan, ed., <emph>Report on the National Education Convention</emph>, (Dublin: The Secretariat, Department of Education, 1994).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> S. O'Buachalla, <emph>Educational Policy in Twentieth-century Ireland</emph> (Dublin: Wolfhound Press, 1988), and D. G. Mulcahy, ed., <emph>Irish Educational Policy: Process and Substance</emph> (Dublin: Institute of Public Administration, 1989).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> W. Carr and A. Hartnett, <emph>Education and the Struggle for Democracy, The Politics of Educational Ideas</emph> (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1996), 25.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 30.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 36. See also Giroux, <emph>Theory and Resistance in Education</emph>, 40.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> D. Akenson, <emph>A Mirror to Kathleen's Face</emph>, (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1975) Preface, ix.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Carr and Hartnett, <emph>Education and the Struggle for Democracy</emph>, 37.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See ibid., 14 and 70. See also Giroux, <emph>Theory and Resistance in Education, A Pedagogy for the Opposition</emph>, 36 and <emph>Border Crossings, Cultural Workers and the Politics of Education</emph>, 159.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> A. Graubard, <emph>Free The Children, Radical Reform and the Free School Movement</emph> (London: Vintage Books, 1974), 7.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giroux, <emph>Theory and Resistance in Education</emph>, 115.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 116.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Giroux, <emph>Border Crossings, Cultural Workers and the Politics of Education</emph>, Part I. 'Interview: The Hope of Radical Education'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 10.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 11. Elsewhere Giroux quotes Aronowitz who spoke of the effect of schooling at the service of the marketplace: 'Human thinking becomes mechanized and the mind corresponds to the machine – a technicized, segmented, and degraded instrument that has lost its capacity for critical thought, especially its ability to imagine another way of life.' Cited in Giroux, <emph>Theory and Resistance in Education</emph>, 121.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giroux, <emph>Border Crossings, Cultural Workers and the Politics of Education</emph>, 12.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> H. Giroux, <emph>Schooling for Democracy, Critical Pedagogy in the Modern Age</emph> (London: Routledge, 1989), 8. The social reconstructionists cited by Giroux are: George Counts, Harold Rugg, Willystene Goodsell and Theodore Brameld.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid. Again Giroux comments: 'educational theories ... are ideologies that have an intimate relationship to questions of power'. Ibid., 15 and again: 'I find myself frequently falling back on a distinction John Dewey made over forty years ago between "education as a function of society" and "society as a function of education." In other words, are schools to uncritically serve and reproduce the existing society or challenge the social order to develop and advance its democratic imperatives?' Ibid. p. 18.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giroux, <emph>Schooling for Democracy</emph>, 9. The Gaelic League (Conradh na Gaeilge), founded in Dublin in 1893, was established to preserve the Irish language as 'the National language of Ireland' and to promote its 'use as a spoken tongue'. See 'Objects of the Gaelic League', in P. O'Fearaíl, <emph>The Story of Conradh Na Gaeilge</emph> (Dublin: Clodhanna Teo, 1975), 6.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid. For Pearse inequalities resided in the constitutional political domain and its repercussions for schooling, rather than in the arena of social injustice.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Dora Russell (1894–1986) feminist writer, political activist. The Russells founded Beacon Hill school.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> J. Newlon, 'Democracy or Super-patriotism?' <emph>The Social Frontier</emph>, April 1941, 210, cited in Giroux, <emph>Schooling for Democracy</emph>, 43.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Leonard Elmhirst acted as private secretary to Rabindranath Tagore between 1924 and 1925.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Report on St Enda's College, <emph>The Report of the Commissioners of Intermediate Education for the Year 1910</emph> (Dublin: Commissioners of Education in Ireland, 1910).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> 'By Way of Comment', <emph>An Macaomh</emph> I, no. 2 (Christmas 1909).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Carr and Hartnett, <emph>Education and the Struggle for Democracy</emph>, 63.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Freire, <emph>Border Crossings, Critical Pedagogy and Cultural Power</emph>, 15.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'When We Are Free'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Freire, <emph>Border Crossings, Critical Pedagogy and Cultural Power</emph>, 15.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> M. Foucault, 'Two Lectures' in <emph>Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972–77</emph>, ed. and trans. C. Gordon (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1980), 83.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The language was not countenanced in the creation of the national school system in 1831 or, initially, in the Intermediate Education (Ireland) Act of 1878. Prolonged campaigns by the Gaelic League saw it gradually introduced into classrooms but never on equal footing with 'mainstream' subjects. This remained true even in gaeltacht (Irish speaking) areas. See Walsh, <emph>Boy Republic: Patrick Pearse and Radical Education</emph>, chapter 3.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giroux, <emph>Theory and Resistance in Education, Pedagogy for the Opposition</emph>, 38.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giroux, <emph>Schooling for Democracy, Critical Pedagogy in the Modern Age</emph>, 100. See Pearse's 1905 essay 'Education in the West of Ireland' <emph>Guth na Bliadhna</emph>, reproduced in S. O'Buachalla, <emph>P.H. Pearse, A Significant Irish Educationalist</emph> (Dublin: Mercier Press, 1980).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> 'Pedagogy is always related to power. In fact educational theories, like any philosophy, are ideologies that have an intimate relation to questions of power.' Giroux, <emph>Border Crossings, Cultural Workers and the Politics of Education</emph>, 15.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Patrick Pearse to Canon Arthur Doyle, May 2, 1910, S. O'Buachalla, ed., <emph>The Letters of P.H. Pearse</emph> (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1980)<emph>.</emph> The Hermitage was the name of the small estate and building that housed St Enda's school. It is located at Rathfarnham, Dublin.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid. Clongowes and Castleknock College were pre-eminent boarding schools for boys. Both institutions had extensive grounds and catered generally for affluent middle-class Catholics.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid. Rugby founded 1567, Eton founded 1440.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See <emph>Quarterly Journal of Education</emph> IX, no. XVIII (1835): 281–92.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> A selection of these items is on permanent display at the Pearse Museum. A distinct difference, however, is that some boys and masters at St Enda's wore the kilt that was then fashionable among Irish Irelanders. This was, however, very much the exception.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See V. Ogilvie, <emph>The English Public School</emph>, (London: B. T. Batsford, 1957) 114–16. J. Chandos, <emph>Boys Together: English Public Schools 1800–1864</emph> (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1984), <emph>passim</emph>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See V. Ogilvie, <emph>The English Public School</emph>, 114–16.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Glongowes Wood College, Kildare, 1814; Columba's College, Dublin, 1843; Blackrock College, Dublin, 1860.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See T.W. Bamford, ed., <emph>Thomas Arnold on Education</emph>, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Texts and Studies in the History of Education, 2009) 98.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See R. Stanley, <emph>Life of Thomas Arnold D.D.</emph> (London: B. Fellowes, 1845), 543.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See R. J. W. Selleck, <emph>The New Education</emph> (London: Pitman Publishing, 1968), <emph>passim</emph>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> O'Buachalla, ed., <emph>A Significant Irish Educationalist</emph>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See L. Wiener, trans., <emph>Leo Tolstoy on Education</emph> (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), 29.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 4.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 12.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'The Broad Arrow'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Wiener, trans., <emph>Leo Tolstoy on Education</emph>, 58.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> 'The Secondary School: More Thoughts and Suggestions', <emph>An Claidheamh Soluis</emph>, January 20, 1906, 6.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Tolstoy wrote that he regarded 'all known methods for the study of language as legitimate' and employed them 'to just such an extent as they are cheerfully accepted by the pupils and in accordance with our knowledge ... we continually try to find new methods'. See Wiener, trans., 'The School at Yasnaya Polyana', in <emph>Leo Tolstoy on Education</emph>, 307–8.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Weiner, trans., <emph>Tolstoy On Education</emph>, 294.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 242.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 296.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid. Dewey was critical of the adverse effects on practice caused by the need for schools to produce good examination results. External, or State, examinations could only have the effect of limiting the choice of method to those which were most likely to result in examination success. The 'desire for uniformity of procedure and for prompt external results are the chief foes which the open-minded attitude meets in school'. See John Dewey, <emph>Democracy and Education</emph>. (New York: Macmillan, 1916) , 175.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Patrick Pearse, 'By Way of Comment', <emph>An Macaomh</emph> II, no. 2 (May 1913). See also the <emph>Dublin Evening Mail</emph>, September 2, 1915. At the Abbey Theatre on May 17, 1913, Yeats had described Tagore's school as 'the Indian St Enda's'. Later Tagore's play <emph>The Post Office</emph> and Pearse's <emph>An Rí</emph> were staged together at the Abbey as a fund-raising exercise for St Enda's.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> W. W. Pearson, <emph>Shantiniketan, The Bolpur School of Rabindranath Tagore</emph>, see 'Introduction by Rabindranath Tagore' (London: Macmillan, 1917), 1. See also K. Dulta and A. Robinson, <emph>Rabindranath Tagore, The Myriad-Minded Man</emph> (London: Bloomsbury, 1995), 135. On the influence of Tagore and the development of Shantiniketan in the wider context of contemporaneous Indian history see H. Tinker, <emph>The Ordeal of Love: C.F Andrews and India.</emph> (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Rabindranath Tagore, 'A Poet's School', in R. Tagore and L. Elmhirst, <emph>Rabindranath Tagore, Pioneer in Education</emph> (London: John Murray, 1961), 48.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'Master and Disciples'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Tagore and Elmhirst, <emph>Rabindranath Tagore, Pioneer in Education</emph>, 13.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 14.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Dulta and Robinson, <emph>Rabindranath Tagore, The Myriad-Minded Man</emph>, 54.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., quote uncited.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Leonard Elmhisrt, founder of Dartington Hall, however, recorded that Tagore 'never hesitated to point out how disastrous the results of a philistine and an insensitive imperialism could be to both parties...'. See Tagore and Elmhirst, <emph>Rabindranath Tagore, Pioneer in Education</emph>, 17.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> This wave of patriotism was a reaction to Lord Curzon's announcement in that year that the government intended to partition Bengal, creating two new states. See Dutta and Robinson, <emph>Rabindranath Tagore, The Myriad-Minded Man</emph>, 141. The descriptor 'Bengali <emph>Sinn Féin</emph>' is coined by the authors.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Besant was an English labour agitator, campaigner for school reform and champion of the women's suffrage movement.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Dutta and Robinson, <emph>Rabindranath Tagore, The Myriad Minded-Man</emph>, 211. Four of Pearse's past pupils had been sworn into the Irish Republican Brotherhood 18 months before their headmaster. See F. X. Martin, ed., <emph>Leaders and Men of the Easter Rising</emph>, (London: Methuen, 1967). 157. The four were collectively known as 'The Dogs', they were: Desmond Ryan, Frank Burke, Eamon Bulfin and John Sweeney. Billy Moore (Liam Ó'Mordha), who attended the school between 1920 and 1921, recalled Pearse's surprise when, one evening, he discovered these past pupils in a group of Volunteers whom he was about to address. Second interview with Billy Moore, tape recording, August 9, 1992, Pearse Museum, Dublin.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Tagore and Elmhirst, <emph>Rabindranath Tagore, Pioneer in Education</emph>, 12. Elmhirst remarks: 'Tagore was ... anxious to stand by his own life's work in education and tried to avoid direct implication in a political movement, however non-violent.'</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See M. K. Gandhi, 'Summary of Gandhi's speech in Gujarati, 29 September 1920', in <emph>The Problem of Education</emph> (Ahmedabead: Navajivan Publishing House, 1962), 15.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Dutta and Robinson, <emph>Rabindranath Tagore</emph>, <emph>The Myriad-Minded Man</emph>, 291.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearson, <emph>Shantiniketan, The Bolpur School of Rabindranath Tagore</emph>, 38.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See ibid., 39.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> R. Tagore, <emph>Towards Universal Man</emph>, (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1961) 285.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 1. W. W. Pearson, who taught at the school, employed the term 'monastic' when describing its location. The Indian name for this type of ancient school is ashram – 'a forest school where the teachers and their families live with the boys in some retired spot' (p. 61). Indeed at Shantiniketan the teachers and pupils shared the dormitories.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearson, <emph>Shantiniketan, The Bolpur School of Rabindranath Tagore</emph>, 21.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> 'By Way of Comment', <emph>An Macaomh</emph> II, no. 3 (Christmas 1910).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearson, <emph>Shantiniketan, The Bolpur School of Rabindranath Tagore</emph>, 26.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 39.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> A number of magazines were published by different sections of the school at Shantiniketan, while at St Enda's <emph>An Macaomh</emph> and <emph>An Scoláire</emph> were published.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Pearson <emph>Shantiniketan, The Bolpur School of Rabindranath Tagore</emph>, 38. Because of the climate most lessons at Shantiniketan were taught in the open air or on the verandahs of the buildings on the campus.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>The Prospectus of Scoil Éanna (1909)</emph>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Pearson, <emph>Shantiniketan, The Bolpur School of Rabindranath Tagore</emph>, 36.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 50.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid. Pearson, who was present at the address, recorded these comments in note form.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> 'By Way of Comment', <emph>An Macaomh</emph> II, no. 3 (Christmas 1910).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> On St Enda's between 1916 and 1935 see Walsh, <emph>Boy Republic: Patrick Pearse and Radical Education</emph>, chapter 6.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearson, <emph>Shantiniketan, The Bolpur School of Rabindranath Tagore</emph>, 'Introduction by Rabindranath Tagore', 10.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 2.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See W. B. Curry, 'An Account of the School', in Victor Bonham-Carter, <emph>Dartington Hall, The History of an Experiment</emph>, 211–12.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Victor Bonham-Carter, <emph>Dartington Hall, The History of an Experiment</emph>, (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1958) 24–6.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Curry 'An Account of the School', 166, see also p. 203.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 204–5.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See D. Russell, 'In Defence of Children', in <emph>The Dora Russell Reader</emph> (London: Pandora, 1983), 262.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Curry, 'An Account of the School', 195.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See B. Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, (London: G. Allen &amp; Unwin Limited, 1930). 103. Two of Russell's children attended Dartington Hall.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Curry, 'An Account of the School', 197.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 198.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 200.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid. See also p. 209.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 212.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 212–13.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See <emph>The Prospectus of St. Enda's (1909)</emph> 'Prizes and Distinctions'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine,</emph> 'When We Are Free'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Curry, 'An Account of the School', 212.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 215.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>The Prospectus of St. Enda's (1909)</emph> 'Selection of Course'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Curry, 'An Account of the School', 214. Curry retired in 1957 and was succeeded by Hubert and Lois Chile, who together acted as school coordinators until 1968 when Dr Royston Lambert was appointed headmaster. Upon Dr Lambert's retirement in 1973, the deputy head, John Wightwich, was appointed school head, a position he held until the school closed in 1987. But it was under the Elmhirsts and Curry that the rationale for Dartington Hall was most fully conceived and articulated. It was Curry, in particular, who pioneered the unconventional school and was able to relinquish his position close to a time when the principles upon which the school was founded were more generally accepted.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 104.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> B. Russell, <emph>On Education</emph> (London: Unwin Books, 1926, this ed. 1964), 24.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 103.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'Back To The Sagas'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 104. The notion of 'reverence' had a profound influence on W. B. Curry, long-time headmaster of Dartington Hall. See Curry, <emph>'</emph>An Account of the School', 195.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction,</emph> 104.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 102.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'The Murder Machine' (originally published February 1913, in Irish Review).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 102.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See A. S. Neill<emph>, Summerhill, A Radical Approach To Education</emph>, (London: Penguin Books Ltd, New Impression edition, 1970) 28.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> B. Russell and D. Russell, <emph>The Prospects of Industrial Civilization</emph> (London: Allen &amp; Unwin, 1923), 243.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'Against Modernism'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 113.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> B. Russell, <emph>Education and the Social Order</emph>, (London: G. Allen &amp; Unwin Ltd., 1932). 160.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'The Broad Arrow'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 104.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'An Ideal In Education' (originally published June 1914, in Irish Review).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid. See also Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'An Ideal In Education'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 103.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'An Ideal in Education.'</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 248.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> D. Russell, 'In Defence of Children'. See also <emph>The Damask Tree</emph>, Vol. 2 (London: Virago, 1981).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, 'In Defence of Children', 262.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The house stood on a site of 240 acres of land owned by Bertrand's brother Frank.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See B. Russell, 'In Our School', <emph>New Republic</emph>, September 9, 1931.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See D. Russell, 'Beacon Hill', in <emph>The Modern Schools Handbook</emph>, ed. Trevor Blewitt (London: Victor Gollancz Ltd, 1934).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, 'Beacon Hill'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'When We Are Free'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Cited in J. Park, <emph>Bertrand Russell on Education</emph>, (Abingdon: Routledge Library Editions, 1963), 116.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, 'In Our School'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'Of Freedom In Education'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See J. Park, <emph>Bertrand Russell on Education</emph> (London: Allen &amp; Unwin, 1964), 118.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See <emph>New Statesman</emph>, June 13 and 17, 1931.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'The Murder Machine'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 102.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell and Russell, <emph>The Prospects of Industrial Civilization</emph>, 243.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'An Ideal in Education'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 104.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pearse, <emph>The Murder Machine</emph>, 'An Ideal in Education'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Russell, <emph>The Principles of Social Reconstruction</emph>, 103.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> On sport and militarism see Elaine Sisson, <emph>Pearse's Patriots, St. Enda's and the Cult of Boyhood</emph>, (Cork: Cork University Press, 2005) chapter 7.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giroux, <emph>Schooling for Democracy</emph>, <emph>passim</emph>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> P. Freire and Antonio Faundez, <emph>Learning To Question, A Pedagogy of Liberation</emph>, (London &amp; New York: Continuum International Publishing Group, 1989) 77.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> P. Freire, <emph>Pedagogy of the Oppressed</emph>, (New York: Herder and Herder, 1970). 58.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Brendan Walsh and John Lalor</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink 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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: New Languages of Possibility: Early Experiments in Education as Dissent – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Walsh%2C+Brendan%22">Walsh, Brendan</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Lalor%2C+John%22">Lalor, John</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22History+of+Education%22"><i>History of Education</i></searchLink>. 2015 44(5):595-617. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 23 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2015 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Information Analyses<br />Reports - Evaluative – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Dissent%22">Dissent</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Change%22">Educational Change</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+History%22">Educational History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Politics+of+Education%22">Politics of Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Democracy%22">Democracy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Role%22">Teacher Role</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ireland%22">Ireland</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22United+Kingdom+%28England%29%22">United Kingdom (England)</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/0046760X.2015.1050609 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0046-760X – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This paper reviews the work of four early radical educators: the cultural nationalist Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941), Asia's first Nobel Laureate; Bertrand Russell (1872-1970), Cambridge mathematician and philosopher; the Irish educationalist and insurgent Patrick Pearse (1879-1916) and Leonard Elmhirst (1893-1975), co-founder of Dartington Hall school in England. Each represents a type of radicalism that is particular to his own era but resonates in twentieth-century educational provision and policy. Each articulated his political vision through the establishment of a school and all contributed to modern pedagogical practice. The paper argues that ideological and methodological similarities not only compel us to consider them as radical founders, whose ideas are in many ways identical, but to identify them as pivotal theorists in early conceptualisations of education as dissent and disengagement, as a means of decoupling thought and habit from the mainstream of educational practice, colonial imposition or curricular conservatism. In particular, the paper concentrates upon the work of the Irish educationalist and political radical Patrick Pearse and, employing his educational writings and practice as a template for dissension, demonstrates that it was both typical of and reflected the wider tone of early formulations of education as dissent. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2015 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1071270 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/0046760X.2015.1050609 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 23 StartPage: 595 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Dissent Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Change Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational History Type: general – SubjectFull: Politics of Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Democracy Type: general – SubjectFull: Teacher Role Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Ireland Type: general – SubjectFull: United Kingdom (England) Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: New Languages of Possibility: Early Experiments in Education as Dissent Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Walsh, Brendan – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Lalor, John IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2015 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0046-760X Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 44 – Type: issue Value: 5 Titles: – TitleFull: History of Education Type: main |
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