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'Keep an Eye on Your Friends, Even When You Don't Know Them': Drug Use and Harm Reduction in the Goa Trance Scene in Belgium

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Title: 'Keep an Eye on Your Friends, Even When You Don't Know Them': Drug Use and Harm Reduction in the Goa Trance Scene in Belgium
Language: English
Authors: Van Havere, Tina, Tutenges, Sebastien, De Maeyer, Jessica, Broekaert, Eric, Vanderplasschen, Wouter
Source: Drugs: Education, Prevention & Policy. 2015 22(3):239-247.
Availability: Taylor & Francis. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 9
Publication Date: 2015
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Drug Use, Foreign Countries, Drug Abuse, Music Activities, Intervention, Values, Safety, Helping Relationship, Purchasing, Trust (Psychology), Neoliberalism, Health Behavior, Innovation, Public Policy, Program Development, Risk, Self Concept, Community Role
Geographic Terms: Belgium
DOI: 10.3109/09687637.2014.899985
ISSN: 0968-7637
Abstract: Aims: The use of illegal drugs is well documented in some alternative, underground music scenes, like the Goa trance scene. The aim of this article is to explore harm reduction practices employed by attendees of the Goa trance scene in order to identify potential pathways for targeted interventions in (underground) music scenes, such as Goa trance. Methods: Following pilot observations at Goa parties, in-depth interviews were conducted with 19 Goa party attendees in Belgium. Respondents were recruited using snowball sampling methods. Findings: Participants reported that solidarity is apparent in the Goa trance scene and is an important variable in minimising drug-related harm, particularly with respect to providing help and support to people in need (communitarian values). On the other hand, personal controls on drug consumption were also employed to minimise harm, such as buying drugs from trusted people, trying to keep drug use limited to weekends and adhering to one's own limits (neo-liberal values). Conclusions: A combination of communitarian and neo-liberal values were employed by drug users in the Goa trance scene in Belgium, and this offers several options for new harm reduction efforts. Approaching drug users as active citizens and enabling resources is a useful way of informing the development of innovative harm reduction strategies. Evaluating enabling resources in settings where drug use occurs will provide additional pathways to harm reduction policies and programs.
Abstractor: As Provided
Number of References: 59
Entry Date: 2018
Accession Number: EJ1190296
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0108755090;5f101jun.15;2019Mar26.12:37;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0108755090-1">‘Keep an eye on your friends, even when you don’t know them’: Drug use and harm reduction in the Goa trance scene in Belgium. </title> <sbt id="AN0108755090-2">Introduction</sbt> <p>Aims: The use of illegal drugs is well documented in some alternative, underground music scenes, like the Goa trance scene. The aim of this article is to explore harm reduction practices employed by attendees of the Goa trance scene in order to identify potential pathways for targeted interventions in (underground) music scenes, such as Goa trance. Methods: Following pilot observations at Goa parties, in-depth interviews were conducted with 19 Goa party attendees in Belgium. Respondents were recruited using snowball sampling methods. Findings: Participants reported that solidarity is apparent in the Goa trance scene and is an important variable in minimising drug-related harm, particularly with respect to providing help and support to people in need (communitarian values). On the other hand, personal controls on drug consumption were also employed to minimise harm, such as buying drugs from trusted people, trying to keep drug use limited to weekends and adhering to one's own limits (neo-liberal values). Conclusions: A combination of communitarian and neo-liberal values were employed by drug users in the Goa trance scene in Belgium, and this offers several options for new harm reduction efforts. Approaching drug users as active citizens and enabling resources is a useful way of informing the development of innovative harm reduction strategies. Evaluating enabling resources in settings where drug use occurs will provide additional pathways to harm reduction policies and programs.</p> <p>Music is an important aspect of youth culture, and it is well documented that the preference for certain music genres is associated with the use of illegal drugs (Mulder et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref1">32</reflink>]; Van Havere, Vanderplasschen, Lammertyn, Broekaert, & Bellis, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref2">55</reflink>]; Van Havere et al., [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref3">54</reflink>]). Such an association has been demonstrated between electronic dance music (EDM) and the use of stimulant drugs (Adlaf & Smart, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref4">1</reflink>]; Forsyth, Barnard, & McKeganey, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref5">15</reflink>]; Ter Bogt & Engels, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref6">48</reflink>]), and an even stronger association has been found between illegal drug use and some alternative, underground music styles within the EDM scene (Anderson, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref7">3</reflink>]; Fernandez-Calderon et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref8">14</reflink>]; Moore & Miles, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref9">30</reflink>]; Mulder et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref10">32</reflink>]). Still, relatively few studies have thoroughly explored drug use experiences among visitors of particular underground music scenes (Fernandez-Calderon et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref11">14</reflink>]), such as the Goa trance scene. Goa trance displays several similarities with the underground rave scene (Siokou & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref12">43</reflink>]; Weir, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref13">57</reflink>]), and Goa trance events take place all over Western Europe (e.g. Spain, Portugal and Belgium), United States, Israel, Japan, Australia, Slovenia, South Africa, Brazil and Russia (Saldanha, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref14">40</reflink>]). As with many other countries, the first Goa trance parties in Belgium took place in the 1990s.</p> <p>The Goa trance scene has its roots in the psychedelic hippie cultures that emerged in the Indian state of Goa in the 1960s and 1970s (Saldanha, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref15">41</reflink>]). Initially, psychedelic rock music was played at Goa parties, but with the introduction of EDM in the 1980s, Goa DJs began to play a mix of American, British and Belgian dance music (Greener & Hollands, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref16">19</reflink>]). Goa parties developed from small campfire affairs to large-scale 'Full Moon' parties1 [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref17">1</reflink>], where DJs played into the next morning or sometimes for several days on end. With the spread of psytrance across the world during the 1990s, an international Goa trance scene developed (Saldanha, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref18">40</reflink>]; Yates, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref19">58</reflink>]). Although its music style has evolved, the Goa trance scene is still influenced by the hippie culture and echoes some of the 'Back to nature' and 'Mother earth' preoccupations of the 1960s (Yates, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref20">58</reflink>]). As Sandberg ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref21">42</reflink>]) points out, drug cultures are historically conditioned: they may seem brand new and innovative, but they always and necessarily build on rituals and aesthetics surrounding drug scenes of the past. Goa Gil, one of the founders of Goa trance music, argues that Goa parties are like an ancient tribal ritual of the twenty-first century (McAteer, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref22">28</reflink>]). These parties are installations of hypnotic rhythms, ancient symbols, illicit substances and other powerful stimuli, designed to make people move both physically and emotionally. Ravers are encouraged to 'resist resisting' (Gauthier, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref23">18</reflink>], p. 76) and to transgress the confines of their ordinary consciousness (Saldanha, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref24">41</reflink>]). An important aspiration for many Goa trance attendees is to embrace a 'global psychedelic experience', of which illegal drugs are an important – though not indispensable – component (Demant, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref25">10</reflink>]; St John, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref26">45</reflink>]).</p> <p>Like many other underground rave parties, Goa parties were originally promoted through homemade pamphlets and idiosyncratically illustrated psychedelic posters. Entrance fees were kept low, fluorescent party decorations were used and visitors wore colourful clothing. Most of these (illegal) parties were held outdoors, close to nature, and visitors consumed psychedelic drugs (especially lysergic acid diethylamide [LSD]) for the purpose of self-exploration. The expression PLUR (Peace, Love, Unity and Respect) has often been used to summarise the core values of the Goa trance scene (Van der Elst, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref27">51</reflink>]; Van Havere, De Donder, Geirnaert, & Schrooten, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref28">52</reflink>]; Weir, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref29">57</reflink>]). In recent years, the Goa trance scene has moved away from its clandestine early years (10–15 years ago) into more commercialised and standardised venues, in collaboration with official services (Siokou & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref30">43</reflink>]). This development received harsh criticism from segments of the rave scene as well as from researchers (St John, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref31">44</reflink>]). Although some similarities with the underground rave scene are obvious (e.g. PLUR, omnipresence of illegal drug use and clandestine party venues) (Fernandez-Calderon et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref32">14</reflink>]; Siokou & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref33">43</reflink>]; Weir, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref34">57</reflink>]), the combination of 'druggy hedonism' and 'vague interests' in Eastern spirituality spurred a scene quite distinct from techno and house scenes in other places such as Ibiza or New York (Saldanha, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref35">40</reflink>], p. 708).</p> <p>Different types of harms can be induced by using illegal drugs: physical problems like tachycardia, hypertension or even coma or death, and also psychological problems like panic, anxiety or psychotic symptoms (EURAD, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref36">12</reflink>]). The pervasiveness of substance use in underground rave scenes, including Goa trance, and associated risks and possible harms, raises the question about which harm reduction strategies Goa attendees pursue to minimise and anticipate potential problems. Currently, there is a dearth of evidence regarding intervention strategies to prevent risks and drug-related harm among ravers (Fernandez-Calderon, Lozano-Rojas, & Rojas-Tejada, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref37">13</reflink>]). In particular, there is little insight into the 'enabling resources' available at underground parties that might be applied or strengthened for preventive purposes (Duff, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref38">11</reflink>]; Rhodes, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref39">37</reflink>]). This is of utmost importance, due to the hidden character of the underground rave scene, which makes these parties difficult to access for prevention workers. The following research question will be addressed in this article: What preventive strategies do drug users in the Goa trance scene use to avoid drug-related harm? Insights into this question can contribute to our understanding of contemporary underground drug cultures and help to identify potential pathways for targeted interventions in (underground) music scenes such as Goa trance.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-3">Methods</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0108755090-4">Sample</hd> <p>In-depth interviews were undertaken with 19 attendees of Goa trance parties in Flanders (Belgium). To be included, respondents had to be Dutch speaking and have had used illegal drugs at least once. The majority of interviews were undertaken individually; but one respondent invited two friends on his own initiative, leading to one interview being conducted with a group of three. In total, 17 interviews were conducted with 19 participants. The sample consisted of 17 males and two females; and the mean age of respondents was 25 years (range: 18–32 years). Most of the respondents were employed (<emph>n</emph> = 10) or studying (<emph>n</emph> = 8), with only one unemployed. Only two respondents stated they did not currently use any illegal drugs. All other respondents used various illicit drugs, such as cannabis, cocaine, LSD, ayahuasca2 [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref40">2</reflink>] or mescaline3 [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref41">3</reflink>]. One person reported heroin use. All respondents had been participating in the Goa trance music scene for several years, ranging from 2 to 18 years. Many respondents had been attending Goa parties since the age of 15 years.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-5">Procedure</hd> <p>Interviews were conducted by two researchers. Both fieldworkers visited a number of Goa parties to greater their understanding of the scene prior to the study (Van Havere et al., [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref42">52</reflink>]). This helped the researchers gain access to this music scene and to facilitate contact with potential participants (Bennett, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref43">4</reflink>]). During previous attempts to enter the Flemish Goa trance scene, the first author experienced hostility from Goa party attendees regarding her research. By visiting Goa parties regularly, and ensuring attendees that the goal of this study was not to sensationalise drug use, but understand it and the harm reduction strategies at work in this underground scene, their initial reluctance towards this study faded away. Still, the researchers were no insiders in this scene, which urged them to listen intently to the respondents' accounts to gain comprehensive insights (Bennett, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref44">4</reflink>]). Our non-judgmental approach (e.g. regarding participants' frequent drug use) was highly appreciated by the interviewees and helped to create a friendly and open atmosphere during interviews.</p> <p>Since the Goa trance scene is an 'underground' movement and hence difficult to access, we used 'purposive sampling' to recruit study participants (Decorte, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref45">8</reflink>]; Decorte & Zaitch, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref46">9</reflink>]; Vervaeke, Korf, Benschop, & van den Brink, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref47">56</reflink>]). First, we conducted interviews with two respondents involved in peer support organisations. Snowball sampling was then used to recruit additional participants by asking respondents for the e-mail addresses (not the names) of potentially interested respondents. These persons were invited by e-mail to participate in the study. In cases where invited persons did not want to participate or if they did not respond to the invitation, their contact information was deleted. Individuals who showed interest in study participation received more information on the study aims and methods, and confidentiality was assured. After providing informed consent, interviews were conducted in a location chosen in consultation with participants (e.g. in their homes or in a public place). In these locations, we made sure there was enough privacy to ensure confidentiality. The interviews lasted between 60 and 130 minutes and were conducted between August 2010 and March 2011. Interviewees received no payment for their participation, which was entirely voluntary.</p> <p>In-depth interviews were conducted following a topic guide (Patton, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref48">33</reflink>]), which was developed based on available literature (Van der Elst, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref49">51</reflink>]) and previous interviews with key figures from the Goa trance scene (Van Havere et al., [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref50">52</reflink>]). The interviews were kept as open as possible, and general questions were asked, such as 'What's the role of illegal drugs in the Goa trance scene', 'Can you describe a typical night out in this scene?' and 'Which harm reduction strategies are used?'. The interviewers tried to be as objective as possible and let further questions emerge from the drug users' personal statements.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-6">Data analysis</hd> <p>All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. The software programme NVivo 9 (QSR-international, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref51">35</reflink>]) was used to analyse the data and to ensure the overall validity and reliability of the study (Zapata-Sepulveda, Lopez-Sanchez, & Sanchez-Gomez, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref52">59</reflink>]). An inductive approach – in which the concepts and theory emerge from the data – was applied (Thomas, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref53">50</reflink>]). First, the researchers read the transcripts several times to become acquainted with the data and reach an initial 'naïve understanding' (Lindseth & Norberg, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref54">26</reflink>]). In this first phase, 'open coding' was performed and the researchers listed all the concepts and categories that were observed in the interviews (Decorte & Zaitch, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref55">9</reflink>]). The result of this first phase was a long list of (occasionally synonymous) concepts and categories. In a second phase, 'axial coding' was performed and the researchers united categories that were given a similar meaning. At the same time, a hierarchical structure, including dominant themes and various subthemes, was created. In the third 'selective coding' phase, the researchers searched for the core concepts from the interviews and their inter-relationships that covered the essential meanings of the phenomena under study (Boeije, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref56">6</reflink>]). Finally, the first author reviewed the emerging themes to ensure external validation of the data analysis.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-7">Results</hd> <p>All respondents stated that illicit drug use is omnipresent in the Goa trance scene, but they emphasised that there is much more to the scene than illegal drugs. Attendees of the Goa trance scene applied a variety of strategies and preventive measures to avoid drug-related harm, which related to two main themes: controlled drug consumption and solidarity.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-8">Controlled drug consumption</hd> <p>Overall, the respondents considered drug users in the Goa trance scene as responsible individuals who had extensive experience using and combining various illegal drugs. Past drug experiences were seen as an important resource for modifying the environmental context to be more comfortable and safe when taking certain drugs. For example:</p> <p>'[...]When you use Ketamine or DMT, make sure you have a mattress to lie on, because you will go down.' (Male, 31 years)</p> <p>Respondents stated that drug users in the Goa trance scene tended to have a good understanding of their own bodily limitations, which enabled them to stop or alleviate their drug use in critical situations – for example, when feeling anger, panic or nausea. Furthermore, many respondents emphasised the importance of knowing precisely the effects of particular drugs and the importance of listening to and sharing information with other drugs users. Getting away temporarily from the scene or relying on friends to stop them from going beyond their limits were part of their strategies to avoid harm. For example:</p> <p>'Mostly they do [use responsibly], especially those people who have visited Goa for a long time and who know a lot of people. They have probably learned 'don't do that' or 'don't take too much of that', or they already saw people becoming unwell and then they know that you can become unwell when using that substance.' (Male, 22 years)</p> <p>According to respondents, most attendees pre-purchased their drugs so that they were not dependent on supply from others during an event. When offered illegal drugs at a party, respondents reported sometimes accepting these drugs if they knew the person offering them – friends wishing to share, for example. On occasions when offered a new or unknown drug, most respondents stated that they might consider using the drug if they had gathered enough information about others' experiences with the drug or if they knew the person who was supplying it. One respondent suggested that it should be the dealer's responsibility to know what he/she is selling. For example:</p> <p>'[...]In our friends group, they are talking on the phone that they have tried liquids [GHB], and this and that. People don't know they cannot drink [alcohol] with it. Nobody tells them. That's the role of the dealer. A good dealer should tell what he is selling, tries the drugs first and then tells about it.' (Female, 32 years)</p> <p>Some respondents noted that it is important to keep drug use limited to weekends. They suggested that weekly responsibilities, such as school, work and family life, should remain unaffected by their weekend drug consumption. However, not everyone reported being able to keep to this limit. For many respondents, it seemed difficult to find a desirable balance between their daily responsibilities and their weekend partying. For example:</p> <p>'You have to give drug use a place and keep a good balance, keep on functioning [...]. Make sure your daily life doesn't suffer from your drug use.' (Female, 32 years)</p> <p>Despite the emphasis on control and harm reduction measures employed by interviewees, all respondents had stories about Goa partygoers who had been admitted to psychiatric wards or detoxification centres. Furthermore, some respondents reported having experienced problematic drug use themselves and had considered it necessary to decrease their drug use or to stop using illegal drugs altogether.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-9">Solidarity</hd> <p>According to respondents, the value of solidarity in the Goa trance scene constituted an important aspect of prevention, although changes towards greater individualism and egocentrism in the scene had been observed. For example, some interviewees reported that when someone is feeling unwell, bystanders will provide assistance if necessary, regardless of whether they know this person or not. For example:</p> <p>'[The values] are still present. It is remarkable at the festivals where I am going to: when something happens, doesn't matter what, there will always be someone; even if they don't know you, there will be someone checking if you're all right. Yes, I find that amazing.' (Male, 31 years)</p> <p>Almost every respondent told a story demonstrating that Goa party attendees helped other attendees who were in trouble (e.g. when having a bad trip). As many attendees were experienced drug users themselves, they usually knew how to intervene. For example:</p> <p>'[...] and someone was lying in the sun. Some people who didn't know the person laid him in the shadow and gave him water. There is a lot of care taking for each other.' (Male, 20 years)</p> <p>'People take care for each other. When someone is sitting like this [bends his head], than a person will come up to ask whether he/she is ok and needs water, while at another party they leave you just like that ... Maybe they even start recording you to put it on YouTube.' (Male, 25 years)</p> <p>Knowledge about illegal drugs and experiences were readily shared at Goa parties among friends and strangers alike. For example, people advised each other on how to avoid harm: they shared information on new substances, discussed the content and effects of the illegal drugs that were circulating and openly told other party attendees what illegal drugs they were using rather than being secretive about it. One of the respondents argued that the open communication and acceptance of illegal drug use made Goa parties 'safe environments' to experiment with illegal drugs. The ethos behind this solidarity is to enhance fun and enjoyment for the individual as well as for the group (the right to party). For example:</p> <p>'In my network of friends, everybody knew very well what he was doing. Things were checked and were talked about (...). Yes, I think I have most information from friends. Because we talked a lot about it and things were discussed: 'You shouldn't do that', 'It's better to share this' or 'Take a little bit of that one". (Female, 25 years)</p> <p>Although the solidarity in the Goa trance scene is displayed in different ways, some respondents argued that the importance of 'looking out for each other' had its limitations. They reported enquiring about individuals' drug use and ensuring that the individual is conscious about (the risks of) his/her drug use, but they did not judge others' consumption. Attendees typically provided assistance when someone was feeling unwell but would never explicitly recommend someone stop using drugs. For example:</p> <p>'I think [...] when someone is crossing his bounds [using too much illegal drugs] that people will comment on that. I think this is also part of the social control. When someone is crossing his bounds, then they will say: 'Hey, we don't want this'. They will comment on that.' (Female, 25 years)</p> <p>Although solidarity continues to be apparent as an original value in the Goa trance scene, several observations and quotations from the respondents showed an evolution towards more anonymity and individualism. This is illustrated by increasing groups of drug-focused individuals who tended to be younger than the average Goa party attendees: primarily looking for 'kicks' and hedonistic 'fun' and found this in illegal drug use. Respondents who had been participating in the Goa scene for a long time stated this new generation did not choose Goa trance because of its features such as spirituality and commonality, but mainly because of the possibility to use illicit drugs. These young drug-focused attendees operated at odds to the original values of the Goa trance scene. Interviewees reported that these drug-focused individuals may be more at risk than the older, more experienced Goa party visitors, as they seemed to apply fewer harm reduction strategies. For example:</p> <p>'For al lot of people, it has become an ordinary party [instead of seeing it as a part of their identity]. [...] In the younger generation, they are seeing it as an opportunity to take as much illicit drugs as possible.</p> <p>Interviewer: Is this different compared with the group of older attendees?</p> <p>Yes, very different. In a sense, it is escaping from reality. However, sometimes we're not really partying, but just chatting and sitting together the whole night.' (Male, 31 years)</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-10">Discussion</hd> <p>For this qualitative study on the Goa trance scene in Belgium, we recruited a small group of drug users (<emph>n</emph> = 19) with the intention of listening to them, learning from them and understanding their use of harm reduction strategies in this particular rave scene. All too often, preventive measures are hasty and ill-prepared, following the whims of decision makers who want to show initiative and social responsibility. More attention needs to be directed towards the preventive measures already taken by drug using ravers and how these can be strengthened and further promoted. However, underground party scenes appear to be difficult to access not only for research purposes but also for health promotion. Accordingly, we have approached drug users in this study as resourceful partners who may contribute to the important challenge of minimising drug-related harm. By looking at insiders' perspectives, prevention workers can learn from these preventive strategies and employ, support and cultivate this information in order to increase health and safety. Further insights into contemporary drug cultures, such as the Goa trance scene, may help to enforce prevention and harm reduction measures that are based on drug users' own experiences and needs (Jorgensen, Curtis, Christensen, & Gronbaek, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref57">22</reflink>]; McBride, Farringdon, Midford, Meuleners, & Phillips, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref58">29</reflink>]; Rodner, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref59">39</reflink>]).</p> <p>The high prevalence of illegal drug use among rave party attendees and the emerging Goa trance scene in Belgium were the main impetus for assessing perceived harm reduction strategies among Goa party visitors. The qualitative in-depth interviews confirm that illegal drug use is an important component of the Goa trance scene. Sharing drug experiences is part of the (original) communal values of the Goa scene and the psychedelic trance they are seeking. The high frequency of illegal drug use raises the question which harm reduction strategies drug users pursue to avoid drug-related harm and which enabling resources can be identified in these settings, besides the common risk factors that are associated with the rave scene (Duff, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref60">11</reflink>]). Our study showed that – according to the respondents – the most important resources to decrease possible drug-related harm are solidarity and controlled drug consumption. From an ethical perspective, the first value can be read as a key component of communitarianism (Fry, Treloar, & Maher, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref61">16</reflink>]) and includes a romantic nostalgia (Rantala & Sulkunen, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref62">36</reflink>]), while the second aspect is clearly associated with a neo-liberal, individualistic approach (Riley, Thompson, & Griffin, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref63">38</reflink>]). Introducing both values into harm reduction strategies is a challenge and might be regarded as contradictory.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-11">Solidarity versus individualism</hd> <p>A large number of statements referred to the great solidarity in the Goa trance scene, which has also been mentioned in other studies (St. John, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref64">46</reflink>]). Solidarity is not limited to individuals that partygoers know personally, but extends equally to visitors of Goa parties that they have not met before. Kavanaugh and Anderson ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref65">23</reflink>]) have also shown evidence for a relationship between solidarity and drug use, in which the latter can act so as to enhance the former. Solidarity implies sharing experiences, looking out for each other at a party, talking to friends and caring for them when they have used too much. This is regarded as a form of social control (social regulation) and an important preventive measure, which was also found among young drinkers in the study by Jorgensen et al. ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref66">22</reflink>]): young drinkers played an important role in supporting each other and preventing harm. This type of 'social connectedness' in combination with membership and belonging to the same community can be regarded as a kind of communitarianism, which is opposed to the classical liberal view of seeing drug users as 'atomised individuals' (Fry et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref67">16</reflink>]). Consequently, communitarian values like connectedness need to be integrated into harm reduction strategies, as well as participatory dialogue (Fry, Treloar, & Maher, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref68">17</reflink>]). Such a collaborative approach is illustrated in this study in which we tried to understand drug users' perspectives, treated them as resourceful partners and regarded ravers as active subjects in the administration of pleasure and risk avoidance (Fernandez-Calderon et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref69">14</reflink>]; Hunt, Evans, Moloney, & Bailey, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref70">21</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although the Goa trance scene cultivates 'Hippies as a distanced ideal' (Riley et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref71">38</reflink>], p. 450), including features like solidarity, the younger generation of Goa party visitors tends to step away from these original values and increasing individualism is apparent. This growing individualism, one of the core characteristics of the neo-liberal mainstream society, stands in marked contrast to the collectivist discourse of the original psychedelic philosophy (Riley et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref72">38</reflink>]), with its desire to reach psychedelic experiences and to seek <emph>autognosis</emph> (literally: self-knowledge) (Moro, Simon, Bard, & Racz, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref73">31</reflink>]). Most respondents associate the emerging individuality with the great number of newcomers on the scene (partly as a consequence of the commercialisation of Goa trance parties), who are likely to have different motives for attending Goa parties and exude new (both increasingly novel and mainstream) styles and behaviours (Kavanaugh & Anderson, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref74">23</reflink>]). According to some respondents, this may lead to more acute problems and incidents among newcomers. Therefore, a focus on individual responsibility and controlled drug consumption should also be part of harm reduction strategies in the Goa trance scene.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-12">Controlled drug consumption</hd> <p>Controlled drug consumption is seen as an important strategy for reducing potential drug-related harm and is another essential element of neo-liberalism (Riley et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref75">38</reflink>]). It is widely held among study participants that drug users in the Goa scene are responsible individuals, since they have extensive experience using and combining illegal drugs, which results in greater self-control. This controlled consumption has been described as a claim to continuing membership of mainstream society despite individuals' drug use (Pennay & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref76">34</reflink>]; Rodner, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref77">39</reflink>]). Effective harm reduction strategies do not only result from their own experiences and self-control but also from open communication and not using secretly, made easier by the high tolerance towards drug use. This tolerance enables drug users to share their knowledge and experiences (even with new substances) and promotes responsible use. Our findings underline the need for more peer-support initiatives and the importance of more disputable initiatives like pill-testing for promoting responsible use (Benschop, Rabes, & Korf, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref78">5</reflink>]; Hungerbuehler, Buecheli, & Schaub, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref79">20</reflink>]). However, self-control as a preventive measure is a clear example of the entanglement of harm reduction and neo-liberalism, while it neglects at the same time the communitarian ethos that party people are looking for in mutual connectedness and solidarity (Riley et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref80">38</reflink>]). We should neither forget to incorporate pleasure into harm reduction messages, as some drug users prefer pleasure above self-control, which is opposed to most current prevention messages (Pennay & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref81">34</reflink>]).</p> <p>The balance between pleasure, responsibility and limiting health risks is often referred to as 'controlled hedonism' (Martinus, McAlaney, McLaughlin, & Smith, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref82">27</reflink>]). The interviews show that this precarious balance may dip from time to time, especially when it concerns long-term adverse effects of drug use. Despite the sense of self-control, the study showed that some respondents suffered from such long-term problems (e.g. psychological problems, hospital admissions). Allott & Redman ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref83">2</reflink>]) argue to focus on the reduction of acute and subacute negative effects in harm reduction strategies, because drug users are more likely to adopt strategies that generate immediate benefits. However, the long-term negative effects of drug use also need to be addressed in harm reduction measures, including selective and indicated interventions according to the target population, venue and period. Preventive messages at parties should focus on reducing the acute and subacute negative effects of illegal drug use, while the long-term adverse effects need to be addressed when individuals are confronted with such messages at other moments or when looking for information on the internet.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-13">Enabling resources</hd> <p>Looking at new directions for harm reduction practices (Duff, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref84">11</reflink>]), several enabling resources can be identified in the Goa trance scene and in the underground rave scene in general. The communitarian ethos and solidarity is a very strong social resource for members belonging to the Goa trance community, which can be regarded as a defining feature of rave cultures in many parts of the world. Therefore, harm reduction interventions in these settings should enhance the intrinsic solidarity ('Keep an eye on your friends').</p> <p>Affective resources refer to the capacity and readiness to act in pursuit of one's health (Duff, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref85">11</reflink>]). The aim of 'controlled drug consumption' arising from a neo-liberal approach can be considered as being hopeful about the future and acting according to this hope. If not, drug users will be little inclined to keep in mind their individual responsibilities. Consequently, the focus of harm reduction strategies should be on creating feelings of hope and enabling individuals to exercise control. Targeting hedonistic young people with messages that increase their awareness that healthy choices will lead to more years in which to experience happiness and fun may be a successful way of engaging party people (Sumnall et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref86">47</reflink>], p. 102).</p> <p>Little information was collected on material resources in the Goa trance scene, but material resources that would fit this setting and complement the available solidarity and controlled drug consumption are peer-support initiatives and pill-testing services. By looking at enabling processes rather than at risk factors in (underground) rave scenes, more innovative and appropriate harm reduction policies and programs can be delivered (Duff, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref87">11</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-14">Limitations of the study</hd> <p>The Goa party scene has been associated with excessive drug use in police records and the media (Tersago & Weyts, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref88">49</reflink>]). This study illustrates the difficulty (and feasibility) of recruiting hidden and deviant populations, since the researchers felt resistance from interviewees on several occasions during the early stages of the interviews. For example, it was much easier to begin the interview with questions about the Goa culture, since several respondents started the conversation by stating that the Goa trance scene is not only about illegal drugs. By explaining the goals of the study clearly and openly and by ensuring the confidentiality of data-collection and reporting, the interviewers were able to reduce socially desirable answers. This is opposed to interviews carried out by the first author in 2004 (Van Havere, De Donder, Geirnaert, Schrooten, & Vermeulen, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref89">53</reflink>]), when there was a lot of media and police attention for the Goa scene, and interviewers noticed strong resistance among respondents to talk about sensitive information like drug use.</p> <p>For pragmatic reasons, the snowball chain started with two healthcare workers in the Goa trance scene as zero-stage respondents (first possible respondents) (Korf, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref90">24</reflink>]). However, this selection may have increased the likelihood of recruiting respondents who are known to health workers and who were already involved in drug prevention initiatives, which may have coloured their opinions and experiences. The use of snowball sampling opens up the possibility that some of the referral respondents were also involved in preventive actions, but this information was not requested in the interviews.</p> <p>Finally, few female Goa visitors were willing to participate in the study and talk about (their) drug use. It was clear from the interviews that more men than women visit Goa parties; but a clear explanation for the underrepresentation of female respondents was not found, although efforts were made to include as many female respondents as possible.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-15">Conclusions</hd> <p>Underground raves are widely notorious for their high prevalence of illegal drug use. Looking at one specific sub-scene like the Goa trance scene provided us insights in strategies that drug users take to minimise drug-related harm or control potential problems. The communitarian ethos and related solidarity are original and central characteristics of the Goa scene, which offer several options for new harm reduction directions. Furthermore, strong neo-liberal influences were seen in underground rave settings. More individualism and pursuing controlled drug consumption are also part of contemporary rave settings, which are increasingly commercialised. Harm reduction initiatives, like pill-testing and peer support interventions, messages about acute and subacute problems, but also strategies to prevent adverse long-term drug use effects should be part of multi-component prevention strategies towards drug users. The combination of introducing communitarian and neo-liberal values into harm reduction strategies might challenge public health workers. However, approaching drug users as active citizens and useful resources may lead the way to innovative harm reduction strategies. Finally, evaluating enabling resources in settings where drug use occurs will provide additional pathways to harm reduction policies and programs.</p> <hd id="AN0108755090-16">Acknowledgements</hd> <p>We would like to acknowledge all Goa party attendees who participated in this study. Their openness afforded us invaluable information and insights into some of the important values of this 'hidden' music scene. Furthermore, some organisers allowed us entrance to their parties, which was invaluable in order for us to become acquainted with the Goa trance scene. We are especially grateful to Ans Oomen for conducting several of the interviews within the framework of her Master thesis.</p> <p> <bold> <emph>Declaration of interest</emph> </bold>: The author do not declare any conflict of interest.</p> <p>Notes</p> <ref id="AN0108755090-17"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref4" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> 1. Full moon parties are all-night parties. Originally, they were located <emph>on the beach</emph> at full moon <emph>or on the night</emph> before/after full moon.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref40" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> 2. A South American psychotropic plant tea, containing the psychedelic 5-HT<subs>2A</subs> receptor agonist <emph>N</emph>,<emph>N</emph>-dimethyltryptamine (Bouso, Fabregas, Antonijoan, Rodriguez-Fornells, & Riba, [7]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref7" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> 3. 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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: 'Keep an Eye on Your Friends, Even When You Don't Know Them': Drug Use and Harm Reduction in the Goa Trance Scene in Belgium
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Van+Havere%2C+Tina%22">Van Havere, Tina</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Tutenges%2C+Sebastien%22">Tutenges, Sebastien</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22De+Maeyer%2C+Jessica%22">De Maeyer, Jessica</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Broekaert%2C+Eric%22">Broekaert, Eric</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Vanderplasschen%2C+Wouter%22">Vanderplasschen, Wouter</searchLink>
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Drugs%3A+Education%2C+Prevention+%26+Policy%22"><i>Drugs: Education, Prevention & Policy</i></searchLink>. 2015 22(3):239-247.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: Taylor & Francis. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 9
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2015
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Drug+Use%22">Drug Use</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Drug+Abuse%22">Drug Abuse</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Music+Activities%22">Music Activities</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Intervention%22">Intervention</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Values%22">Values</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Safety%22">Safety</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Helping+Relationship%22">Helping Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Purchasing%22">Purchasing</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Trust+%28Psychology%29%22">Trust (Psychology)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Neoliberalism%22">Neoliberalism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Health+Behavior%22">Health Behavior</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Innovation%22">Innovation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Public+Policy%22">Public Policy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Program+Development%22">Program Development</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Risk%22">Risk</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Self+Concept%22">Self Concept</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Community+Role%22">Community Role</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Belgium%22">Belgium</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.3109/09687637.2014.899985
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0968-7637
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Aims: The use of illegal drugs is well documented in some alternative, underground music scenes, like the Goa trance scene. The aim of this article is to explore harm reduction practices employed by attendees of the Goa trance scene in order to identify potential pathways for targeted interventions in (underground) music scenes, such as Goa trance. Methods: Following pilot observations at Goa parties, in-depth interviews were conducted with 19 Goa party attendees in Belgium. Respondents were recruited using snowball sampling methods. Findings: Participants reported that solidarity is apparent in the Goa trance scene and is an important variable in minimising drug-related harm, particularly with respect to providing help and support to people in need (communitarian values). On the other hand, personal controls on drug consumption were also employed to minimise harm, such as buying drugs from trusted people, trying to keep drug use limited to weekends and adhering to one's own limits (neo-liberal values). Conclusions: A combination of communitarian and neo-liberal values were employed by drug users in the Goa trance scene in Belgium, and this offers several options for new harm reduction efforts. Approaching drug users as active citizens and enabling resources is a useful way of informing the development of innovative harm reduction strategies. Evaluating enabling resources in settings where drug use occurs will provide additional pathways to harm reduction policies and programs.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: Ref
  Label: Number of References
  Group: RefInfo
  Data: 59
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2018
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1190296
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1190296
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  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.3109/09687637.2014.899985
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 9
        StartPage: 239
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Drug Use
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Drug Abuse
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Music Activities
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Intervention
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      – SubjectFull: Values
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      – SubjectFull: Safety
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      – SubjectFull: Helping Relationship
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      – SubjectFull: Purchasing
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      – SubjectFull: Health Behavior
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      – SubjectFull: Belgium
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    Titles:
      – TitleFull: 'Keep an Eye on Your Friends, Even When You Don't Know Them': Drug Use and Harm Reduction in the Goa Trance Scene in Belgium
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            NameFull: Van Havere, Tina
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            NameFull: Tutenges, Sebastien
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            NameFull: Broekaert, Eric
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            NameFull: Vanderplasschen, Wouter
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            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2015
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            – TitleFull: Drugs: Education, Prevention & Policy
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