View in EDS HTML Full Text PDF Full Text

' … If My Family Didn't Play Football … We Would Literally Have Pretty Much Nothing': How High School Aboriginal Students Continue Culture through Rugby League and Australian Football

Saved in:
Bibliographic Details
Title: ' … If My Family Didn't Play Football … We Would Literally Have Pretty Much Nothing': How High School Aboriginal Students Continue Culture through Rugby League and Australian Football
Language: English
Authors: Williams, John (ORCID 0000-0002-3625-7487), Pill, Shane (ORCID 0000-0003-3970-6724), Evans, John, Davies, Michael
Source: Sport, Education and Society. 2022 27(1):57-71.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 15
Publication Date: 2022
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: High Schools
Secondary Education
Elementary Education
Grade 7
Junior High Schools
Middle Schools
Grade 8
Grade 9
Grade 10
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Indigenous Populations, Social Bias, Ethnic Stereotypes, Athletics, Team Sports, High School Students, Grade 7, Grade 8, Grade 9, Grade 10, Student Attitudes, Social Support Groups, Family Influence, Peer Influence, Land Settlement, Cultural Maintenance
Geographic Terms: Australia
DOI: 10.1080/13573322.2020.1814716
ISSN: 1357-3322
Abstract: Contemporarily Australian Indigenous peoples are portrayed by white Australians according to deficit understandings. As well as being inaccurate, this depiction, as part of a long-term civilising process, is an expression of 'fantasy-laden thinking' [Mennell, S., & Goudsblom, J. (1998). Introduction. In S. Mennell & J. Goudsblom (Eds.), "Norbert Elias on civilization, power, and knowledge: Selected writings" (pp. 1-45). The University of Chicago Press]. Such reasoning, apart from being false, serves to create and reinforce stereotypes, while promoting the 'superiority' of the Western world. Sport was used by the British as part of the process of civilisation to globally promote such reality inadequate accounts of Indigenous peoples, through its use as a 'civilizing' instrument. Sport, including rugby league and Australian football (AFL), was used in Australia to teach British values and gentlemanly behaviour to show Aboriginal people their 'place'. This study explains how both sports have meaning for high school students, as an unintended outcome of their introduction to Australia's Indigenous peoples. Figurational sociology, through its concern with long-term processes, is used to examine the importance of AFL and rugby league to 12 Year 7-10 (age 12-16 approximately) participants. Data were collected using six semi-structured interviews and were interpretively analysed. Instead of experiencing a sense of being 'civilized' or enlightened through their involvement in AFL and rugby league, participants instead spoke about both sports offering: (1) personal meaning through enjoyment and identity creation; (2) family and community connections; (3) support networks from family members, peers and others; and (4) opportunities to continue their culture. It would seem then that the introduction of rugby league and AFL to Australia's Indigenous peoples has resulted in the adaption of both sports for cultural and other reasons. It is possible that similar reconstruction of meaning is experienced by Indigenous groups beyond Australia who were similarly colonised by Western nations.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2022
Accession Number: EJ1324383
Database: ERIC
Full text is not displayed to guests.
FullText Links:
  – Type: pdflink
    Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwFwrlQFAJsz_yKO2skPGnH2AAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDFtbRN-RvzyHfvHAPQIBEICBm6GPTn7ixxfCLTxKeisr01igcohfJZJ1LPPW_XT4rycJxaDw4j6cfpqSt2rb6vNzyGE8m_BVXG8klIdmrmVCtjvx0t6aTJ3jKZSB7ihN2ulFJ3d0ti50ICT0RjNG13LegZvIEh997zMQNo7laJ6_piNesfyvBMOretJ6d6vGi22vPmlHWDilVXCDQoEwm69jEMFsPgW80a4Oc1Lf
Text:
  Availability: 1
  Value: <anid>AN0154224395;0uv01jan.22;2021Dec22.09:30;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0154224395-1">' ... if my family didn't play football ... we would literally have pretty much nothing': how high school Aboriginal students continue culture through rugby league and Australian football </title> <p>Contemporarily Australian Indigenous peoples are portrayed by white Australians according to deficit understandings. As well as being inaccurate, this depiction, as part of a long-term civilising process, is an expression of 'fantasy-laden thinking' [Mennell, S., & Goudsblom, J. (1998). Introduction. In S. Mennell & J. Goudsblom (Eds.), Norbert Elias on civilization, power, and knowledge: Selected writings (pp. 1–45). The University of Chicago Press]. Such reasoning, apart from being false, serves to create and reinforce stereotypes, while promoting the 'superiority' of the Western world. Sport was used by the British as part of the process of civilisation to globally promote such reality inadequate accounts of Indigenous peoples, through its use as a 'civilizing' instrument. Sport, including rugby league and Australian football (AFL), was used in Australia to teach British values and gentlemanly behaviour to show Aboriginal people their 'place'. This study explains how both sports have meaning for high school students, as an unintended outcome of their introduction to Australia's Indigenous peoples. Figurational sociology, through its concern with long-term processes, is used to examine the importance of AFL and rugby league to 12 Year 7–10 (age 12–16 approximately) participants. Data were collected using six semi-structured interviews and were interpretively analysed. Instead of experiencing a sense of being 'civilized' or enlightened through their involvement in AFL and rugby league, participants instead spoke about both sports offering: (i) personal meaning through enjoyment and identity creation; (ii) family and community connections; (iii) support networks from family members, peers and others; and (iv) opportunities to continue their culture. It would seem then that the introduction of rugby league and AFL to Australia's Indigenous peoples has resulted in the adaption of both sports for cultural and other reasons. It is possible that similar reconstruction of meaning is experienced by Indigenous groups beyond Australia who were similarly colonised by Western nations.</p> <p>Keywords: AFL; rugby league; continuation of culture; figurational sociology; aboriginal</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Most social research about the meaning sport has for Australian Aboriginal people has been written from adult perspectives (Adair, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>]; Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref2">44</reflink>]). This paper extends this work by seeking to emphasise the voices of children and young people as an important corrective to a dominance of adult perspectives. It examines how Aboriginal students at five Australian Capital Territory (ACT) government high schools and one college used Australian football (AFL) and rugby league to continue aspects of their lives that are of cultural significance. AFL and rugby league as Western sports are studied in the context of the meaning they have for the participants and how each sport may foster and maintain family, kinship and community ties towards continuing culture. A figurational sociological approach is adopted as the theoretical framework for this investigation. The concept of the figuration is used to examine the interdependent networks that the participants form and their associated social processes. Further, the figurational concepts of unintended consequences and diminishing contrasts and increasing varieties (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref3">21</reflink>]) are used to interpret the findings.</p> <p>The questions for this study are: 1. What meaning does AFL and rugby league have for the Aboriginal student participants? 2. In what ways might AFL and rugby league facilitate continuation of culture for the participants? A main benefit of this research is that it portrays Indigenous culture from a strengths-based perspective rather than according to deficit understandings. The latter is significant because this is how Indigenous peoples in Australia have largely been depicted historically in all aspects of life. This research is important because it can provide health and physical education (HPE) teachers in the participants' schools with alternative ways of conceptualising their Aboriginal students. Such understanding acknowledges the socio-cultural context of those students and specifically issues of social justice and power relationships (Evans et al., [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref4">23</reflink>]).</p> <p>Further, the above kinds of connections are consistent with the rationale of the <emph>Australian curriculum health and physical education</emph> (Australian Curriculum Assessment and Reporting Authority, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref5">2</reflink>]) used in all ACT Government schools. Specifically, it requires teachers to address factors that influence their students' participation in sport and physical activity. Further, in realising this rationale, skills, knowledge and understanding should be taught to develop and strengthen student self-identity and to challenge taken-for-granted assumptions and stereotypes. The findings may also enable those HPE teachers as well as researchers to increase their knowledge of the different ways that sport is important to some Indigenous people. Because research of this kind has never been carried out before at an ACT school, insights were uncovered that were previously unknown.</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-3">Aboriginal peoples and the continuation of culture through sport</hd> <p>Sport was originally introduced to Australian Aboriginal peoples by the British as part of a global process to 'civilize' the 'savages' (Ferguson, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref6">24</reflink>]; Hallinan, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref7">26</reflink>]; Williams, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref8">48</reflink>]). A residual effect of these early colonial days is that Aboriginal involvement in sport has continued to be highly regulated and tightly controlled by white Australia (Maynard, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref9">35</reflink>]; Osmond, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref10">41</reflink>]). This long term involvement of Aboriginal peoples in sports introduced to Australia by Britain has resulted in a number of celebrity sportspeople, conditionally accepted by white Australians, who ' ... must keep on winning, and must not step outside the tight confines of expected good behaviour ... ' (Maynard, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref11">35</reflink>], p. 987).</p> <p>Predominantly male Indigenous sports celebrities and role models have emerged in rugby league, AFL, boxing and athletics with female counterparts also in athletics as well as hockey and tennis (Maxwell et al., [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref12">34</reflink>]). It is perhaps unsurprising that male role models have emerged in the sports mentioned, since historically and contemporarily white Australians believe that Indigenous peoples are 'suited' to those specific sports because of racial and cultural stereotypes (Hallinan, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref13">26</reflink>]; Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref14">44</reflink>]; Williams, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref15">48</reflink>]). From a figurational perspective white Australians are, and have been able to promote and reinforce such stereotypes through having a higher threshold of social power (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref16">21</reflink>]).</p> <p>Tatz ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref17">44</reflink>]) proposes several reasons for over-representation in these, what he calls stadium sports, such as the low cost of taking part; professional career possibilities; fewer class barriers; large numbers of role models and potentially improved status in the eyes of white Australians. A further reason proposed is the 'inclusion as a special black breed of gladiators and entertainers' (Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref18">44</reflink>], p. 5). This association with antiquity emphasises the physicality of Aboriginal peoples while suggesting their inferior status to white people as entertainers. Similarly, concerning Aboriginal players in AFL and the views of non-Aboriginal support staff, Hallinan et al. ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref19">27</reflink>]) found that 'their "place" was to "kick the freak goal" or "do the magical stuff" and their style remains an "exotic sideshow"' (p. 8). These observations appear to be bound up in early colonial racialized accounts of Aboriginal sportspeople described according to their supposed 'natural' athletic superiority over white colonials, specifically concerning speed, aggression and physicality (Williams, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref20">48</reflink>]).</p> <p>Despite the ways that Aboriginal participation in sport has been constrained and racialized, sport has become essential and valued in Indigenous societies (Bennie et al., [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref21">8</reflink>]). Part of the reason for this acceptance is that many Aboriginal people enjoy sport and do not believe it has been enforced upon them by teachers, sports administrators, coaches and players for example, in contrast to other aspects of British culture (Maynard, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref22">35</reflink>]; Osmond, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref23">41</reflink>]; Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref24">45</reflink>]). The importance of sport to Aboriginal communities is summarised thus: 'it has ritual, a set of formal and informal rules, and it provides a sense of belonging and a feeling of coherence' (Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref25">45</reflink>], p. 930). In other words, Western sport has been appropriated by Aboriginal people for their own purposes (Osmond, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref26">41</reflink>]). For example, by the Yuendumu in the Northern Territory (Mackinnon & Campbell, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref27">33</reflink>]) and in the context of this study, the Wiradjuri people as a local mob (Bamblett, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref28">6</reflink>]). Indeed, sport used in this way is part of much wider opposition to British influence. This broader reluctance to passively accept British ways includes recognising social injustice, maintaining culture and reinstating positive Aboriginal identity (Broome, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref29">11</reflink>]). These examples of resistance are despite claims that much of traditional Aboriginal culture has been lost or is in demise (De Plevitz, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref30">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>Macdonald ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref31">32</reflink>]) provides a case study of how Aboriginal people have continued culture through his research of Wiradjuri people customs over two decades. This work about Wiradjuri is significant, since more than half of the participants in this study identified as being from this mob. The word mob is used by Aboriginal people to describe their social group. By making alterations to their way of life, Wiradjuri have been able to continually express their beliefs, values and cultural practices. According to Macdonald ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref32">32</reflink>]) traditionally social life was recalled and expressed through songs, ceremonies and rituals. However, the effects of colonisation have led to new means for social expression, such as through mainstream sport (Macdonald, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref33">32</reflink>]).</p> <p>An example of how sport is used in this way is through the notion of kinship (Macdonald, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref34">31</reflink>]). Here, kinship is considered ' ... a cornerstone of all Aboriginal social systems' (Macdonald, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref35">31</reflink>], p. 309) although sometimes it is described inadequately as 'extended family'. However, such limited understanding fails to encapsulate the magnitude of kinship as a social network or the complexity of the social responsibilities required of the individuals involved. Sport is also important to contemporary Aboriginal communities because it provides cohesion and a sense of pride, previously provided for by missions or reservations (Owston, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref36">42</reflink>]).</p> <p>Further, through organising their own sports carnivals for example, communities experience self-determination, autonomy and are as much a family gathering as a sports competition (Bamblett, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref37">5</reflink>]). In the Northern Territory, the Yuendumu hold an annual weekend that includes several mainstream sports in addition to traditional fire making, boomerang and spear throwing. This weekend event allows modern day continuation of historical inter-tribal and inter-community competition (Mackinnon & Campbell, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref38">33</reflink>]). These sports events have also been absorbed into Indigenous culture through storytelling of sporting achievements and performances (Bamblett, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref39">5</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-4">Aboriginal peoples and AFL</hd> <p>It has been asserted that Marn-Grook, a Western Victorian Djab-wurung game meaning ball-foot, using a possum hair ball influenced the development of the Melbourne Football Club rules in 1859. These rules subsequently evolved into the Victorian football league in 1896 and the formation of the national league, AFL, in 1990. The influence of Marn-Grook on the Melbourne Football Club rules is attributed to Tom Wills, one of a group of men who supposedly compiled the Melbourne Football Club rules, having observed Aboriginal people playing this game (Sutton, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref40">43</reflink>]). However, the association of AFL with Marn-Grook has been widely disputed along with claims that it derived from Gaelic football (Whimpress, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref41">47</reflink>]).</p> <p>McCoy ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref42">36</reflink>]) identifies three ways that AFL has cultural value to Aboriginal men. Firstly, it involves the pairing of players in competition. According to McCoy ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref43">36</reflink>]) the notion of pairing is an important Aboriginal tradition, where historically young single men paired up, travelled and experienced life together. Thus, when some Aboriginal men play AFL, being paired up in the game has special meaning for them. Secondly McCoy ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref44">36</reflink>]) makes a connection between hunting and AFL drawing similarities between both. The physical skills, communication and social aspects of hunting can, he argued, be realised in AFL. Finally, McCoy ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref45">36</reflink>]) comments that AFL enables men's business and relationships external to the game to be expressed through kinship ties.</p> <p>Similarly, Mackinnon and Campbell ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref46">33</reflink>]) describe the Yuendumu men as joking about AFL being a new 'ceremony' because it brings them together. It also allows those men to prove themselves as 'warriors' through notions of manhood, honour and prestige previously afforded by their existence in the Tanami desert. In other words, AFL has replaced old ways including hunting as a modern-day equivalent. In summary, traditional forms of masculinity, and sport as a former male preserve were critical to the development of AFL and the game's diffusion and popularity across much of Australia shaped the experiences of Indigenous peoples.</p> <p>Another example of how AFL has served as a contemporary substitute for traditional practices, is the Clontarf Foundation https://clontarf.org.au This organisation provides AFL academies for Australian Indigenous boys, offering positive learning environments while fostering personal growth. At these academies, AFL is used to improve educational outcomes while developing traits such as self-discipline and commitment to help those boys find employment as adults (McCoy, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref47">37</reflink>]). The first academy opened in 2000 and grew to 36 schools during the following decade (McCoy, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref48">37</reflink>]). Currently, there are 132 schools involved in the Foundation providing for 9,000 boys https://clontarf.org.au.</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-5">Aboriginal peoples and rugby league</hd> <p>Involvement of Australian Indigenous peoples in rugby league, like AFL, reflects a contested history (Maynard, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref49">35</reflink>]). Tatz's seminal book <emph>Aborigines in Sport</emph> details the representation of Indigenous peoples in rugby league (Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref50">44</reflink>]). However even before the codification of rugby league Aboriginal communities were active participants in the sport. After the sport was codified in 1908 there is evidence that Aboriginal communities had adopted and embraced the game to contribute to the ongoing organisation and cohesion of communities (Bamblett, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref51">6</reflink>]). In common with how other sports have a lack of Aboriginal administrators, rugby league was and is, predominantly governed by non-Indigenous Australians. Consequently, it is and has, been viewed as a white man's sport (Cottle & Keys, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref52">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>The place of rugby league is reflected in the annual gathering of Aboriginal communities for what has become known as the Knockout. Significantly this competition is the largest gathering of Indigenous peoples in Australia (Maxwell et al., [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref53">34</reflink>]). Norman ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref54">40</reflink>]) describes the annual New South Wales 'Knockout' as ' ... an opportunity for families to gather, reunite as a community and barrack for their home-town and mob, and commemorate past glories and those who have passed on' (p. 170). Norman ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref55">40</reflink>]) continues by arguing that sport enables continuation of culture by likening 'Knockout' carnivals to modern day Corroborees. A Corroboree meaning an informal Aboriginal gathering. To date the event has been conducted annually since 1972 (Norman, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref56">40</reflink>]).</p> <p>The strong community acceptance of rugby league has translated into an overrepresentation of players in the professional code, in common with the select sports mentioned earlier (Light & Evans, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref57">30</reflink>]). Its attraction as a sporting activity can be seen in the following quote where Clive, a professional player, describes his affection and passion the game. In his recollection of growing up playing rugby league as a cultural practice, Clive suggests its cultural significance for Aboriginal people:</p> <p>It's part of our culture to do things as a group, to enjoy each other's company and all that sort of stuff ... Indigenous people play football the way they do and enjoy training the way they do. It takes them back to those cultural ways that our people have, you know, and I think competitive games and stuff like that ... we just love being out there. (Light & Evans, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref58">29</reflink>], p. 856)</p> <p>The above quote sums up much of what has been written thus far about the overall significance of both AF and rugby league for Aboriginal people.</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-6">Figurational sociology</hd> <p>Figurational sociology or process sociology is used because within this theoretical framework long-term processes and human relationships are centrally positioned (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref59">21</reflink>]). These two concepts are considered important in answering the study research questions because how the participants experience AFL and rugby league contemporarily is influenced by both. Specifically, the participants' involvement in each sport is inextricably linked to the past and is affected by the intended and unintended actions of others over time to whom they are connected.</p> <p>Within figurational sociology the term figuration is described as 'a structure of mutually oriented and dependent people' (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref60">16</reflink>], p. 271). Figurations vary in size and complexity and exist locally, nationally and globally. The figuration studied here is small scale and local and is described as Aboriginal Year 7–10 (age 12–16 approximately) students who play AFL and/or rugby league. It is defined by interdependent relationships between its members and others, both face to face and non-face-to-face and is also influenced by wider Aboriginal figurations, incorporating kinship that importantly have temporal and spatial dimensions.</p> <p>Van Krieken ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref61">46</reflink>]) offers a useful overview of figurational sociology, by suggesting that there are at least five inter-related principles underpinning the approach. Firstly, while people act in intended ways, collectively most human action leads to unplanned and unintended outcomes. For example, AFL and rugby league have been adopted by Aboriginal communities for their own purposes, in contrast to why they were first introduced, as part of wider civilising process through Western sport. The actions of other groups can also contribute to the production of unintended outcomes. An example of this is where white HPE teachers in ACT high schools unintentionally limit opportunities for Aboriginal students by typecasting them according to racialized beliefs of them being physical and only good at sport (Williams, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref62">48</reflink>]).</p> <p>Secondly, people can only be conceptualised in the context of their interdependencies or mutual dependence upon each other. An example of mutual reliance in AFL and rugby league, is where white Australians rely on Aboriginal players for their entertainment value (Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref63">44</reflink>]) while Aboriginal players rely on white Australians for providing opportunities to play. Further, instead of having independent or separate identities, people only exist on account of their relations with others with whom they adopt a socially developed habitus (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref64">21</reflink>]). Two forms of habitus were used by Elias ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref65">20</reflink>]). Individual habitus meaning a person's 'personality structure' (Goudsblom & Mennell, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref66">25</reflink>], p. 61) which modifies throughout life and social habitus to describe values, beliefs and ways of doing that people have in common with others in their figurations.</p> <p>Thirdly, according to Van Krieken ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref67">46</reflink>]) human relationships can only be understood in dynamic rather than static terms because of the radical interdependence which exists between individuals and groups. Such relationships can be face-to-face or where people have never met and are characterised by social power differentials. An example of changing human relationships in the context of this study is how white Australians have come to celebrate Indigenous sporting success through the emergence of the role models mentioned earlier. This contrasts with colonial notions of Indigenous people being 'savages' who needed to be 'civilized'. This came about through the process of colonisation where teachers, missionaries and other individuals of authority became colonial masters tasked with this 'benevolent' civilising role (Buchan, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref68">12</reflink>]).</p> <p>Fourthly, societies can only be comprehended processually according to long-term development and alteration. We have explained earlier how Aboriginal experience of AFL and rugby league contemporarily is inextricably linked to the past and has modified over time. As explained in the early part of the paper historically British sport was used a part of a civilising long-term process to inculcate Indigenous peoples into British ways and knowing 'their place'. The restricted, racialized and entertainer status of some Aboriginal sportspeople is indicative of what can be described as largely unconscious or blind aspects of this process (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref69">21</reflink>]). In other words, those sportspeople have to a greater or lesser extent been unaware of this process. Lastly, figurationalists, like all researchers operate with high levels of involvement and detachment. Consequently, they are always to a greater or lesser extent part of their research.</p> <p>This study also drew upon <emph>on the process of civilisation</emph> (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref70">21</reflink>]) which documents how Europeans from courtly society in the Middle Ages gradually developed and refined their manners and social behaviour. This development spread through other social strata in Western nations, where the behaviour of the upper classes emanated. However, as Mennell and Goudsblom ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref71">39</reflink>]) observe, from the middle of the eighteenth century, for citizens of Western nations, being 'civilized' had ' ... become loaded with a wide range of evaluative connotations expressing the West's sense of superiority' (p. 14). By the nineteenth century, Western European people believed that t<emph>he civilizing process</emph> (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref72">21</reflink>]) was complete. Those people were, by that time, self-assured of their own 'superior' standards and culture and their main focus was ' ... to "civilize" others: the lower classes of their own countries and, especially, the natives of lands now being colonized by European powers' (Mennell & Goudsblom, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref73">39</reflink>], pp. 14–15).</p> <p>Elias ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref74">18</reflink>]) argued that as part of colonisation, nation states performed an 'upper class' function with its people engaging in certain behaviour and adopting other 'distinguishing characteristics' to differentiate them from those being colonised. As mentioned earlier, sport played an important part in this process. Through enjoying an excess of military and economic power resources, along with a desire to colonise, Western nation states were able to force their way of life, to a greater or lesser extent, on Indigenous peoples globally (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref75">17</reflink>]). As mentioned earlier, sport was used in this way as part of the British Empire and the success with which it was used is seen contemporarily. For example, ACT high school Indigenous students with high levels of physical literacy in PE, are perceived by themselves, their peers and their teachers according to fantasy laden notions of biological race (Williams, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref76">48</reflink>]). A further example in ACT high school PE, of the residual effects of British colonisation, is the positioning of Western games and sport as privileged content and the marginalisation or absence of traditional Indigenous games (Williams, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref77">49</reflink>]).</p> <p>Over time, through planned processes, for example colonisation and Western education and unplanned processes like Aboriginal peoples valuing British sport for its own sake, unintended outcomes occur such as Aboriginal resistance to the 'civilizing' intention of British sport. Consequently, a 'levelling out' of social power and conduct happens between settlers and Indigenous peoples (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref78">21</reflink>]). Through mutual dependency upon each other and a lengthening of interdependency ties over time, a power balance shift occurs between colonisers and the colonised, favouring the latter. Elias ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref79">21</reflink>]) describes this as a process of diminishing contrasts and increasing varieties. Although we describe this equalising of social power and civilising process in relation to colonisation, Elias applied this concept to broader social contexts. For example, to relationships of class, gender and ethnicity beyond Indigenous peoples (Dunning et al., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref80">15</reflink>]).</p> <p>Through experiencing a greater share of power in their relationship with white Australians, Aboriginal people have come to use sport, particularly AFL and rugby league, to continue their own culture. While the British originally used sport as a 'superior' movement form to distinguish themselves from Aboriginal people, over time Aboriginal people have come to enjoy sport for its own sake. This interpretation of sport as enjoyment is an example of Western standards diffusing ' ... occasionally even upwards from below, if we may adhere to this spatial image, and fusing to form unique entities, new varieties of civilised conduct' (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref81">21</reflink>], p. 426).</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-7">Methodology</hd> <p>A qualitative research design was adopted that was cognisant of the <emph>Guidelines for Ethical Research in Australian Indigenous Studies</emph> (Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref82">3</reflink>]). We used a qualitative and figurational research design because this was deemed most appropriate for answering the research questions. Concerning this research design, Baur and Ernst ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref83">7</reflink>]) argue that while Elias was an early advocate of mixed method research, he believed that qualitative was not the correct term arguing that social researchers should conduct figurational research instead. Ethics approval was received from Author 1's university and ACT Government Education.</p> <p>Figurational sociology was used to inform the research by identifying that how the participants experience AFL and rugby league contemporarily is influenced by the wider figurations of which they are a part, both past and present. Those figurations are characterised by social power relationships through civilising and colonisation processes that have had lasting effects. In other words, we set out to study the wider figurations of which the participants are involved. Through invisible bonds or ties with these broader figurations our study illustrates the value of the concept of figuration and associated ideas including human relationships, social power and the dynamic representation of social processes.</p> <p>The literature also informed the research by providing the wider context within which Indigenous people experience sport and specifically AFl and rugby league. Further, figurational sociology was used to interpret the findings through making sense of the figuration the students form. Specifically, the concept of diminishing contrasts and increasing varieties was used along with how human relationships and conduct alter over time as part of long-term processes (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref84">21</reflink>]). In addition, the literature as explained below, was used deductively to analyse the data.</p> <p>Following ethics approval, three schools were purposefully selected in consultation with the ACT Government Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Section. Criteria for selection was that schools needed to have Indigenous students who played or had played AFL and/or rugby league. Finding students who met this criterion was challenging, as in 2019, there were only 505 Indigenous students amongst the 11662 students enrolled in ACT Government schools. From the three schools originally chosen, whose headteachers Author 1 emailed, only one school had students who expressed a desire to be involved in the study.</p> <p>Author 1 subsequently approached the above ACT Government Section who suggested several more schools. Those schools were similarly unable to find participants, had no Indigenous students who played AFL or rugby league or did not reply to the first email or follow-up emails. The same process was followed several times, going back and forward to this Section. Eventually five schools and one college responded that they had students who were keen to be involved. Author 1 provided those schools and the college with information and consent forms. Written parental consent was subsequently received for each participant, with the proviso that they could withdraw their participation at any time.</p> <p>A total of 14 of the 19 high schools in the ACT Government jurisdiction were invited to take part. Reasons for the overall low response rate are unknown but are perhaps because ACT Government schools are asked too frequently to be involved in research. Author 1 has been told informally by an ACT Government official that several requests are typically received each week. Consequently, they are selective about the studies they participate in, prioritising only those that most clearly align to their current objectives. That said, we believe that the small number of participants did not compromise the study findings. This was because there was a lot of similarity in responses and additional participants would not have provided any greater insights.</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-8">Data collection</hd> <p>Data were collected by Author 1 during 2018 and 2019 from twelve children, all Aboriginal. More information about the students is provided in Table 1. Semi-structured interviews were used to allow the depth of responses required to adequately answer both research questions. One group interview was held at three of the schools (Schools A, D and E) each involving between two and four participants. Two children from the same family, but who went to different schools (Schools B and C), preferred to be interviewed together at home. This interview was carried out with the children's mother present. In addition, a single interview was held for one college student which took place at the college. Each interview lasted between 30 and 40 min and was audio recorded, again with parental consent. To help safeguard participant anonymity, at the schools and at the college, rooms were allocated that enabled privacy to be maintained. Each interview was subsequently transcribed by Authors 1 and 4 and then combined into a single data set for ease of analysis.</p> <p>Table 1. Participant Information.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Pseudonym</td><td>School or College</td><td>'Mob' or Aboriginal group</td><td>League of AFL</td><td>Gender</td><td>Year</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Jack</td><td>School A</td><td>Wiradjuri</td><td>League</td><td>M</td><td char=".">10</td></tr><tr><td>Billy</td><td>School A</td><td>Aboriginal and Mob unknown</td><td>League</td><td>M</td><td char=".">8</td></tr><tr><td>Peter</td><td>School A</td><td>Aboriginal and Mob unknown</td><td>AFL</td><td>M</td><td char=".">9</td></tr><tr><td>Ryan</td><td>College</td><td>Barkindji</td><td>League</td><td>M</td><td char=".">10</td></tr><tr><td>Callum</td><td>School B</td><td>Bundjalung, Wiradjuri and Yorta Yorta</td><td>League and AFL</td><td>M</td><td char=".">10</td></tr><tr><td>Helen</td><td>School C</td><td>Bundjalung, Wiradjuri and Yorta Yorta</td><td>AFL</td><td>F</td><td char=".">8</td></tr><tr><td>Paul</td><td>School D</td><td>Ngunnawal</td><td>League</td><td>M</td><td char=".">8</td></tr><tr><td>Sarah</td><td>School D</td><td>Yorta Yorta and Wiradjuri</td><td>League</td><td>F</td><td char=".">8</td></tr><tr><td>David</td><td>School D</td><td>Ngunnawal</td><td>League</td><td>M</td><td char=".">8</td></tr><tr><td>Rosie</td><td>School D</td><td>Wiradjuri</td><td>League</td><td>F</td><td char=".">10</td></tr><tr><td>Katie</td><td>School E</td><td>Wiradjuri</td><td>AFL and League</td><td>F</td><td char=".">7</td></tr><tr><td>Jarrod</td><td>School E</td><td>Wiradjuri</td><td>AFL</td><td>M</td><td char=".">8</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0154224395-9">Data analysis</hd> <p>A deductive coding approach was taken initially as the literature review informed the ideas, concepts and potential codes. It is noted that 'in practice, any researcher will approach the data with preconceived ideas based on their existing knowledge and viewpoints' (Braun et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref85">9</reflink>], p. 853). These preconceptions are indicative of the relative involvement, pre-existing knowledge, motivations and predispositions all researchers bring to their work (Van Krieken, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref86">46</reflink>]). The initial codes identified were: 1. Personal meaning; 2. Family and community; 3. Connection, identity and belonging; 4. Peer and school support; 5. Role Models and 6. Expression of culture. Upon request, the corresponding author can provide a supplementary document upon request that provides examples of how our initial codes were clustered to form candidate themes and then how final themes were derived.</p> <p>Phase one involved each author independently reviewing the single data set several times to acquaint themselves with this data in the context of both research questions. At this stage, we actively looked for patterns and meanings in relation to initial codes and used note taking to record our earliest ideas. Phase two was also carried independently by each author where we began our preliminary labelling of the data. In phase three, we had a 'Zoom' meeting where all authors discussed potential themes resulting in Author 4 sending Author 1 a table of potential matching of data strings to the codes from each author. In phase 4, Author 1 reviewed, refined and checked the coding from this table in relation to the research questions.</p> <p>Phase 5 was a further analysis to construct themes also carried out by Author 1. This stage involved looking at the intersection of the data to give these meaning and to ensure a collective narrative. Phase 6 was the writing of the findings section. The codes became the organiser of the discussion through which the themes are interpreted using our figurational sociology concepts and the literature. Author 1 drafted this section which was then reviewed and edited by his co-authors. In the process we have outlined, we start with a general idea informed by literature in the field and end with specific themes. Deductive and inductive analysis has been applied to the data in what Braun and Clarke ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref87">10</reflink>]) describe as a hybrid approach.</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-10">Findings and discussion</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0154224395-11">Personal meaning and identity</hd> <p>When asked why they played AFL or rugby league, many of the students responded that they simply enjoyed playing those sports. Commenting about rugby league for example, Billy remarked:</p> <p>I liked it a lot when I did play it. It was actually a lot of fun.</p> <p>Ryan, as well as liking rugby league noted about his family that:</p> <p>Everyone has enjoyed footy, loved watching it ...</p> <p>The notion that AFL and rugby league were fun beyond only playing was expressed by other participants. For example:</p> <p>It's really fun and good to play or watch with mob ... you've got family there just to have fun with ... So it's always good. (Callum)</p> <p>These comments are consistent with the literature suggesting that the students enjoyed both sports for their own sake and not as something they were coerced to do (Light & Evans, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref88">29</reflink>]; Maynard, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref89">35</reflink>]; Osmond, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref90">41</reflink>]; Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref91">45</reflink>]). From a figurational perspective it is an indication of the balance of power shifting in the long-term relationship between white Australians and Aboriginal people. Further, the above quotes suggest individual habitus (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref92">20</reflink>]) and emotional involvement through the enjoyment of both sports for their own sake. There is also a degree of social habitus (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref93">20</reflink>]) evident in Ryan and Callum's remarks through rugby league and AFL being similarly valued by friends, family and mob. There was no indication that the students felt that these games were 'owned' by white Australians and were used to distinguish them from Indigenous peoples, which had been their original intention along with British sport more generally (Ferguson, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref94">24</reflink>]). Indeed, about AFL and 'ownership' Katie remarked:</p> <p>When I watch it feels really good because that sport, it's our sport and its really good to see other people participating in it too ... yeah so it's good.</p> <p>From a figurational perspective, Katie's comment about 'our sport' suggests social habitus and a 'We' identity as an example of strong association that many people have with their kinship groups (Mennell, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref95">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>Continuing about her identity with AFL Helen added:</p> <p>It came from Marn-Grook. We created it ... it's a traditional sport ... we played it ... thousands of years ago for fun and then it got brought back.</p> <p>Helen's comment indicates a long-term association with AFL by making the contentious connection with Marn-Grook (Whimpress, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref96">47</reflink>]). Participants also identified with the physicality of the two sports finding the contact aspects appealing.</p> <p>I wouldn't really ... (laughs) say I will play tennis because I feel League is a contact sport and it brings excitement to it and people put spots on each other. It's the contact to people, it's the colliding, not necessarily getting hurt, but people get hit and it's like, 'that was a big hit'. (Jack)</p> <p>Likewise, Rosie noted:</p> <p>I started playing just cos ... I didn't play a sport and I don't like non-contact sport ... so I play in the full contact. I play NRL (National Rugby League) and ... you know ... I like feeling like I am strong ... I'm pretty small, but, and I just like showing power.</p> <p>Similarly, Katie reflected:</p> <p>So I think it was Auntie Sarah (pseudonym), she was one of the first Aboriginal women to be able to play a sport ... at her school and she chose contact sport and it's just travelled down through the family. So, all the tougher women in our family have gone and played league .... (Katie)</p> <p>These quotes connect with the literature where it is reported that as part of long-term processes, Aboriginal people have been conditioned into believing that they are especially suited to contact sports (Hallinan, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref97">26</reflink>]; Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref98">44</reflink>]). Indeed, Williams ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref99">48</reflink>]) in his figurational study of ACT Indigenous high school students, found that Aboriginal girls were encouraged to play rugby league because their non-Indigenous peers believed they would be good at it. This was despite those girls expressing no interest in the game. From a figurational perspective, these participant quotes suggest the participants as an outsider group accept to a greater or lesser extent the fantasy-laden beliefs of white Australians as an established group (Elias & Scotson, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref100">22</reflink>]). This affirmation is due to the latter representing dominant society and enjoying a greater share of social power and capital (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref101">19</reflink>]). Such positioning allows them to stigmatise minority groups including Aboriginal people who are often perceived as being inferior.</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-12">Family and community</hd> <p>The participants consistently spoke about AFL and rugby league being played by close and kinship family group members. Brothers, sisters, mums, dads, grandparents, uncles, aunties, cousins and second cousins were all mentioned as playing or having played. What this popularity shows is a common orientation towards these sports in the family figuration of each participant. For Helen:</p> <p>a lot of family just wants to come out and watch us and see us do our thing (laughs).</p> <p>When asked who came to watch her, she said family she would not see otherwise. About the connection to family Callum commented:</p> <p>AFL's really big in our family on mum's side and then on dad's side AFL and rugby's really big. So, my younger cousins, they are growing up playing rugby and while my dad and like all my uncles grew up playing AFL.</p> <p>In each of the quotes, the two sports provide a common bond between members of close family and kinship family figurations. In Callum's quote, in common with Katie above, there is also a suggestion of long-term process and a temporal aspect to the figurations that they cite. The link to the past is shown through mention of multiple generations playing. Both sports, provide opportunities for the participants and their families to come together promoting a sense of belonging and cohesiveness (Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref102">45</reflink>]). The importance of rugby league to family is encapsulated by Paul:</p> <p>... if my family didn't play football ... we would literally have pretty much nothing.</p> <p>It's what my entire family does ... so we'll sit around the lounge and watch it, or we'll go out and have a kick.</p> <p>Similarly, about AFL and the fostering of family cohesion:</p> <p>We mostly talk about AFL at home ... whose team is doing better or whose team's going to make it into the Grand (Final). (Callum)</p> <p>Essentially, these social gatherings provide kinship opportunities as the kind of relational family network traditionally used by Aboriginal people to maintain culture (Macdonald, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref103">31</reflink>]). Concerning community, Knockout was a way in which participants came together with their mob and caught up with friends and peers. Knockout was also an opportunity for on and off field inter-mob rivalry.</p> <p>Everybody goes to the Knockout. I don't think I know one person who hasn't been to the Knockout. It's ... a big family gathering. Even if you're not family, that's your mob and like you just spend time with them. (Jack)</p> <p>Billy encapsulated the meaning that Knockout had for many of the participants:</p> <p>Like I said it's a family thing, everybody loves to be with each other. Sometimes there is a little bit of fighting between mobs and it's just fun.</p> <p>Further, and like the meaning that both sports had for families, about Knockout:</p> <p>There is a sense of belonging there too. I have heard old aunties say it's sorta a modern day meeting point. You are there just to see how each other are. You might not have seen your cousins in years but yous are all there at one point. And it really gets a sense of belonging.</p> <p>Each of the quotes in this section show mutual orientation (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref104">16</reflink>]) through the shared interest and significance of both football codes to participants and members of their family and community figurations. In summary, the comments show that through sport, the participants experience kinship, enjoyment, connection and belonging (Kickett-Tucker, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref105">28</reflink>]; Macdonald, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref106">32</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-13">Support</hd> <p>Involvement in AFL and rugby league was viewed by participants as an important means through which they received support from their people and the wider community. Ryan spoke about his experiences of attending a Clontarf academy prior to moving to the ACT:</p> <p>So academically we were lacking because we weren't helping each other so I really struggled with it at first. But we all sort of pulled our heads in and with the help of the Clontarf Foundation ... we all talked together. Academically now I don't struggle.</p> <p>The mention of community and peer support is indicative of social habitus (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref107">20</reflink>]) while the change at a personality level in Ryan's quote suggests individual habitus (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref108">20</reflink>]). Ryan's account also corroborates with the benefits of Clontarf academies mentioned earlier. In particular, improved learning outcomes for Indigenous students, self-discipline, self-application and the development of social skills (McCoy, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref109">37</reflink>]). Similarly, in response to 'what do you like about AFL?' Jarrod spoke about his own personal development through the sport and support provided by the local AFL governing body.</p> <p>When you actually put the intensity into a sport and you're committed to it, you can actually do something with your life involving that sport ... This year, AFL Canberra did a diversity program where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander kids and kids who were born with parents born outside the country got to do a program to work on their skills.</p> <p>From a figurational perspective, both Ryan and Jarrod's quotes show how their AFL figuration has, like all figurations, altered over time (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref110">16</reflink>]) to provide value-added benefits through their association with the sport. Support of the kind mentioned in this section is important because the lasting effects of colonisation have led many Aboriginal people to feel dislocated from wider society (Williams, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref111">48</reflink>]). This lack of connection means that some face ongoing hardship, low socio-economic status and poor health outcomes including significantly higher rates of suicide compared with the non-Indigenous population (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref112">4</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-14">Culture</hd> <p>Participants were cognisant and proud of their culture which they were able to express through both sports. When asked 'what's it like to play or watch your mob run out to play Knockout or some other competition?' Jack replied:</p> <p>It makes me feel proud of my culture and my people.</p> <p>Similarly, Callum commented:</p> <p>So Knockout means to me, just a lot of Koori (Aboriginal) fellas, blackfellas coming together ... sharing like our culture and having a lot of fun and playing each other and trying to show off who's the best ... and which country (region) or which town's the best.</p> <p>For Billy, about rugby league matches:</p> <p>My favourite thing ... watching the tribes dance before the rugby league games. I like that a lot, because they show their culture and they show their dance and that's very good.</p> <p>Paul, concerning the rugby league Indigenous Round, matches celebrating Indigenous culture:</p> <p>Yeah, like with the Indigenous Round it's a way to express ... your mob and what you do with your family. That's like a cultural thing. It's what you do.</p> <p>Also, about the Indigenous AFL Round Callum remarked:</p> <p>With my footy club this year, before I got injured, I got asked to create an Indigenous jersey for the Indigenous Round, but cos I got injured, we didn't get to wear it. So they said, next year when I can play, we're going to wear it. The designs ... So I've got four circles in a big stripe. Two of the circles mean meeting place, where everyone comes together and meets each other and the other two circles mean the histories at the different ovals and what has happened and then I've got 18 hand prints on ... the front and back and that means 18 players on the field.</p> <p>Each of these quotes show how AFL and rugby league are used to continue historical inter-tribal and inter-community competition (Mackinnon & Campbell, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref113">33</reflink>]). With Jack and Callum being Wiradjuri, there is also a direct link to Macdonald's ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref114">32</reflink>]) work about how this mob have used sport to continue their culture. Callum describes how he uses his artwork as a form of storytelling describing AFL as a modern day Corroboree, acknowledging past notable events (Bamblett, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref115">5</reflink>]; Norman, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref116">40</reflink>]). In summary, the above participants as part of a long-term process, have used sport to realise their culture, replacing traditional ways of cultural expression (Bamblett, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref117">6</reflink>]; Macdonald, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref118">32</reflink>]; Mackinnon & Campbell, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref119">33</reflink>]; Owston, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref120">42</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-15">Conclusion</hd> <p>In answering the first research question: 'What meaning does AFL and rugby league have for the Aboriginal student participants?' it has been shown how AFL and rugby league have broad significance for the students in this study. The two focus sports are a vehicle through which they experience enjoyment, kinship, family and community connection and systems of support. It has been described how individuals, family, community and culture have positively embraced AFL and rugby league to 'fit' in with contemporary Aboriginal ways of life. Through adopting these sports as their own participants demonstrate what Elias ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref121">19</reflink>]) refers to as a shift towards greater integration.</p> <p>While the participants appeared to have a strong identity and association with AFL and/or rugby league, with a corresponding habitus alignment to the same, there is also a sense that they have 'accepted their place' in being restricted and suited to these sports. The effects of a largely unconscious or blind long-term process of civilisation appear to have led to this acceptance (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref122">21</reflink>]). It seems to an extent, the participants have come to embody white Australian fantastical ideas of Aboriginal people as 'gladiators' and entertainers through their supposed savage like physicality and aggression (Tatz, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref123">44</reflink>]). What this shows is the relative power that exists within the figuration that the participants share with white Australians, where the latter have succeeded in constraining Aboriginal people's involvement in sport. The problem with what seems to be a cementing of Aboriginal peoples to these two sports, is that there is perhaps less likelihood that they will take up other sports that white Australians enjoy free access to. By the continued over-representation of Aboriginal people in AFL and rugby league, the kinds of racial stereotypes described here are continued as a long-term process.</p> <p>Concerning the second research question 'In what ways might AFL and rugby league facilitate continuation of culture for the participants?' we have explained how both sports have strong cultural significance for the students in the study. Playing and watching these sports on television or live through the Knockout for example, provides them with ways to realise and express their culture. These modern ways for continuing culture have replaced traditional avenues such as Corroborees, inter-group traditional games, celebrations and hunting. As members of one of the world's oldest living cultures, participants use both sports in ways not originally intended by the British who first introduced them as part of a civilising movement.</p> <p>What has occurred, is a 'levelling out' of social power and behaviour between the white Australian original 'owners' of AFL and rugby league and the Aboriginal people who have adopted these sports as their own. Through the intended and unintended consequences of human action, the participants in the study figuration experience AFL and or rugby league in ways quite different to how their ancestors would have first been introduced to these sports. Instead of encountering them as instruments of colonisation, the participants instead were able to use both codes to continue their culture in rich ways. Contemporarily, within AFL and rugby league figurations, that have both Aboriginal and white Australian members, both groups are mutually dependent upon each other. White Australians rely upon Aboriginal people for their entertaining playing style and the 'peculiar' qualities they bring. On the other hand, Aboriginal people rely upon their former masters for providing opportunities to play.</p> <p>We consider that our research is useful to anyone who wishes to more adequately and critically understand the significance of AFL and rugby league for Aboriginal people. Further, this study has wider relevance for those seeking to understand Indigenous peoples globally. As was the case in this study, groups who have perhaps been able to use Western sport to counter the 'civilizing' purpose for which it was originally intended.</p> <hd id="AN0154224395-16">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0154224395-17"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Adair, D. (2012). Ancestral footprints: Assumptions of 'natural' athleticism among indigenous Australians. Journal of Australian Indigenous Studies, 15 (2), 23 – 35.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref5" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Australian Curriculum Assessment and Reporting Authority. (2015). The Australian curriculum health and physical education. https://<ulink href="http://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/health-and-physical-education/curriculum/f-10?layout=1">www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/health-and-physical-education/curriculum/f-10?layout=1</ulink></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref82" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. (2012). Guidelines for ethical research in Australian indigenous studies. https://aiatsis.gov.au/sites/default/files/docs/research-and-guides/ethics/gerais.pdf</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref112" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2018, June 20). Australia's health 2018. https://<ulink href="http://www.aihw.gov.au/getmedia/7c42913d-295f-4bc9-9c24-4e44eff4a04a/aihw-aus-221.pdf.aspx?inline=true">www.aihw.gov.au/getmedia/7c42913d-295f-4bc9-9c24-4e44eff4a04a/aihw-aus-221.pdf.aspx?inline=true</ulink></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref37" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> Bamblett, L. (2011). Straight-line stories: Representations and indigenous Australian identities in sports discourses. Australian Aboriginal Studies, 2, 5 – 20.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref28" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> Bamblett, L. (2013). Our stories are our survival. Aboriginal Studies Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref83" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> Baur, N., & Ernst, S. (2011). Towards a process-oriented methodology: Modern social science research methods and Norbert Elias's figurational sociology. The Sociological Review, 59 (1), 117 – 139. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954X.2011.01981.x</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref21" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> Bennie, A., Apoifis, N., Marlin, D., & Caron, J. G. (2019). Cultural connections and cultural ceilings: Exploring the experiences of aboriginal Australian sport coaches. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 11 (3), 299 – 315. https://doi.org/10.1080/2159676X.2017.1399924</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref85" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> Braun, V., Clarke, V., Hayfield, N., & Terry, G. (2019). Thematic analysis. In P. Liamputtong (Ed.), Handbook of research methods in health social sciences (pp. 843 – 860). Springer.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3 (2), 77 – 101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Broome, R. (2010). Aboriginal Australians: A history since 1788. Allen & Unwin.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Buchan, B. A. (2008). The empire of political thought: Indigenous Australians and the language of colonial government. Pickering and Chatto.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Cottle, D., & Keys, A. (2010). The blindside flick: Race and rugby league. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies Journal, 2 (2), 1 – 11. doi: 10.5130/ccs.v2i2.1406.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> De Plevitz, L. (2007). Systemic racism: The hidden barrier to educational success for indigenous school students. Australian Journal of Education, 51 (1), 54 – 71. https://doi.org/10.1177/000494410705100105</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Dunning, E., Murphy, P., & Waddington, I. (2003). Violence in the British civilizing process. In E. Dunning & S. Mennell (Eds.), Norbert Elias (Vol. 2, pp. 5 – 34). Sage Publications.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Elias, N. (1978). The civilizing process: The history of manners. Basil Blackwell.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Elias, N. (1982). The civilizing process: State formation and civilization. Basil Blackwell.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Elias, N. (1998). Diminishing contrasts, increasing varieties. In S. Mennell & J. Goudsblom (Eds.), Norbert Elias on civilization, power, and knowledge: Selected writings (pp. 67 – 74). The University of Chicago Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Elias, N. (2009). Social processes. In N. Elias (Ed.), Essays III: On sociology and the humanities, 16, collected works (pp. 4 – 8). University College Dublin Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Elias, N. (2010). Changes in the We-I balance. In N. Elias (Ed.), The society of individuals, 10, collected works (pp. 137 – 208). University College Dublin Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Elias, N. (2012). On the process of civilisation: Sociogenetic and psychogenetic investigations, 3, collected works. University College Dublin Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Elias, N., & Scotson, J. L. (1994). Theory, culture & society: Vol 32. The established and the outsiders: A sociological enquiry into community problems. Sage.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Evans, J. R., Georgakis, S., & Wilson, R. (2018). Indigenous games and sports in the Australian national curriculum: Educational benefits and opportunities? Journal of Indigenous Studies and First Nations and First Peoples' Cultures, 1 (2), 195 – 213. doi: 10.5325/aboriginal.1.2.0195.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ferguson, N. (2004). Empire: How Britain made the modern world (1st ed.). Penguin Books.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Goudsblom, J., & Mennell, S. (1998). The Norbert Elias reader. Blackwell Publishers.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hallinan, C. (1991). Aborigines and positional segregation in Australian rugby league. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 26 (2), 69 – 79. https://doi.org/10.1177/101269029102600201</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hallinan, C., Bruce, T., & Bennie, J. (2004). Freak goals and magical moments: Commonsense understandings about indigenous footballers. In K. Richmond (Ed.), TASA 2004 conference proceedings (pp. 1 – 11). Australian Sociological Association.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kickett-Tucker, C. S. (2009). Moorn (black)? Djardak (white)? How come I don't fit in mum? Exploring the racial identity of Australian Aboriginal children and youth. Health Sociology Review, 18 (1), 119 – 136. doi: 10.5172/hesr.18.1.119</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Light, R. L., & Evans, J. R. (2017). Socialisation, culture and the foundations of expertise in elite level indigenous Australian sportsmen. Sport, Education and Society, 22 (7), 852 – 863. https://doi.org/10.1080/13573322.2015.1105208</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Light, R. L., & Evans, J. R. (2018). Indigenous stories of success in Australian sport: Journeys to the AFL and NRL. Palgrave Macmillan.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Macdonald, G. (1998). Continuities of Wiradjuri tradition. In W. H. Edwards (Ed.), Traditional aboriginal society (2nd ed., pp. 297 – 312). Macmillan Education.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Macdonald, G. (2001). Does 'culture' have 'history'? Thinking about continuity and change in central New South Wales. Aboriginal History, 25, 176 – 199.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Mackinnon, B. H., & Campbell, C. (2012). Warlpiri warriors: Australian rules football in Central Australia. Sport in Society, 15 (7), 965 – 974. https://doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2012.723357</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Maxwell, H., Stronach, M., Adair, D., & Pearce, S. (2017). Indigenous Australian women and sport: Findings and recommendations from a parliamentary inquiry. Sport in Society, 20 (11), 1500 – 1529. https://doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2017.1284802</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Maynard, J. (2012). Contested space: The Australian aboriginal sporting arena. Sport in Society, 15 (7), 987 – 996. https://doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2012.723368</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> McCoy, B. F. (2002, September 29). The hidden culture of indigenous football. Anthropological society conference, Melbourne, VIC, Australia.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> McCoy, B. F. (2012). Bridging the indigenous health divide: Football and men engaging. Sport in Society, 15 (7), 952 – 964. https://doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2012.723356</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Mennell, S. (2003). The formation of we-images: A process theory. In E. Dunning & S. Mennell (Eds.), Norbert Elias (Vol. 2, pp. 367 – 386). Sage Publications.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Mennell, S., & Goudsblom, J. (1998). Introduction. In S. Mennell & J. Goudsblom (Eds.), Norbert Elias on civilization, power, and knowledge: Selected writings (pp. 1 – 45). The University of Chicago Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Norman, H. (2006). A modern day Corroboree: Towards a history of the New South Wales aboriginal rugby league knockout. Aboriginal History, 30 (1), 169 – 186.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Osmond, G. (2019). Decolonizing dialogues: Sport, resistance, and Australian aboriginal settlements. Journal of Sport History, 46 (2), 288 – 301. https://doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.46.2.0288</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Owston, D. (1991). Declining Northern Territory prison populations: How this was brought about by effective community based programs. In H. Strang & S. Gerull (Eds.), Proceedings of the Australian Institute of Criminology: Keeping people out of prison conference (pp. 7 – 15). Australian Institute of Criminology.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Sutton, M. (2017, April 13). Indigenous influence on AFL creation confirmed by historical transcripts, historian says. ABC News. https://<ulink href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-04-13/historian-reveals-marngrook-influence-on-afl/8439748">www.abc.net.au/news/2017-04-13/historian-reveals-marngrook-influence-on-afl/8439748</ulink>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Tatz, C. (1987). Aborigines in sport. The Australian Society for Sports History.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Tatz, C. (2012). Aborigines sport and suicide. Sport in Society, 15 (7), 922 – 935. https://doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2012.723352</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Van Krieken, R. (1998). Norbert Elias. Routledge.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Whimpress, B. (2008). Australian football. In W. Vamplew & B. Stoddart (Eds.), Sport in Australia: A social history (pp. 19 – 39). Cambridge University Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Williams, J. (2016a). A figurational analysis of how indigenous students encounter racialization in physical education and school sport. European Physical Education Review, 24 (1), 76 – 96. https://doi.org/10.1177/1356336X16667372</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Williams, J. (2016b). 'I didn't even know that there was such a thing as aboriginal games': A figurational account of how indigenous students experience physical education. Sport, Education and Society, 23 (5), 462 – 474. https://doi.org/10.1080/13573322.2016.1210118</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By John Williams; Shane Pill; John Evans and Michael Davies</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author; Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref40"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref52"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref58"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref65"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref66"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref71"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref74"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref75"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref77"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref80"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref87"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref95"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref100"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref101"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref105"></nolink>
Header DbId: eric
DbLabel: ERIC
An: EJ1324383
AccessLevel: 3
PubType: Academic Journal
PubTypeId: academicJournal
PreciseRelevancyScore: 0
IllustrationInfo
Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: ' … If My Family Didn't Play Football … We Would Literally Have Pretty Much Nothing': How High School Aboriginal Students Continue Culture through Rugby League and Australian Football
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Williams%2C+John%22">Williams, John</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3625-7487">0000-0002-3625-7487</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Pill%2C+Shane%22">Pill, Shane</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3970-6724">0000-0003-3970-6724</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Evans%2C+John%22">Evans, John</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Davies%2C+Michael%22">Davies, Michael</searchLink>
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Sport%2C+Education+and+Society%22"><i>Sport, Education and Society</i></searchLink>. 2022 27(1):57-71.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 15
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2022
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Audience
  Label: Education Level
  Group: Audnce
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22High+Schools%22">High Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Secondary+Education%22">Secondary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Elementary+Education%22">Elementary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Grade+7%22">Grade 7</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Junior+High+Schools%22">Junior High Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Middle+Schools%22">Middle Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Grade+8%22">Grade 8</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Grade+9%22">Grade 9</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Grade+10%22">Grade 10</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Indigenous+Populations%22">Indigenous Populations</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Bias%22">Social Bias</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethnic+Stereotypes%22">Ethnic Stereotypes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Athletics%22">Athletics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Team+Sports%22">Team Sports</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22High+School+Students%22">High School Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Grade+7%22">Grade 7</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Grade+8%22">Grade 8</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Grade+9%22">Grade 9</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Grade+10%22">Grade 10</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Attitudes%22">Student Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Support+Groups%22">Social Support Groups</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Family+Influence%22">Family Influence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Peer+Influence%22">Peer Influence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Land+Settlement%22">Land Settlement</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Maintenance%22">Cultural Maintenance</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Australia%22">Australia</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/13573322.2020.1814716
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 1357-3322
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Contemporarily Australian Indigenous peoples are portrayed by white Australians according to deficit understandings. As well as being inaccurate, this depiction, as part of a long-term civilising process, is an expression of 'fantasy-laden thinking' [Mennell, S., & Goudsblom, J. (1998). Introduction. In S. Mennell & J. Goudsblom (Eds.), "Norbert Elias on civilization, power, and knowledge: Selected writings" (pp. 1-45). The University of Chicago Press]. Such reasoning, apart from being false, serves to create and reinforce stereotypes, while promoting the 'superiority' of the Western world. Sport was used by the British as part of the process of civilisation to globally promote such reality inadequate accounts of Indigenous peoples, through its use as a 'civilizing' instrument. Sport, including rugby league and Australian football (AFL), was used in Australia to teach British values and gentlemanly behaviour to show Aboriginal people their 'place'. This study explains how both sports have meaning for high school students, as an unintended outcome of their introduction to Australia's Indigenous peoples. Figurational sociology, through its concern with long-term processes, is used to examine the importance of AFL and rugby league to 12 Year 7-10 (age 12-16 approximately) participants. Data were collected using six semi-structured interviews and were interpretively analysed. Instead of experiencing a sense of being 'civilized' or enlightened through their involvement in AFL and rugby league, participants instead spoke about both sports offering: (1) personal meaning through enjoyment and identity creation; (2) family and community connections; (3) support networks from family members, peers and others; and (4) opportunities to continue their culture. It would seem then that the introduction of rugby league and AFL to Australia's Indigenous peoples has resulted in the adaption of both sports for cultural and other reasons. It is possible that similar reconstruction of meaning is experienced by Indigenous groups beyond Australia who were similarly colonised by Western nations.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2022
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1324383
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1324383
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/13573322.2020.1814716
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 15
        StartPage: 57
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Indigenous Populations
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Social Bias
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Ethnic Stereotypes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Athletics
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Team Sports
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: High School Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Grade 7
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Grade 8
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Grade 9
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Grade 10
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Student Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Social Support Groups
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Family Influence
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Peer Influence
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Land Settlement
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Cultural Maintenance
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Australia
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: ' … If My Family Didn't Play Football … We Would Literally Have Pretty Much Nothing': How High School Aboriginal Students Continue Culture through Rugby League and Australian Football
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Williams, John
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Pill, Shane
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Evans, John
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Davies, Michael
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2022
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 1357-3322
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 27
            – Type: issue
              Value: 1
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Sport, Education and Society
              Type: main
ResultId 1