Caciques, Schools, and Schoolteachers in Spain from the Mid-Nineteenth Century to the 1920s
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| Title: | Caciques, Schools, and Schoolteachers in Spain from the Mid-Nineteenth Century to the 1920s |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | de Gabriel, Narciso |
| Source: | Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education. 2018 54(5):545-563. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 18 |
| Publication Date: | 2018 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Descriptive |
| Education Level: | Elementary Education |
| Descriptors: | Foreign Countries, Educational History, Public Schools, Educational Attitudes, Literacy, Educational Administration, Politics, Community Leaders, Elementary Schools, Elementary School Teachers, Advantaged |
| Geographic Terms: | Spain |
| DOI: | 10.1080/00309230.2018.1479436 |
| ISSN: | 0030-9230 |
| Abstract: | This article aims to show the influence of caciquism on the creation and functioning of public schools as well as its effect on the professional performance of teachers. We have used the model developed by Abram de Swaan, who suggested that three social sectors be distinguished to analyse the attitudes that spark the dissemination of literacy: the metropolitan elite; local dignitaries; and regional communities. Here, we describe and attempt to explain the uncooperative attitude of the local dignitaries or "caciques" towards public schools. The third section deals with the control of the educational administration by caciquism and the private profit that some of these local figures reaped from the budgets assigned to the public schools. Lastly, we will present examples of how the local authorities favoured schoolteachers who were political patrons of theirs and persecuted those who belonged to the opposition. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2018 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1194687 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwGzixhOetBeOkKeVq97oENSAAAA4jCB3wYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHRMIHOAgEAMIHIBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDJyjyfaw9HO00yPzyAIBEICBml5QnUvzucTR09usLHIHlKxenHbNiP83gfu3uoLN5KaXURMpQNfB_sqF1Jt6TrN1SE7LNe7KsN577iEDWXAkBCk8YGEYEJgSRirG7jtbPF-yaDBWgUq49n21gY4jdtA-7wVQAku1acCC6YzJYtVoQuXxSPDl0NNKrVeFsFdKmpvNuN7VfisBYAmqd9dnNUPA5Gzj8Rn4q33HsMo= Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0132556391;j5401oct.18;2018Oct25.10:06;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0132556391-1">Caciques, schools, and schoolteachers in Spain from the mid-nineteenth century to the 1920s </title> <p>This article aims to show the influence of caciquism on the creation and functioning of public schools as well as its effect on the professional performance of teachers. We have used the model developed by Abram de Swaan, who suggested that three social sectors be distinguished to analyse the attitudes that spark the dissemination of literacy: the metropolitan elite; local dignitaries; and regional communities. Here, we describe and attempt to explain the uncooperative attitude of the local dignitaries or “caciques” towards public schools. The third section deals with the control of the educational administration by caciquism and the private profit that some of these local figures reaped from the budgets assigned to the public schools. Lastly, we will present examples of how the local authorities favoured schoolteachers who were political patrons of theirs and persecuted those who belonged to the opposition.</p> <p>Keywords: Metropolitan elite; caciques; primary school; schoolteachers; disciplinary procedures</p> <p>In this article we will examine how the model proposed by Abram de Swaan fits the situation in Spain to analyse the attitudes held by the different social sectors towards the dissemination of schooling and the acquisition of literacy skills.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>] Special attention will be paid to the impact of political patronage or "caciquism"[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>] on the creation and operation of the public school network and on the lives of schoolteachers.</p> <p>The data used here cover the period from the mid-nineteenth century to the 1920s, although many of our considerations may also be applied to earlier and later periods, since caciquism was a long-term phenomenon. We will allude to Spain as a whole, although most of the documentary references pertain to Galicia.[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref3">3</reflink>] Some of the most notable sources used are the documents from the educational administration, the press, reports, and the literature.</p> <hd id="AN0132556391-2">The metropolitan elite, local dignitaries, and regional communities</hd> <p>Abram de Swaan designed a model to explain the attitudes and behaviours of the different social sectors with regard to the dissemination of literacy skills and standard language in countries having a diversity of languages, like Spain.[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref4">4</reflink>] He distinguished three major groups: the "metropolitan elite", made up of civil servants and entrepreneurs, educated persons, and standard language speakers; the "regional communities" or peripheral communities comprising mainly the popular classes with a high level of illiteracy who were immersed in the language of their own community and sometimes unfamiliar with the official language; and the educated and bilingual "local and regional elite" who represented the group of local dignitaries who acted as intermediaries between the centre and the periphery.</p> <p>From the model above, it appears that the metropolitan elite, who controlled the state apparatus, would have great interest in the widespread dissemination of reading and writing skills and the official language, since, in this way, they would be able to communicate directly with the periphery in their political and economic transactions, thus dispensing with the services of the intermediaries. The peripheral communities would take an interest in the written culture and the standard language inasmuch as they realised how useful they would be. Finally, the local dignitaries would be opposed to the enlightenment of the popular classes, since their role as intermediaries would lose its purpose with the dissemination of literacy skills and the official language.</p> <p>As regards literacy, this interpretation would appear to be in line, at least partially, with what occurred in Spain. The creation of a public school system during the nineteenth century - in Galicia and possibly in most of the regions in Spain - was possible thanks to the pressure exerted by the central government through the civil governors who chaired the provincial boards of public instruction; the university chancellors, upon whom all of the schools in each university district depended initially; and the primary school inspectors, who, in the early stages, numbered one per province. Oftentimes these institutions had to deal with the resistance of the local dignitaries who controlled the city councils as well as the local boards of primary education, both presided over by the mayors. The popular classes, largely rural in nature, showed a very selective interest in school education which would increase gradually over time.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref5">5</reflink>] In any case, these sectors had their own arrangements for providing schooling and literacy processes which would gradually be replaced by public schools.[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref6">6</reflink>]</p> <p>However, it is necessary to establish the limits of the interest held by the Spanish "metropolitan elite" in developing an education system, especially for primary school education. Two of the objectives that inspired the creation of these systems, nation-building and citizenship education,[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref7">7</reflink>] did not seem to be a matter of urgency for the ruling classes of Spain - particularly when compared to those of other countries, like France[<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref8">8</reflink>] - at least during the nineteenth century.</p> <p>Nation-building was, without a doubt, one of the goals of Spanish liberalism which adopted different measures aimed at attaining this objective. However, in the opinion of Álvarez Junco, one of the leading scholars in this field, "a strong nationalising plan" did not exist and the leaders thought that "ultimately, the guarantee of the subordination of the subjects to authority was based on religious beliefs. That is why they would put education in the hands of the Church".[<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref9">9</reflink>]</p> <p>The first text of Spanish liberalism that discussed educational matters - known as the Quintana Report (1813) since it was written by a commission chaired by the poet, Manuel José Quintana - affirmed that education must be uniform, as laid down in the Constitution of 1812. This would be achieved by using books to unify the doctrines, putting them in line with the advances in science and by the use of a sole language in the schools: "Therefore, there must be a single doctrine in our schools and established methods for teaching it, and it follows that only one language must be used and that language shall be Spanish."[<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref10">10</reflink>]</p> <p>Thus, the other languages spoken in Spain, namely Catalan, Euskera, or Basque and the Galician language, were excluded from the education system. But this text did not reflect the aggressive attitude of the French educational projects on which it was based.[<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref11">11</reflink>] Talleyrand was adamant about this: the declaration of French as the national language would lead to the destruction of the dialects or <emph>patois</emph>. One of the functions of a primary school should be to teach every child "the language of the Constitution and laws", so that "this plethora of corrupted dialects will be obliged to disappear: the force of circumstances necessitates this".[<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref12">12</reflink>] Manuel José Quintana might have copied this fragment from the former Bishop of Autun, as he had done with many other texts, some of them quite literally, but he did not deem it fit to do so. Apart from that, the legislation enacted over the course of the nineteenth century contains very few explicit references to the role that the education system should play in linguistic nationalisation. It was simply taken for granted. It would not be until the twentieth century, coinciding with the emergence of the peripheral nationalisms, that legislation would become more explicit and prolific. As Javier Moreno Luzón points out, "with the nation in doubt, the zealous pursuit of nationalism would be activated".[<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref13">13</reflink>]</p> <p>Citizenship education for the responsible exercise of citizens' rights, starting with the right to vote, was not required for the Spanish political system to function. It could even be said that it made no sense. First of all - with the exception of the Revolutionary Six-Year Period (1868-1874) - until 1890 the census-based vote was in force. This selective system restricted the participation in electoral processes to a limited sector of the population. According to the electoral law of 1846, potential voters numbered less than 100,000 in all of Spain.[<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref14">14</reflink>] Secondly, the political dynamics were totally conditioned by clientelistic relations, that is, by what has been referred to as "caciquism".</p> <p>During the Restoration (1875-1923), clientelistic practices were strengthened by the pact made between the two political parties, the conservatives and the liberals, who agreed to take turns wielding power in a peaceable manner. The king, who was granted by the Constitution of 1876 a number of important faculties (one of which was appointing the president of the government), entrusted this power to the party leader whose turn it was to rule. Once in power, the president of the government used the resources available to him to ensure that the electoral results would provide his party with an ample majority in Parliament. And this is how it went systematically.</p> <p>The system functioned on three basic principles: the designation of a sole deputy to the majority of the electoral districts; the agreement between the two parties regarding the districts where their respective candidates would be elected; and the use of the local and provincial administration to make it a reality. Complementing these mechanisms were the local dignitaries who were in charge of recruiting the votes.[<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref15">15</reflink>]</p> <p>To achieve their goal, the caciques exchanged votes for favours, or in a more general sense, loyalty for protection. In a context where, for many people, the vote lacked any value in itself, it would be granted to whoever offered something of value in exchange.[<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref16">16</reflink>] Nevertheless, it is important to stress the asymmetrical nature of the relationship between the cacique and his clientele. The former exercised a type of power that was unavailable to those who depended on him, whether it was for economic or professional reasons or to control the administrative apparatus. Because of this asymmetrical situation, it was not always necessary for the cacique to ask for a person's vote in exchange for occasional compensation, but rather it was demanded from a dominant position.[<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref17">17</reflink>]</p> <p>In the event that the above mechanisms proved to be inadequate, there was always a last resort, known as the <emph>pucherazo</emph>, that is, the direct manipulation of electoral results. Be that as it may, the intrinsic effectiveness of the elections was quite limited, since practically the whole outcome was decided upon before they were actually held. This is the way it was when selective, census-based suffrage was practised and this is the way it would be when universal male suffrage was introduced in 1890, although from then on, the parliamentary majorities of the ruling party were somewhat less overwhelming. Against this backdrop, the introduction of universal suffrage "was considered to be a mere extension of the vote and not a way to reform the architecture of the system".[<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref18">18</reflink>]</p> <p>It is therefore important to relativise the interest held by the Spanish "metropolitan elite" in propagating public primary schools, which mainly targeted the popular classes. Apart from the lack of strong positive motivation, there was a certain degree of fear - similar to what was felt among the wealthy classes in other countries - of the possible "disruptions" that the dissemination of written culture might cause, such as the abandonment of agricultural occupations or the questioning of social order. In a text published in 1863, the author posed this question to his readers:</p> <p>Do you, perchance, prefer the ignorance that prevailed among certain social classes in the past centuries? This is no longer possible: I too perhaps would prefer their virtues and their saintly patience and Christian education: it is no longer possible; that time is over.[<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref19">19</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <p>From a specific moment in time it was no longer feasible to exclude the underprivileged classes from the education system. So partial inclusion was chosen - limited to the primary school - and adapted to a curriculum based on moral education.</p> <p>The responsibility for achieving this inclusion fell more and more upon the central authorities. Intellectuals, the press, associations, and other social movements would decry the low cultural level of the Spanish population, evident from its literacy rates, and they would call for the government to exercise greater intervention and investment in schools. They specifically requested that the central government and not the city councils be in charge of shouldering the cost of primary education. These demands would escalate in the late nineteenth century, placing more emphasis on the disadvantageous situation of Spain as compared to other countries.</p> <p>Therefore, while the "metropolitan elite" may have lacked impetus, they had a certain interest in developing the process of education and literacy acquisition because of the structural position they occupied. In any case, they were less reluctant than the local dignitaries to accept the expansion of public schools, as we will attempt to demonstrate in the following sections.</p> <hd id="AN0132556391-3">Caciques: enemies of light, like bats</hd> <p>There are many testimonies that clearly show the local dignitaries' lack of interest and even explicit rejection of public education. In his short story entitled "La monarquía de mi aldea" ("The Monarchy of my Village"), José Ogea, clearly alluding to the ruling caciques, presents the following dialogue between two sweethearts, Juan and María. Juan complains about the arbitrary actions of the local "monarchs", reflected in the unfair distribution of taxes:</p> <p>Their power lies in our stupidity; but I'm the only one who realises this...</p> <p>How would everyone else know, Juan - Mary interrupts - since most of them don't know how to read and only a few can sign their names in hen scratch? Although I'm somewhat of a muddler, I understand more than all of those big burly men you see over there. Why won't they go to school? If only I were a man!</p> <p>School doesn't even cross their minds - added Juan - nor would it be good for <emph>your monarchy</emph> if they went to school. You see that the greater number of beasts there are, the greater the sum of brute force for those who exploit the mule train. Do you see how they treat the teacher? It's only natural. A few days ago I heard a friend of mine reading aloud a book by a Frenchman called Víctor Hugo, who wrote: "In every village in France there is now a lighted torch and behind is a mouth which blows upon it: first the schoolteacher and second the priest." I might add another mouth that blows upon it as well: the cacique.[<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref20">20</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <p>The caciques sought to extinguish the light of education because they were "enemies of the light, like bats", as decried by Manuel Panero, inspector of primary education, at the pedagogical meeting held in Pontevedra (1887). These local leaders even went so far as to try and incite their fellow villagers to reject schools, holding them responsible for the taxes that they were obliged to pay. In some city councils the budget was approved at meetings attended by taxpayers and when it was time for the chapter dealing with education, this is what they heard:</p> <p>Allowance for the schoolteacher at the complete boys' school, 625 <emph>pesetas</emph>;[<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref21">21</reflink>] remuneration for the schoolteacher, one third, equal to 208;[<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref22">22</reflink>] material for the schoolteacher, one fourth of his allowance, 156; rent of school premises and schoolteacher's residence, 50: total 1039 <emph>pesetas</emph>. [...] and in my province [A Coruña] the average number of teachers per city council is approximately seven, multiplied by four the number of times each is mentioned, so that comes to a total of 28 times the word schoolteacher is pronounced [...]. In this situation most of the [residents] believed that schoolteachers were the main cause for the increase in their taxes [...]; and, like the <emph>caciques</emph>, and those in his entourage, they wanted to keep the people intellectually blind, because it was in their interest, they contributed to the perpetuation of this belief, which led to the permanent separation of the schools and the taxpayers in many towns.[<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref23">23</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <p>The clearest example of this attitude was expressed by a dignitary from Negreira, Xesús María Caamaño Ferreiro, the brother of the man who served as the mayor of this municipality at the beginning of the twentieth century. Xesús María asked a group of peasants: "What do you want to learn to read and write for, since my brothers, my children and I already know how? If you have any problems, just come and see us."[<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref24">24</reflink>] We don't know what the peasants must have thought when they heard these words. Some of them probably assented, considering that learning to read and write wasn't essential to fulfilling their prospects in life, which were restricted to the rural world. Others might have disagreed, especially if they had plans to go places where literacy could give them more advantages. They were all probably sceptical of so much interest in helping them decipher written texts.</p> <p>In his tour of the schools in Spain, particularly Andalusia, during the 1920s, the journalist Luis Bello also established a clear correlation between caciquism and illiteracy. Referring to the municipality of Quesada (Jaén), he wrote:</p> <p>A land of caciques that will never produce schools. Their power is founded on the ignorance of the people; and if by chance they find themselves in a position where they must build or implement them, they will find a way to undermine the good work of the schoolteachers.[<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref25">25</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <p>When the town councils paid teachers directly - the Ministry resolved to take charge of teachers' salaries from 1901 - they could keep schools closed by simply withholding their pay. Such was the case in Vélez-Málaga, a town where some schools were vacant for 18 years. When a schoolteacher came to take possession of the school, he was warned: "But, my friend, what have you come here for? Don't you know that nobody gets paid here? And they would promptly leave."[<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref26">26</reflink>] According to Luis Bello, a remark similar to the one made by the local dignitary from Negreira (A Coruña), was also expressed by the secretary of the City Council of Pontones (Jaén): "Here the only ones who need to know how to read and write are my son and the Mayor's son."[<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref27">27</reflink>]</p> <p>The opposition to schools was in keeping with the interests of the clientelistic system. Although it is true, as noted by current historiography, that caciquism was not based solely on illiteracy, the fact remains that this condition favoured the system. On the other hand, the acquisition of literacy skills could undermine and question the very foundations of clientelistic relations. Knowing how to read and write gives people basic autonomy since literate people do not have to depend on intermediaries to decipher or compose texts, as advocated by Condorcet, one of the most important ideologues of the liberal education system.[<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref28">28</reflink>] Moreover, this autonomy allowed people access to texts that opposed caciquism, and thus would enable them to understand the mechanisms on which the Spanish political system was based. Therefore, those who intended to regenerate the country, freeing it from the oppressive forces exerted by "the oligarchy and caciquism" - in the words of Joaquín Costa, the leading representative of the regenerationist movement - considered that primary schools were essential to achieving their goals.[<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref29">29</reflink>] This is also why it was the regenerationists who started to focus on the illiteracy problem.[<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref30">30</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0132556391-4">The public school and private business</hd> <p>One of the basic characteristics of the Spanish political system - although Spain could, by no means, claim exclusive rights to this attribute - was the use of public administration to benefit the ruling party or faction: "Election fraud - if not the result of direct manipulation - had its counterpart in the corrupt practices of the government, which had to earmark part of its resources to pay the favours demanded by the voters."[<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref31">31</reflink>]</p> <p>Obviously, the only way to make use of the public administration for one's own personal benefit was to take control of it. For this reason the alternation of political power involved not only a turnover of the officials holding important offices, but also of employees in mid- or even low-level posts. In 1899 this drew fierce criticism from Ricardo Macías: "not even the most insignificant microbe maintained at the expense of the national, provincial or municipal government budget" was exempt from swelling the ranks of the "outgoing" administration.[<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref32">32</reflink>]</p> <p>The Spanish education administration had many shortcomings, as Juan José Viñas, Chancellor of the University of Santiago de Compostela, wrote in a report published in 1854. In his opinion, primary education was failing to make progress owing to "the incompetence and lack of interest shown by the authorities and municipal councils in charge of the stewardship of the schools", who "thwarted all the provisions and good intentions of the [central] Government".[<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref33">33</reflink>] Therefore, it was necessary to carry out "radical reform", so that "the authorities in charge of the inspection and administration of primary schools would have the power, capability and the will to comply with the important mission that they had been entrusted with".[<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref34">34</reflink>]</p> <p>This reform would lead to the creation of a centralised administrative body with a strict hierarchy that could be held responsible for education-related acts and omissions. The body would be made up of experts in the field not conditioned by local considerations and interests. The creation and control of a national education system could not be entrusted to local authorities:</p> <p>The Ministry, assisted by the Council of Public Instruction, will receive the reports submitted by the general inspectors; the Chancellor and an academic council will review all complicated and serious matters; there will be a School Administrator in each province as well as the necessary inspectors. This is the administrative framework of primary education, which should include the local commissions whose responsibilities are exclusively supervisory.[<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref35">35</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <p>However, the administrative body provided for under the General Education Act of 1857 lacked the power, capability, and will demanded by José Viñas three years earlier. This was underlined in 1902 by Eduardo García Solá, the Chancellor of the University District of Granada, comprising the provinces of Almería, Granada, Jaén, and Málaga. Moreover, thanks to his 12 years of experience in the post, he was able to attest to the influence of clientelistic networks on the functioning of school administration.</p> <p>The local boards were controlled and chaired by the mayor, who paid little attention to education, that is when he didn't consider it "with caution, since he was illiterate himself and uninterested in culture, given that such trappings of illustration hindered rather than helped people get ahead in politics and ingratiate themselves to the cacique, to whom they owed their public office".[<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref36">36</reflink>] The provincial boards were headed by the civil governor, a key figure in the operation of the political system, who was obliged to act in line with the clientelistic network to which he also belonged. Therefore, he was not always able to "ensure the strict compliance of the local boards with their inspection duties, since the city councils and local boards, that is to say the mayors", could be protected by the "cacique" or district representative. So, in practice, these bodies acted as "intangible organisations exempt from any jurisdiction".[<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref37">37</reflink>] The provincial inspectors had no employment stability; they owed their appointments to government favour, "and they therefore lacked the independence needed to counter the impact of political caciquism".[<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref38">38</reflink>] The chancellor's office was "powerless" to improve primary education, as it lacked the jurisdiction to oblige the mayors and governors, who were under the protection of "political caciquism",[<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref39">39</reflink>] to carry out its orders. Even the ministry was hard-pressed to see that its provisions were implemented by the local and provincial authorities, as evidenced by the ineffectiveness of the numerous orders issued to regularise the payment of teachers' salaries. The chancellor concluded that if the real goal was to improve education, it would be necessary to do away with the influence of clientelistic networks on the institutions responsible for school management, which were subjected to their spurious interests.</p> <p>Adding their voices to the criticism of the chancellors, schoolteachers used the National Pedagogy Conference held in Madrid in 1882 to speak out. At this event they agreed that the local boards should disappear from primary education, since they were, in the words of one of the attendees, "a clear obstacle to the sacred interests of education".[<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref40">40</reflink>] It was contradictory to entrust the inspection of public education to people "who know absolutely nothing about children, schoolteachers, schools or education",[<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref41">41</reflink>] and who only engage in "unfairly persecuting teachers if, to conserve their dignity, they refuse to cower to the ridiculous demands of caciquism".[<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref42">42</reflink>] Some of the members of the local boards, including the mayors, did not even know how to write their own names, so they "sign the documents they issue with an X".[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref43">43</reflink>] This being the case, "What kind of enlightenment can be offered by those who are enveloped in darkness?"[<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref44">44</reflink>]</p> <p>Professional journals[<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref45">45</reflink>] and the general press,[<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref46">46</reflink>] as well as literary[<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref47">47</reflink>] and biographical[<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref48">48</reflink>] works all followed the same line of thought and pressed for the professionalisation of the bodies in charge of the management of primary education.</p> <p>What repercussions did the control of education management by caciquism have at the municipal level? The first and most obvious impact was the opposition of the city councils, controlled by the local dignitaries, to the creation of a school system that they would have to support. Despite this, progress was made. The 13,132 public schools that existed in Spain in 1850 had increased to 25,348 by 1900. This accounted for an increase of 12,236 schools, of which 7086 (57.9%) were established between 1850 and 1860.[<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref49">49</reflink>] Starting in 1865 and extending well into the twentieth century, very little effort was made by the ruling classes to improve the quantity and quality of schools. It would not be until Primo de Rivera's Dictatorship (1923-30), and, particularly, during the Second Republic (1931-6), that major improvements were implemented.[<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref50">50</reflink>] The literacy rates of the population over 10 years of age evolved as follows: 25.30% (1860); 41.24% (1900); 76.83% (1940); and 93.64% (1981).[<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref51">51</reflink>]</p> <p>During the so-called Six-Year Revolutionary Period (1868-74), which resulted in substantial administrative decentralisation, the local powers eliminated a great number of schools or stopped paying the teachers. This fact supports the validity of Swaan's hypothesis: once left to their own initiative, the local councils would simply disregard the services they had no interest in and for which very few resources were available.</p> <p>In his memoirs, Valero Almudévar y Castillo (1843-1915) recounts that he took charge of the school in Aniés (Huesca) in August 1867. At the start of the Six-Year Revolutionary Period, the community had initially limited itself to withholding the payment of the schoolmistress' salary, following the example of a nearby town. To force her to leave, they would throw stones at her house at night. It was not advisable for girls to have access to written culture.</p> <p>Soon, the schoolmaster's turn came. First, he was accused of inappropriate moral, religious, and political conduct and of not fulfilling his professional duties. He was able to counter the accusation with testimonies in his defence by the mayor and the parish priest, among others. As this course of action did not succeed, the secretary of the city council accused the teacher of abusing his children, who were pupils at Don Velero's school. Once again, the teacher was able to prove that the accusations were false by presenting a medical certificate stating that all three children were in perfect health. The last resort was harassment. They stopped paying his salary - he was owed four or five quarters pay. Moreover, a group of youths, bought off by "caciquism",[<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref52">52</reflink>] organised nocturnal gatherings to cause a ruckus outside the home of the teacher and his family and they attempted to assault him physically. Some of them, "undoubtedly agitated by the eternal enemies of education", after "vociferously booing schoolteachers", made plans to "kill us and burn down the schoolhouse, but other, more reasonable residents managed to dissuade them from their criminal intentions".[<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref53">53</reflink>] This was all because they wanted to be rid of schools and schoolteachers, as he was informed: "we don't want schoolteachers or education in this town, because it's a heavy burden on the taxpayers, who can't afford it."[<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref54">54</reflink>]</p> <p>Ultimately, the schoolteacher decided to leave his post: "It was impossible to continue in a town where the people were bribed and weakened by the enemies of education and incited to cause disturbances and threats."[<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref55">55</reflink>] But before he did, he reported the incident to the civil governor, who in turn, notified the court in order to determine the liability that the aggressors might bear towards the schoolteacher. He also filed a claim to recover the money he was owed, which was duly reimbursed. After that, he left public education, never to return and devoted himself to teaching in private schools, first in the city of Huesca and later in Madrid.[<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref56">56</reflink>]</p> <p>This conflict appears to have been caused by the reluctance of the community to bear the cost of public education.[<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref57">57</reflink>] However, since it was becoming more and more difficult to avoid paying the cost of schools, the local dignitaries decided to benefit from them. This was done in several ways.</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> When a school district included several communities, the caciques could situate the schools in the town that best suited their interests or those of their political patrons.</item> </ulist> <p>According to the provincial inspector of Lugo, one of the factors that hindered the progress of education was the geographic location of some of the schools, which was not conducive to school attendance; "it only favoured the demands of certain individuals", who used all their influence to oppose moving the school to a more convenient location.[<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref58">58</reflink>] A novel set in the period discussed here makes reference to a school being moved from Suacosta to Penabaixa since the cacique had the sure vote of the former community, but not of the latter.[<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref59">59</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> A good many schools did not have their own premises, and only a few were located in ad hoc buildings, that is to say those constructed specifically for educational purposes. In 1885, 40.8% of the premises were rented, although this figure rose to 88.3% in Galicia.[<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref60">60</reflink>] However, the building was often chosen because of its owner, and not for its suitability and cost.</item> </ulist> <p>The Chancellor of the University of Santiago referred to this situation in the mid-nineteenth century,[<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref61">61</reflink>] and the Chancellor of the University of Granada did so at the beginning of the twentieth century. The latter claimed that the deficiencies of many school premises were not due only to the lack of adequate buildings, since many could be rented and conditioned to satisfactory standards. Nevertheless,</p> <p>since politics and <emph>caciquism</emph> are everything in Spain, the buildings used to house schools usually belong to influential people who charge at least three times the price in rent. They are often run-down buildings where the school has been haphazardly installed, without requiring the owner to carry out the necessary renovation work or even the most basic repairs to serve the purpose that the premises were intended for and to offer some guarantee to the patient tenants.[<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref62">62</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Some mayors and council secretaries required teachers to hand over part of their salaries ("half or most of the little they earn", in the words of one complainant[<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref63">63</reflink>]) and teachers were threatened with the initiation of disciplinary procedures if they refused. Or they would keep the schools closed and pocket all the funds allotted to maintain them.[<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref64">64</reflink>] The schoolteacher might also be forced to share the money he was paid in student fees "with the local cacique".[<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref65">65</reflink>]</item> <p></p> <item> Another profit-making scheme consisted of appointing teachers from their own clientelistic network. Sometimes, these teachers would subcontract other individuals for substantially less pay to hold classes or they would even either partially or totally neglect their duties at the school. The school supervisors could also benefit from the deal, as occurred in the case described below.</item> </ulist> <p>On 8 November 1888, José González reported the scandalous situation of education in the municipality of A Golada (Pontevedra) to the chancellor. The schools of Santa Comba and Eidián were being run by the secretary and clerk of the town council of A Golada, respectively. In charge of the school in Borraxeiros was the person who had been the secretary of the city council of Forcarei and the school in Sesto was under the direction of the substitute secretary of A Golada's municipal court. None of them "have imparted a single class since they started performing the other public functions for which they were officially appointed". [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref66">66</reflink>] But school abandonment was not limited to these four schools. The school in Val de Sangorza was headed by an individual who had never resided in the municipal district and who only showed up to get paid. The teacher of Ventosa had been absent from the school for 16 years. The complainant concluded that the origin of the problem stemmed from the authorities themselves:</p> <p>who take a cut of the salary paid to the schoolteachers. Therefore, of the numerous complaints recorded, none go forward because they are nipped in the bud by the Mayor and the cacique who pocket part of the schoolteachers' wages, while others are stopped by a man called Viñas, an employee of the Provincial Board of Pontevedra, who is sent [in payment] two excellent Spanish hams every year from each one of the teachers, except [the teacher from the complete elementary school].[<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref67">67</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <p>The chancellor ordered the provincial inspector to make a special visit to establish the facts, which were confirmed on all sides. The six teachers who were reported - one had been allotted a salary of 624 pesetas a year, when the usual pay at incomplete schools was 250 - had illegally hired substitutes, but none of these substitutes were teaching at the schools when the inspector visited them, although the visit took place in the middle of winter when more children usually attended school. And one of the substitutes was teaching at a private school next to the public school.</p> <p>In the opinion of Inspector Federico Soriano, this called for the immediate suspension of the six teachers with half pay and the formalisation of pertinent disciplinary procedures against them. They would also be obliged to return the pay received over the last six years, to compensate - at least in part - for the fraud committed and to account for the investment of the amounts received to purchase school materials - a quarter of their wages. The chancellor approved the first measure and left the second pending, according to the outcome of the disciplinary procedures.[<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref68">68</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> The local authorities themselves would, on occasion, encourage incumbent teachers to abandon teaching in order to benefit the individuals who had been summoned as substitutes, oftentimes illegally. Francisca Platas Piñeiro, who had been appointed to a school in the municipality of Ordes (A Coruña), was pressured to leave the school in the hands of "a protégé of influential townspeople".[<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref69">69</reflink>]</item> <p></p> <item> On other occasions, they had an interest in awarding the school to a particular teacher, which made it necessary to expel the one who occupied the post. Abundancia Parcero had been teaching for 36 years at the girls' school of Salvaterra (Pontevedra) when she received a letter from Chancellor of the University of Santiago informing her that a government procedure had been initiated against her and that she was suspended from her duties with half pay. "Somebody had to be gratified; they needed to entrust my school to a schoolmistress who was more suitable to their interests; and in the heartless world of politics, they didn't hesitate to sacrifice me." The schoolmistress, who had grown tired of waiting for the final decision, ended up requesting retirement. When she finally retired, she still had not been informed of the charges that had enabled them to remove her from teaching.[<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref70">70</reflink>]</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0132556391-5">Protection and persecution of teachers</hd> <p>Schoolteacher Manuel Rajo Fernández claimed that he was the victim of a "diabolical plot" hatched by the parish priest and the secretary of the city council of Salvaterra, whose ideas he did not share. The two were "able to pull all the strings, of the church and the local administration, to be used in favour of or against their friends or foes, depending on what best suited their interests or purposes".[<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref71">71</reflink>]</p> <p>We don't know if, in this case, it all boiled down to a "diabolical plot" - in 1907 the university council proposed the removal of Manuel Rajo from teaching for failing to comply with his professional duties[<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref72">72</reflink>] - but the truth is that the local dignitaries tended to exercise their power to favour the schoolteachers who were political patrons of theirs and to persecute those who belonged to the opposition or who simply avoided their control. Such was this the case that the high authorities, especially the inspectors and chancellors, would consider the complaints received from the local authorities with caution.</p> <p>The most important benefit reaped by the "political friends" of the local power was linked to the cover-up of the abandonment of teaching, as we have seen in the municipality of A Golada. The Chancellor of the University of Granada stated that if a teacher belonged to the same political group as the mayor, he would be able to "keep the school closed, leave town and take on posts that are incompatible with teaching, and rest assured that he will not be subject to any kind of corrective measure".[<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref73">73</reflink>] Other favours sometimes included granting these individuals a certificate of competence without their having to take the examination, which enabled them to teach at incomplete schools,[<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref74">74</reflink>] or receive a pay increase.[<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref75">75</reflink>]</p> <p>There were many different mechanisms used to penalise individuals who did not suit the purposes of the local authorities: they would delay or even stop paying teachers' wages; they would provide premises that were not suitable to be used as schools or as housing for teachers; they would refuse to give them permission to leave the town; or they would make them pay higher taxes than they should according to their tax bracket. As a last resort, they could attempt to rid themselves of individuals who encumbered their aims by promoting the initiation of a government procedure. This would often lead to the forced or voluntary transfer of the teacher.</p> <p>In the case of schoolmistresses, disciplinary procedures might be motivated by their refusal to yield to amorous or sexual advances, as occurred in other countries, as well.[<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref76">76</reflink>] In 1879 the mayor of Samos (Lugo) denounced Elvira Iglesias for being absent from the school, for having moved the school and her private residence to another building without authorisation, and for exhibiting indecent behaviour. He did not specify what was meant by the lack of "decency", despite the fact that he was asked to clarify this. The inspector referred to the former school residence as a "den of immorality", where the teacher:</p> <p>had been subjected to vile abuse by an individual who belonged to the Local Board; therefore, in view of the actual facts and duly acknowledging them, we could almost justify the teacher's sudden move to one of the best houses in the district, whose rent was the same as the previous one.[<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref77">77</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <p>To prove these charges, five witnesses were summoned: the doorman and the clerk of the city council, the mayor's servant, his tenant farmer, and the owner of the building formerly used as the school residence. Neither the Inspectorate of Primary Education nor the Provincial Board gave these individuals any credibility, since they had been chosen on the basis of their affinity to the highest local authority and their testimonies had been contradicted by others.</p> <p>According to the schoolmistress, the real cause of the complaint was the fact that she had resisted the advances of the mayor and his brother-in-law, the secretary of the city council: "they were the only ones who were out to destroy my reputation and since they did not succeed in indulging their disgraceful fancies of seduction to jeopardise my good name, they have been driven to despair". The scheming of the caciques did not succeed in this case. The chancellor agreed to simply reprimand the schoolmistress and remind the local board of their obligation, when initiating a procedure, to give the accused the opportunity to defend themselves.[<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref78">78</reflink>]</p> <p>With regard to schoolmasters, procedures were often initiated for political reasons. Following are two examples, which reveal the presence of electoral processes, among other factors: one is real and the other, fictional.</p> <p>In 1884, Enrique Cano de Lara was denounced by the Bishop of Tui because, according to reports, he had neglected the incomplete school of Camos (Nigrán-Pontevedra) to dedicate himself to other occupations and because "his religious beliefs were rather doubtful, since he was rarely seen participating in any religious ceremony".[<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref79">79</reflink>]</p> <p>After a procedure was initiated, the three community members summoned by the mayor confirmed that the schoolteacher had neglected his teaching responsibilities, while the parish priest simply stated that he had sometimes been absent from school, but denied that the teacher had failed to observe religious practices. The teacher managed to get 28 residents to declare in his favour. He warned that he could have obtained more testimonies if the official case did not have to be submitted on sheets of paper that cost two pesetas each. The local board, in contrast, certified that the school was "completely abandoned" and added that the "moral and social conduct" of the schoolteacher "left much to be desired", although this judgement was not signed by the church representative. The municipal council pointed out that Mr Cano had a number of different occupations, which led them to conclude that he must be neglecting the school. The inspector of primary education found that the school of Camos was one of the best of its kind in the municipality of Nigrán and he took statements of testimony from three residents designated by the mayor, who affirmed that the schoolteacher had not committed any offence.</p> <p>Once all the data had been collected, Inspector Vicente Alcañiz wrote a lengthy report in which he dismissed all the charges of a religious nature. However, the fact that Mr Cano also worked at the City Hall managing the administrative matters of the townspeople and that he acted as a "representative" at oral proceedings and settlements, not only caused him to neglect his teaching duties, but also to make enemies. Moreover, his decision to enter into "the spirited arena of politics" had caused him to clash with those who defended other ideas. It was not his right to do so that was questioned, but the negative consequences that this decision might have on the exercise of his educational activities.[<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref80">80</reflink>]</p> <p>In his last intervention, he and two other individuals challenged the validity of the municipal elections held in Nigrán in March 1884. They alleged irregularities of several kinds, particularly in the electoral college of San Pedro da Ramallosa: the expulsion of several people from the polling station "with intimidation and threats" when it was time to count the ballots; refusing to allow a notary who was summoned by two electors to enter the polling station; the arrest of an ex-mayor by the Civil Guard, which prevented him from being present during the ballot count; and the designation of the premises of a polling station in the home of the mayor's brother, who was the one who had initiated the procedure against Mr Cano. To access the polls, it was necessary "to go through the kitchen, then down a long and winding hall from which it was not possible to see inside the room and least of all the ballot table, which was hidden behind a door".[<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref81">81</reflink>] The Provincial Commission upheld the allegations and decided to annul the results of the elections at this electoral college and to hold new ones within 10 days.</p> <p>The inspector concluded his report by expressing his regret that the schoolteacher,</p> <p>swept away by both political passion and the need to seek other means to provide for his large family, which he was unable to do on his meagre salary of seventy <emph>céntimos</emph> (of one <emph>peseta</emph>) a day <bold>-</bold> far less than what a labourer makes <bold>-</bold> has been forced to get involved in matters that have nothing to do with education.[<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref82">82</reflink>]</p> <p></p> <p>This is what led to his "incompatibility" with the local authorities and with a substantial number of townspeople. As a result, and "in the interest of the profession", he proposed the transfer of the teacher to another school of the same kind and with the same wages, without this decision having any negative consequences on his professional career. The Provincial Board approved the inspector's decision, with the opposing vote of the church representative. Transfer was the customary measure used in cases involving confrontation between the schoolteacher and part of the community, especially when it was they who wielded local power.[<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref83">83</reflink>]</p> <p>When he was notified of this proposal, Enrique Cano addressed the chancellor in protest. A lack of "harmony" could not be grounds for a penalty as severe as transfer, unless the dispute was caused by "faults in the exercise and execution of my post". To admit the validity of this criterion would be tantamount to granting mayors absolute power over teachers. It would be enough for them to invoke a lack of "harmony" to rid themselves of those whom they disliked. In any case, the mayor of Nigrán who wanted this teacher removed, had just ended his term and both his replacement and his predecessors had reported favourably on the schoolteacher's behaviour.[<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref84">84</reflink>] The university council - the advisory body to the chancellor - was receptive to these arguments and proposed that the case be dismissed.[<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref85">85</reflink>]</p> <p>The second case we will examine here involves José Miguel, a schoolteacher who taught in a village located in the mountains of Asturias. This is a fictional story taken from the novel <emph>Entre montañas</emph>, whose plot clearly reflects the situation that some rural schoolteachers still encountered in the early decades of the twentieth century. In the prologue to the fourth edition - the first was published in 1920 - the author of this work, Antonio J. Onieva, inspector of primary education, referred to José Miguel "as a person I knew well".[<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref86">86</reflink>]</p> <p>When he arrived in Castrido, the fictitious name of the location of his first teaching post, the schoolteacher discovered the dire condition of the premises used as the school housed in an old outbuilding located between the church and the cemetery. Moreover, it lacked the most basic furnishings and materials. He knew he should proceed with caution when voicing his complaints so as not to alienate the authorities. Even so, he decided to travel to Rudalbarco, the capital of the municipality, to ask the mayor to repair the glass in the school window. He also requested that the roof be repaired, since "now it rains almost as much inside as out",[<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref87">87</reflink>] and that the walls be finished over and whitewashed. The mayor, who wielded almost absolute power in his jurisdiction ("[he] does not like to be openly referred to as a 'cacique', but is pleased when people recognise that he is"[<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref88">88</reflink>]), did not even grant his request to fix the broken window.</p> <p>The school premises were in such a precarious state that a strong wind reduced them to ruins. Fortunately, the children and the teacher had just left the school when the front wall caved in and half of the roof collapsed. José Miguel paid another visit to the mayor to inform him of what had happened. The mayor took the opportunity to tell him that the residents were unsatisfied with his work.</p> <p>After the school had been repaired, the representative of the mayor in Castrido gave the key to the public school to a "maestro babiano" (schoolteacher from Babia),[<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref89">89</reflink>] who had been hired by the residents. There were many parents who did not agree with the way José Miguel conducted his classes, in terms of both content - which, according to these parents, should be limited to reading, writing, and arithmetic - and his teaching methods. In short, they wanted their children to be educated as they had been in the past. They wanted nothing of curricular innovations. But the schoolteacher continued to use his own methods, "which I will, someday, defend before my inspector, the only authority in this aspect that I acknowledge".[<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref90">90</reflink>] He was therefore defending his professional autonomy.[<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref91">91</reflink>]</p> <p>At the request of the inspectorate, the civil governor remedied the outrage committed and the schoolteacher returned to his school. Despite all of this, the inspector warned José Miguel that the powers of the inspectorate were limited in their ability to defend schoolteachers against the local authorities: "Political recommendations invalidate most of our actions." So, they advised him to "make friends with a politician".[<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref92">92</reflink>]</p> <p>A few days later, the mayor and cacique of Rudalbarco offered him friendship and protection. Elections were coming up and he needed a representative who could officially sign the election results before voting took place - results that would obviously favour the deputy who supported the mayor. The schoolteacher refused.</p> <p>After the elections were held, some of the townspeople denounced José Miguel for professional, religious, and moral offences, expressing their incompatibility with the schoolteacher. The inspector who visited Castrido to report on the case concluded that the teacher's professional performance was "admirable" and that the rest of the charges were unfounded. However, "incompatibility" did in fact exist between the teacher and most of the residents, and this had to be reflected in the report. The inspector suggested that he request to be transferred to another school, which would not entail the application of any disciplinary measure. José Miguel only accepted the proposal when he saw that the plot of land for agricultural experiments that he had prepared with his pupils - which he had planned to show to the inspector - had been completely razed. He realised then that he had better leave Castrido as soon as possible, but he didn't have time. Abandoned by everyone, he was stricken with the Spanish flu of 1918 and died a few days later.</p> <hd id="AN0132556391-6">Conclusions</hd> <p>In the nineteenth century, the Spanish "metropolitan elite" showed only limited interest in encouraging the development of public primary schools. Citizenship education and nation-building, two of the concepts that led to the creation of national education systems, were not a priority for the ruling classes during this period. Although, owing to the nature of their duties, central government officials were obliged to defend the importance of popular education, in practice they made very little effort to promote it, except during the mid-century period.</p> <p>In any case, the interest of the "metropolitan elite" was greater than that of the "local elite", who controlled the municipalities and who were initially given charge of financing and supervising the primary schools. Even though the power of the local dignitaries was rooted in economic, professional, and administrative factors, their influence and role as intermediaries benefited from the fact that a large part of the population was illiterate. For this reason, they resisted the implementation of a public school system and tried to hinder its operation.</p> <p>Nevertheless, since the creation of schools was inevitable, the caciques and municipal authorities tried to reap some benefit from them. This was done in several ways: by situating the schools in locations and buildings that best suited their interests; pocketing part of the budget allotted to public education; or facilitating the appointment of teachers who belonged to their clientelistic network.</p> <p>Schoolteachers who were supported and protected by the authorities could leave their professional duties without any penalty being imposed upon them. In contrast, teachers who did not fit the requirements of those who held the power were vulnerable to persecution, even if they performed their duties faithfully.</p> <p>Thus, we may conclude that the clientelistic political system was clearly one of the factors that obstructed schooling and the acquisition of literacy skills in Spain during the nineteenth century and part of the twentieth. In addition to this, other social, economic, and cultural factors played a part.</p> <hd id="AN0132556391-7">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.</p> <hd id="AN0132556391-8">Notes on contributor</hd> <p> <bold> <emph>Narciso de Gabriel</emph> </bold> is Professor of History of Education in the Faculty of Sciences of Education at the University of A Coruña, Spain. His most recent books are <emph>Escolantes e escolas de ferrado</emph> [Popular Schools and Schoolteachers] (Vigo: Xerais, 2001); <emph>Ler e escribir en Galicia. A alfabetización dos galegos e das galegas nos séculos XIX e XX</emph> [Reading and Writing in Galicia. The Acquisition of Literacy in Galicia in the 19th and 20th Centuries] (A Coruña: Servizo de Publicacións da UDC, 2006); <emph>Elisa y Marcela. Más allá de los hombres</emph> [Elisa and Marcela. Beyond Men] (Barcelona: Libros del Silencio, 2010); and <emph>25 anos de UDC: A universidade na Coruña e Ferrol</emph> [25 Years of UDC.The University in A Coruña and Ferrol] (A Coruña: Servizo de Publicacións da UDC, 2015). He has published articles in journals such as <emph>Historia de la Educación</emph>, <emph>History of Education</emph>, <emph>Revista de Educación</emph>, <emph>Ricerche Pedagogiche</emph>, <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph>, <emph>Revista Galega de Educación</emph>, and <emph>Eduga. Revista Galega do Ensino</emph>. He currently heads the journal <emph>Sarmiento. Anuario Galego de Historia da Educación</emph>.</p> <ref id="AN0132556391-9"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> I thank Claire Teed for translating this article.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref2" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> The thirteenth edition of the <emph>Diccionario de la lengua española</emph> de la Real Academia Española [<emph>Dictionary of Spanish language</emph> of the Royal Spanish Academy] (1899) defined "cacique" as follows: "A feudal lord or high official of a province or an indigenous community." In the figurative and familiar sense - which is what interests us here - it meant: "Any one of the prominent figures of a town who exercises excessive influence in political and administrative matters." The term "caciquism", in turn, refers to the "excessive influence of the caciques of the local communities". This article defines the content of this figure, as well as some of the characteristics of the political system of which they formed part.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref3" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Galicia is one of the historical regions of Spain. The current constitution implicitly recognises its status as a "nationality" along with Catalonia and the Basque country. During the period under consideration its population ranged from 1,799,224 (1860) to 2,230,281 (1930). Most of the people lived in the rural areas and the population was widely dispersed, since Galicia had nearly as many population centres as the rest of Spain. Another important demographic characteristic was emigration, since a large number of Galicians left the region in search of a better future in America. The emigrants were well aware of the importance of literacy, which is why they proceeded to set up territorial associations in their destination countries to improve the infrastructure of the schools in their places of origin. The economy was based primarily on agriculture, livestock farming, and fishing, although industrial and commercial initiatives gradually began to develop, triggering urban growth. The agrarian movement would serve to channel the demands of the farmers, focused on attaining full ownership of the land, while the workers movement would defend the labour demands of the budding proletariat. The most important players on the political scene during the Restoration were the conservative and liberal parties, which would be joined by others of a republican, socialist, or Galician nationalist bent.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref4" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Abram de Swaan, <emph>A cargo del Estado</emph> [In Care of the State] (Barcelona: Pomares Corredor, 1992), 68-140.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref5" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> For more information on the evolution of public schools in Galicia, see Narciso de Gabriel, <emph>Leer, escribir y contar. Escolarización popular y sociedad en Galicia (1875</emph>-<emph>1900)</emph> [Reading, Writing and Arithmetic. Popular Education and Society in Galicia (1875-1900)] (Sada-A Coruña: Ediciós do Castro, 1990), and Antón Costa Rico, <emph>Historia da educación e da cultura en Galicia</emph> [History of Education and Culture in Galicia] (Vigo: Edicións Xerais de Galicia, 2002). For an overview of the situation in Spain, see Buenaventura Delgado Criado, ed., <emph>Historia de la Educación en España y América. 3 La educación en la España contemporánea (1789</emph>-<emph>1975)</emph> [History of Education in Spain and America. 3 Education in Contemporary Spain] (Madrid: SM-Morata, 1994), and Agustín Escolano Benito, <emph>La educación en la España contemporánea. Políticas educativas, escolarización y culturas pedagógicas</emph> [Education Policies, Schooling and Pedagogical Cultures] (Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 2002).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref6" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> Narciso de Gabriel, "Official and Popular Culture in the Schooling Process," <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> 50, no. 4 (2014): 514-32.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref7" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> Lê Thành Khôi, <emph>Educação e civilizações. Génese do mundo contemporâneo</emph> [Education and Civilization. Genesis of the Contemporary World] (Lisboa: Instituto Piaget, 2012).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref8" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> Eugen Weber, <emph>La fin des terroirs, 1870</emph>-<emph>1914</emph> [The End of De Peasants] (Paris: Fayard, 2011).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref9" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> José Álvarez Junco, <emph>Mater dolorosa. La idea de España en el siglo XIX</emph> [Mater Dolorosa. The Idea of Spain in the 19th Century] (Madrid: Taurus, 2005), 548.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Manuel José Quintana, <emph>Obras completas</emph> [Complete Works] (Madrid: Imprenta de Hernando y Compañía, 1898), 177.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The Quintana Report is essentially based on the reports drawn up by Condorcet and Talleyrand during the French Revolution, as I have attempted to demonstrate in "La Revolución francesa, Condorcet y la educación española [The French Revolution, Condorcet and Spanish Education]", in Condorcet, <emph>Cinco memorias sobre la instrucción pública y otros escritos</emph> [Five Reports on Public Instruction and Other Articles] (Madrid: Morata, 2001), 11-46.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Bronislaw Baczko, <emph>Une éducation pour la démocratie. Textes et projets de l'époque révolutionnaire</emph> [Education for Democracy. Texts and Projects from the Revolutionary Period] (Paris: Editions Garnier, 1982), 151.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Javier Moreno Luzón, "Alfonso XIII, 1902-1931," in <emph>Historia de España. Restauración y Dictadura</emph> [History of Spain. The Restoration and Dictatorship] (Barcelona: Crítica/Marcial Pons, 2009), 358.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Josep Fontana, <emph>Historia de España. La época del liberalismo</emph> [History of Spain. The Liberal Period] (Madrid: Crítica/Marcial Pons, 2011), 224.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ramón Villares, "Alfonso XII y Regencia, 1875-1902," in <emph>Historia de España. Restauración y Dictadura</emph> [History of Spain. The Restoration and Dictatorship], 106-7. For more information on the different interpretations of caciquism, see Javier Moreno Luzón, "Political Clientelism, Elites, and <emph>Caciquismo</emph> in Restoration Spain (1875-1923)," <emph>European History Quarterly</emph> 37, no. 3 (2007): 417-41.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The cacique would adapt to the "contractual framework in which the rural population was embedded. The locals acquire ownership of the land on a contractual basis; they marry off their children on a contractual basis; their relationship with the priest and the saints is contractual. The cacique, that is to say the intermediary, enters into this relationship. He offers services in exchange for loyalty. Thus a clientelistic relationship is established. The cacique is in charge of obtaining the permits to open a business, getting the son out of doing compulsory [military] service or at least seeing that he is stationed nearby and not sent to Cuba or Africa; the cacique is the one who helps settle the eternal lawsuit; the one who bails the person who stabbed someone at a festivity out of jail." Xosé Ramón Barreiro Fernández, <emph>Historia contemporánea de Galicia</emph> [Contemporary History of Galicia] (A Coruña: Ediciones Gamma, 1982), 2: 158-9.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Xosé Ramón Veiga Alonso, "Parentes, amigos e favores. As redes informais do caciquismo [Relatives, Friends and Favours. The Informal Network of Caciquism]", in <emph>Poder local, elites e cambio social na Galicia non urbana, 1874</emph>-<emph>1936</emph> [Local Power, the Elite and Social Change in Non-urban Galicia, 1874-1936] (Santiago: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 1997), 353-71.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Villares, "Alfonso XII y Regencia," 82.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> J. V. D. M., "La instrucción primaria [Primary Education]," <emph>Revista Económica</emph> 3 (1863): 49.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> José Ogea, <emph>El mundo rural</emph> [The Rural World] (A Coruña: Andrés Martínez, 1890), 142.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The Act of 1857 distinguished between four types of primary schools: higher, complete elementary, incomplete elementary, and seasonal. The most common were the complete and incomplete elementary schools. The former generally had better infrastructure in terms of equipment, a somewhat broader curriculum, and teachers with more training and higher salaries. See De Gabriel, <emph>Leer, escribir y contar</emph>, 147-59.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The remunerations were the fees that the "wealthy" students were supposed to pay the teacher, although in some municipalities there was an agreement whereby the city council would pay these fees.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Speech given at the Pedagogical Conference in Pontevedra, <emph>El Magisterio Gallego</emph>, September 15, 1887.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> X. Amancio Liñares Giraut, <emph>O Val do Barcala, 1900</emph>-<emph>1936. Agrarismo, vida política, emigración e cultura</emph> [The Barcala Valley, 1900-1936. Agrarianism, Political Life, Emigration and Culture] (Santiago de Compostela: Feiraco, 1986), 225.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Luis Bello, <emph>Viaje por las Escuelas de España. Más Andalucía</emph> [A Tour of the Schools in Spain. More Andalusia] (Madrid: Compañía Ibero-Americana de Publicaciones, 1929), 241.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Luis Bello, <emph>Viaje por las Escuelas de España. Por Andalucía</emph> [A Tour of the Schools in Spain. Around Andalusia] (Madrid: Magisterio Español, 1927), 134.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Bello, <emph>Viaje por las Escuelas de España. Más Andalucía</emph>, 332.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Condorcet, <emph>Escritos pedagógicos</emph> [Pedagogical Writings] (Madrid: Calpe, 1922), 14.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Joaquín Costa stated in 1898 that "the salvation of Spain" could be found in the schools "and nowhere else": <emph>Oligarquía y caciquismo. Colectivismo agrario y otros escritos</emph> [Oligarchy and Caciquism. Agrarian Collectivism and Other Articles] (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1967), 40. Galicians who emigrated to Latin American countries, particularly Argentina and Cuba, also financed the creation of many schools in their places of origin, since they were convinced that education was "a weapon that could be used to fight political patronage in rural areas": Xosé M. Núñez Seixas, <emph>Emigrantes, caciques e indianos</emph> [Emigrants, Caciques and Returned Emigrants] (Vigo: Edicións Xerais de Galicia, 1998), 118. For more information on the relationship between regenerationism and education, see María del Mar del Pozo Andrés, <emph>Currículum e identidad nacional. Regeneracionismos, nacionalismos y escuela pública (1890</emph>-<emph>1939)</emph> [Curriculum and National Identity. Regenerationism, Nationalism and Public Schools] (Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 2000); Alejandro Mayordomo and Juan Manuel Fernánddez Soria, <emph>Patriotas y ciudadanos. El aprendizaje cívico y el proyecto de España</emph> [Patriots and Citizens. Civic Education and Spain's Project] (Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2008).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Agustín Escolano, "Leer y escribir en España. Doscientos años de alfabetización [Reading and Writing in Spain. Two Hundred Years of Literacy]," in <emph>Leer y escribir en España. Doscientos años de alfabetización</emph>, ed. Agustín Escolano (Madrid: Fundación Germán Sánchez Ruipérez, 1992), 13-44.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Villares, "Alfonso XII y Regencia," 119.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ricardo Macías Picavea, <emph>El problema nacional</emph> [The National Problem] (Madrid: Fundación Banco Exterior, 1992), 177.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Juan José Viñas, <emph>Informe que acerca de la reforma del Plan y Reglamento de Estudios ha elevado al Gobierno de S. M., en cumplimiento de la Real orden de 4 de Octubre de 1853, el Dr. D....</emph> [Report on the Reform of the Program and Regulation of Studies Submitted to the Government of S.M. in Compliance with Royal Order of October 4, 1853 of Dr.....] (Santiago: Imprenta y Litografía de D. Juan Rey Romero, 1854), 7.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 9.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 10.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Eduardo García Solá, <emph>Reseña crítica del estado de la enseñanza en España. La enseñanza primaria</emph> [Critical Review of the State of Education in Spain. Primary Education] (Granada: Tip. de Indalecio Ventura López, 1902), 34.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 38.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 36.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 40.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Congreso Nacional Pedagógico</emph> [National Pedagogical Conference] (Madrid: Librería de D. Gregorio Hernando, 1882), 249.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 260.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 265.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 267. In 1866, 5% of the mayors in Spain and 8.9% of the members of the local boards of primary education did not know how to write. <emph>Anuario Estadístico de España</emph> [Statistical Yearbook of Spain] (Madrid: Establecimiento tipográfico de M. Minuesa, 1870), 494-7.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Congreso Nacional Pedagógico</emph>, 268.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Francisco Ribera Blanco, "Urge el remedio [An Urgent Need for a Solution]," <emph>El Magisterio Gallego</emph>, October 10, 1883.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Federico Rebollo y Amado, "El maestro de escuela en España [The Schoolteacher in Spain]", <emph>Faro de Vigo</emph>, February 12, 1881.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Domingo Erosa y Fontán, <emph>El maestro de escuela o el civilizador del mundo. Novela original</emph> [The Schoolteacher or the Civiliser of the World. Original Novel] (Santiago de Compostela: Manuel Mirás Editor, 1865).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Severiano González Regueral, Emilio Álvarez Giménez, Vicente Alcañiz, and Victoriano Encinas, <emph>Los Maestros de España. Biografías y estudios estadísticos sobre la primera enseñanza</emph> [The Schoolteachers of Spain. Biographies and Statistics on Early Education] (Pontevedra: Establecimiento Tipográfico de José Millán, 1885). I have analysed these biographies and the novel mentioned in the previous footnote in "La profesionalización del magisterio en España (siglos xix y xx): literatura, biografías y manualística [The Professionalisation of Teaching in Spain (19th and 20th Centuries): Literature, Biographies and Manuals]," <emph>Historia y Memoria de la Educación</emph>, no. 1 (2015): 59-92.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> De Gabriel, <emph>Leer, escribir y contar</emph>, 122-39.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Antonio Viñao, <emph>Escuela para todos. Educación y modernidad en la España del siglo xx</emph> [Schools for Everyone. Education and Modernity in 20th Century Spain] (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2004).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Narciso de Gabriel, "Alfabetización, semialfabetización y analfabetismo en España (1860-1991) [Literacy, Semi-Literacy and Illiteracy in Spain (1860-1991)]," <emph>Revista Complutense de Educación</emph> 8, no. 1 (1997): 212.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Valero Almudévar, <emph>Páginas originales. Memorias de un maestro de escuela</emph> [Original Pages. Memories of a Schoolteacher] (Madrid: Est. tip. de M. P. Montoya y Compañía, 1886), 106.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 113.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 107.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 112.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See the introduction by Víctor Juan to the facsimile edition of these <emph>Memorias</emph>, published by the Pedagogical Museum of Aragon in 2010.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The funding of primary education from the municipal budget discriminated against the less densely populated towns with fewer resources that were forced to spend more money per inhabitant than the towns with larger populations, even though their schools were of poorer quality. See De Gabriel, <emph>Leer, escribir y contar</emph>, 100-15.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Vicente Pérez Sierra, <emph>Memoria sobre la primera enseñanza en la provincia de Lugo</emph> [Report on Primary Education in the Province of Lugo] (Lugo: Imprenta de Antonio Villamarín, 1886), 12.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Manuel García Barros, <emph>Aventuras de Alberte Quiñoi</emph> [The Adventures of Alberte Quiñoi] (Vigo: Castrelos, 1972), 234.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Estadística general de primera enseñanza correspondiente al quinquenio que terminó en 31de diciembre de 1885</emph> [General Statistics on Primary Education for the Five-year Period Ending 31 December 1885] (Madrid: Imprenta y Fundición de Manuel Tello, 1888), Table 9.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Memoria acerca del estado de la enseñanza en la Universidad de Santiago y en los establecimientos de instrucción pública de su distrito en el curso de 1859 a 1860 y Anuario de 1861 a 1862</emph> [Report on the State of Education at the University of Santiago and the Public Educational Institutions in its District for the School Year 1859-1860 and Yearbook 1861 to 1862] (Santiago: Establecimiento tipográfico de Manuel Mirás, 1861), 14-15.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> García Solá, <emph>Reseña crítica</emph>, 7 [Critical Review, 7]. The press repeatedly condemned these practices. See, for example, Angel Ves Losada, "Necesidad de las casas-escuela [The Need for Schoolhouses]", <emph>El Magisterio Gallego</emph>, July 20, 1884.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Request presented by José Álvarez to the Chancellor of the Universidad de Santiago, April 5, 1867, Historical Archives of the University of Santiago (hereafter AHUS), Primary Education, box 160.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Request presented by Manuel Pedreira Álvarez to the Chancellor, May 28, 1886, AHUS, box 170.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>El Magisterio Gallego</emph>, July 15, 1885.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> AHUS, box 119.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Letter from the inspector to the Provincial Board, March 22, 1895, AHUS, box 20.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Report presented by Abundancia Parcero to the Chancellor, May 23, 1895, AHUS, box 112.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Communication from the teacher to the Provincial Board, July 20, 1891, AHUS, box 120.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Minutes from the meeting of the University Board, session March 27, 1907, AHUS, A-181.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> García Solá, <emph>Reseña crítica</emph>, 34.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> "Comunicados", <emph>El Magisterio Gallego</emph>, February 10, 1885.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> S. Murias Seoane, "Una opinión más [Another Opinion]", <emph>El Magisterio Gallego</emph>, April 15, 1894.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Augusta Palombarini, <emph>Storie magistrali. Maestre marchigiane tra Otto e Novecento</emph> [Teachers Stories. Italian Teachers Between the 19th and 20th Centuries] (Macerata: EUM, 2009); Clarice Tartufari, <emph>La maestra</emph> (Madrid: Ardicia, 2016).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> AHUS, box 169.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> AHUS, box 170.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Pontevedra</emph>, May 21, 1884. On the different types of procedures used to manipulate electoral processes in Galicia in the nineteenth century, see Barreiro Fernández, <emph>Historia contemporánea de Galicia</emph>, 2: 144-51.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> AHUS, box 170.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Despite the criticism raised by the practice of transfer and the fact that it was discontinued for some time, it was reinstated to solve cases of "incompatibility" between schoolteachers and residents, even during the Second Republic. See Antonio Molero Pintado, "Los maestros republicanos: legislación y conflictividad profesional (1931-1936) [The Republican Teachers. Legislation and Professional Conflict]," <emph>Historia de la Educación. Revista Interuniversitaria</emph> 16 (1997): 285-302.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> AHUS, box 170.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Records of the University Board, session July 17, 1885, AHUS, A-179.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Antonio J. Onieva, <emph>Entre Montañas (La novela de un maestro rural)</emph> [In the Mountains (A Novel by a Rural Schoolteacher)] (Madrid: Ediciones Afrodisio Aguado, 1944).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 149.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 146.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The "maestros babianos" were mostly from the region of Babia (León). They were non-professional teachers who taught reading, writing, and arithmetic during the winter months in exchange for a fee.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Onieva, <emph>Entre Montañas</emph>, 225.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> On the concept of autonomy and its application to the teaching profession, see Harry Smaller, "The Teacher Disempowerment Debate: Historical Reflections on 'Slender Autonomy'," <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> 51, nos 1-2 (2015): 136-51.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Onieva, <emph>Entre Montañas</emph>, 279.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Narciso de Gabriel</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink 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| Header | DbId: eric DbLabel: ERIC An: EJ1194687 AccessLevel: 3 PubType: Academic Journal PubTypeId: academicJournal PreciseRelevancyScore: 0 |
| IllustrationInfo | |
| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Caciques, Schools, and Schoolteachers in Spain from the Mid-Nineteenth Century to the 1920s – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22de+Gabriel%2C+Narciso%22">de Gabriel, Narciso</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Paedagogica+Historica%3A+International+Journal+of+the+History+of+Education%22"><i>Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education</i></searchLink>. 2018 54(5):545-563. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 18 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2018 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Elementary+Education%22">Elementary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+History%22">Educational History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Public+Schools%22">Public Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Attitudes%22">Educational Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Literacy%22">Literacy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Administration%22">Educational Administration</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Politics%22">Politics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Community+Leaders%22">Community Leaders</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Elementary+Schools%22">Elementary Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Elementary+School+Teachers%22">Elementary School Teachers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Advantaged%22">Advantaged</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Spain%22">Spain</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/00309230.2018.1479436 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0030-9230 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This article aims to show the influence of caciquism on the creation and functioning of public schools as well as its effect on the professional performance of teachers. We have used the model developed by Abram de Swaan, who suggested that three social sectors be distinguished to analyse the attitudes that spark the dissemination of literacy: the metropolitan elite; local dignitaries; and regional communities. Here, we describe and attempt to explain the uncooperative attitude of the local dignitaries or "caciques" towards public schools. The third section deals with the control of the educational administration by caciquism and the private profit that some of these local figures reaped from the budgets assigned to the public schools. Lastly, we will present examples of how the local authorities favoured schoolteachers who were political patrons of theirs and persecuted those who belonged to the opposition. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2018 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1194687 |
| PLink | https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1194687 |
| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/00309230.2018.1479436 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 18 StartPage: 545 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational History Type: general – SubjectFull: Public Schools Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Attitudes Type: general – SubjectFull: Literacy Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Administration Type: general – SubjectFull: Politics Type: general – SubjectFull: Community Leaders Type: general – SubjectFull: Elementary Schools Type: general – SubjectFull: Elementary School Teachers Type: general – SubjectFull: Advantaged Type: general – SubjectFull: Spain Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Caciques, Schools, and Schoolteachers in Spain from the Mid-Nineteenth Century to the 1920s Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: de Gabriel, Narciso IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2018 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0030-9230 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 54 – Type: issue Value: 5 Titles: – TitleFull: Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education Type: main |
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