Snatching Bodies, Snatching History/ies: Exhuming the Insidious Plundering of Black Cemeteries as a Curriculum of Postmortem Racism
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| Title: | Snatching Bodies, Snatching History/ies: Exhuming the Insidious Plundering of Black Cemeteries as a Curriculum of Postmortem Racism |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Varga, Bretton A., Helmsing, Mark E., van Kessel, Cathryn, Christ, Rebecca C. |
| Source: | Equity & Excellence in Education. 2022 55(3):283-295. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 13 |
| Publication Date: | 2022 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Descriptive |
| Descriptors: | Blacks, African Americans, Death, Human Body, Geographic Location, Land Use, Antisocial Behavior, Crime, Racism, African American History, Violence, History, Whites, Power Structure, Curriculum Development, Cultural Influences, Decolonization |
| DOI: | 10.1080/10665684.2022.2132190 |
| ISSN: | 1066-5684 1547-3457 |
| Abstract: | This article engages in curriculum work regarding the theft of Black bodies and history/ies, the plundering of Black cemeteries, and sustained hegemonic efforts to use and reuse Black bodies for white/settler onto-epistemological advancements. In particular, this article draws from assemblages of violence and necropolitics to explore implications of postmortem racism on curriculum studies. By tracing the history of body snatching, we identify and discuss the problematic of snatching as a practice and connect it to the problematic of white/settler onto-epistemologies that remain (violently) connected to educational research. The implications of these problematics lead us to call for more "wake work" in embodying, decolonizing, and unsettling curriculum. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2023 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1374340 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwF_ewE1NkPgm6RXO3oyvCAdAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDMoDn4r8F3xZN-i8wQIBEICBmwJo1FR5NNAc9QTiaLbSWJKQuytoDsyVuqKmq14T7GbmWisVAMqqHPK_mo-Mf5nzlmJp_xOq0ZXSEGd3id8qv0VPfCyJ9wSjctnPkq8Ok6TUBHXiKc3S9wibaCt_qOtLK9_Gx3nUWJebVDQ-SQ_bX_V6RMi0yTiWMcfkrBZUqGIB9Z_U1Xik1egLB2pLjvmLv16_IJ0oYIintwRq Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0160648497;eie01aug.22;2022Dec12.06:00;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0160648497-1">Snatching Bodies, Snatching History/ies: Exhuming the Insidious Plundering of Black Cemeteries as a Curriculum of Postmortem Racism </title> <sbt id="AN0160648497-2">Introduction</sbt> <p>This article engages in curriculum work regarding the theft of Black bodies and history/ies, the plundering of Black cemeteries, and sustained hegemonic efforts to use and reuse Black bodies for white/settler onto-epistemological advancements. In particular, this article draws from assemblages of violence and necropolitics to explore implications of postmortem racism on curriculum studies. By tracing the history of body snatching, we identify and discuss the problematic of snatching as a practice and connect it to the problematic of white/settler onto-epistemologies that remain (violently) connected to educational research. The implications of these problematics lead us to call for more wake work in embodying, decolonizing, and unsettling curriculum.</p> <p>In 2021, the University of Pennsylvania issued a formal apology for the unauthorized use of human remains as instructional materials in the university's courses and as research specimens housed within one of its museums (Levenson, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref1">47</reflink>]). The remains were those of two youth who died in the 1985 MOVE bombing, an extrajudicial and unconstitutional use of violence that occurred when the Philadelphia police department dropped a bomb from a helicopter which landed on and exploded a house occupied by members of MOVE, a Black liberation communal group (Evans, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref2">22</reflink>]). After the bombing, the remains of two victims, 14-year-old Tree Africa and 12-year-old Delisha Africa, were given to the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology for anthropologists to identify. The remains of Tree and Delisha remained within the university, stored in a cardboard box, and used by a physical anthropologist, Alan Mann, as teaching materials for students to learn from in his classes, including a massive open online course (MOOC) titled "Real Bones: Adventures in Forensic Anthropology," which Mann offered at Princeton University (Levenson, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref3">47</reflink>]). The family of Tree and Delisha never granted permission to use the bones for educational purposes, and the remains were finally returned to their family in July of 2021 after much public protest (Conde, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref4">13</reflink>]). This tragic history exemplifies the "violence of academic institutions keeping the remains of Black people rather than relinquishing those remains for burial" (Muhammad, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref5">58</reflink>], n.p.).</p> <p>Originating with medicine and anatomy, and continuing with anthropology and forensic science, one dominant source of knowledge about humans has been historically developed in the Western world through the snatching of marginalized, colonized, and oppressed bodies[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref6">1</reflink>] from cemeteries and public spaces. These bodies include those of Indigenous peoples, indigent and unhoused peoples, peoples with disabilities, and, overwhelmingly and most persistently, the bodies of Black peoples. Along with these bodies, the history/ies of these people, their communities, and their cultures were/are also disturbed, disinterred, and violated. While these bodies cannot, in most cases, be restored, the history/ies we account for in this article can. A (documented) practice that began in the late 18th century and continued well into the 20th century, the racialized practice of Black body snatching fueled a desire from scientists and surgeons to use cadavers in medical schools across the United States (Moore, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref7">56</reflink>]; Schultz, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref8">72</reflink>]; Washington, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref9">84</reflink>]). According to a report seeking to excavate the entangled relationship between historically <emph>postmortem</emph> racism and the University of Virginia, in trying to procure cadavers, professors <emph>and</emph> students "would overwhelmingly target cemeteries where free or enslaved African Americans were buried" (Martin et al., [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref10">51</reflink>], p. 46).</p> <p>While explicit robbing of graves is now outlawed in the United States, the snatching of Black bodies continues in the present in different forms and practices, including laws and regulations, such as the Uniform Anatomical Gift Act that U.S. Congress passed in 1968 to allow governmental and law enforcement agencies to take unclaimed dead bodies—without consent—in public spaces to be distributed to medical institutions or corporations in need of cadavers to practice medical procedures. Considering the disproportionate rate of people with racial identities neglected and attacked by white supremacist settler colonialism—who populate shelters for insecure housing due to structural racism—high numbers of these people are (still) used as bodies/sites of knowledge production (Lam, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref11">46</reflink>]). Entanglements amongst bodies, persons, corpses, cadavers, and knowledge production have historically existed and remain today as dehumanizing, unethical, and unjust practices violently enacted upon bodies in the name of learning and advancing knowledge (Henry et al., [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref12">36</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref13">35</reflink>]; Hwang et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref14">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>The complexity of these entanglements moves us to trouble that which remains taken-for-granted within curriculum studies. These entanglements form what Wozolek ([<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref15">89</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref16">90</reflink>]) refers to as an <emph>assemblage of violence</emph>. As a concept, assemblages[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref17">2</reflink>] of violence account for numerous ways that violence emerges across/between both human and non-human bodies and seeks to disrupt framings of violence based around singularity (Wozolek, [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref18">90</reflink>]). That is, violence is non-neutral, complex, and inclusive of traces of cultural practices that have (d)evolved over time and space (Varga &amp; van Kessel, [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref19">83</reflink>]). Violence also can be advanced through absence (Azoulay, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref20">5</reflink>]). Violence produced through absence can take the forms of active forgetting, ignorance, disavowing, censoring, discarding, and minimizing (Bruyneel, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref21">10</reflink>]; Gahman, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref22">29</reflink>]; McKittrick, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref23">54</reflink>]; Wolfe, [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref24">88</reflink>]). The field of curriculum studies has historically been complicit in this absent "presence" by centering perspectives of whiteness and settler colonialism that normalizes ignoring/forgetting how white/settler[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref25">3</reflink>] onto-epistemologies have been built upon the (violent) theft of Black and Indigenous bodies (Jupp &amp; Badenhorst, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref26">41</reflink>]; Snaza, [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref27">79</reflink>]).</p> <p>As Sharpe ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref28">74</reflink>]) explains in her account of how whiteness can usurp and center itself within Black histories, there is a tendency "to turn violation into affection," which uses absence to make the painful subjects of history "be silent about the sadomasochism" (p. 23). Black life has endured throughout history. A consequence of this violence produced through absence in the silencing of such pain is how such histories "hide the horror for future generations to uncover" (Sharpe, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref29">74</reflink>], p. 23). The horrors of body snatching must not remain hidden from the history of education. Future generations must bear witness to how the practice of body snatching exists within a broad assemblage of violence used in the service of producing, regulating, and disciplining knowledge. This article calls for white/settler curriculum scholars to witness such violence as it exists in the knowledge, practices, and ways of knowing central to curriculum thought in the United States, although such violence could be understood in any national context in which dominating oppressors have profited over the extermination of life in pursuit of whiteness and settler colonialism.</p> <p>The purpose of this article is to provide the field of curriculum studies with a curriculum history drawn from a broader assemblage of violence, specifically antiblackness,[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref30">4</reflink>] that demonstrates how the history/ies of the United States have been and continue(s) to be built upon the theft of Black bodies. We consider this article to be a necropolitical intervention that lays bare the insidious history and ongoing assemblages of violence occurring within curricular spaces (and beyond). This article continues the authors' work alongside scholarly commitments that seek to engage educators, students, and scholars in grappling with necropolitical (Mbembe, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref31">52</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref32">53</reflink>]) implications relating to social, political, and educational structures and preoccupations by asking: How might engaging with the thievery of Black bodies, <emph>postmortem</emph> (Halperin, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref33">33</reflink>]; Marshall, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref34">50</reflink>]; Washington, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref35">84</reflink>]), interrupt the advancement of white/settler onto-epistemologies? This scholarship focuses on shifting learning <emph>about</emph> Black bodies, to learning <emph>from</emph> them (i.e., with more ethical relationality), thus adding to existing research that seeks to destabilize white/settler onto-epistemologies in educational contexts.</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-3">Theoretical preoccupations</hd> <p>Often in education, people see the problem of dehumanization backwards: Those subjected to the forms of violence linked to white supremacist settler colonialism are not the ones who have lost their humanity (Busey &amp; Dowie-Chin, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref36">11</reflink>]; Saleh, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref37">69</reflink>]). Rather, those undertaking the act of dehumanization are lacking in their own humanity. Adding important nuance, Jackson ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref38">40</reflink>]) suggests that "dehumanization is, in the main, more accurately interpreted as the violence of humanization or the burden of inclusion into a racially hierarchized universal humanity" (p. 18). From this perspective, simplistic binaries (e.g., human and dehuman) fail to account for the complex ways that antiblackness has been and continues to be (re)produced in educational contexts and beyond.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref39">5</reflink>]</p> <p>Given this ethical thrust, the theoretical work of this article shines a light on literal and metaphorical grave-robbing to restore some of the humanity lost in academia and curriculum studies, which is known by some, ignored by others. Our examination asks how the exhumation and theft of Black bodies occurred as part of scientific and academic pursuits that constitute a traumatic example of white knowledge projects predicated upon the power of antiblackness. We think with the theoretical concept of necropolitics (Mbembe, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref40">52</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref41">53</reflink>]) to consider how cemeteries, laboratories, classrooms, and the bodies of the grave robbers and stolen corpses exist as curricular assemblages of violence (Wozolek, [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref42">89</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref43">90</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-4">Assemblages of violence</hd> <p>Wozolek ([<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref44">90</reflink>]) describes assemblages of violence as "the many trajectories and possibilities that multiple forms of oppression and marginalization express on and through bodies and ideas—be they intellectual, emotional, or physical" (p. 65). As an example, Wozolek ([<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref45">90</reflink>]) unpacks the violent entanglements (still) existing between the ocean, slave ships, and human bodies discarded during the Transatlantic slave trade (Sharpe, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref46">75</reflink>]). Centralizing Sharpe's ([<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref47">75</reflink>]) argument that sodium or salt entangles ocean water to/with human bodies, Wozolek ([<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref48">90</reflink>]) suggests "salt is shared and recursive [... v]iolence is literally in the salt, in the water, in our bodies" (p. 61). We extend this thought in claiming that violence is in the histories of curriculum and educational thought as well.</p> <p>Recognizing violence as an assemblage provides important texture regarding the causes and experiences of those affected by violence as well as how one might react to the violence. In this way, violence is "intra-active" (Barad, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref49">7</reflink>]). Intra-activity is co-constitutive and emergent, as opposed to interactivity which signals a relationship between two entities that maintains a sense of singularity and autonomy. Intra-active entanglement indicates that the relationship between those involved (human, non-human, sub/super/human [Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref50">40</reflink>]]) is entwined and always existing in a state of fluctuation. There are no "separate" entities prior to the action. Those who observe the violence, or the records and traces of such violence, can become not only implicated but also co-constituted in a complex assemblage of violence.</p> <p>From this perspective, those of us in academia are called upon "to pay attention to the agency that is co-constituted with echo chambers of oppression, as well as how one might react to violence" (Wozolek, [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref51">90</reflink>], p. 136). In the context of this article, interrogating/engaging with assemblages of violence allow us (e.g., authors) to (re)position the history/ies of body snatching within the broader context of antiblackness in the United States (and beyond). Thinking of violence as being multiplicitous and complex (i.e., assemblage) creates an opportunity to analyze/observe how violent realities continue to be (re)produced repeatedly by/through acts of social, political, and curricular refusal.</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-5">Necropolitics</hd> <p>We engage in curriculum theorizing throughout this article to show how the historical examples of plundering Black cemeteries to rob Black bodies for white knowledge projects typify the concept of necropolitics. According to Mbembe ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref52">53</reflink>]), necropolitics becomes any "capacity to dictate who is able to live and who must die" (p. 66). By extending Foucault's ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref53">27</reflink>]) concept of biopower, necropolitics allows educators and researchers to theorize how white/settler supremacy forces racialized communities to endure higher degrees of precariousness through the policies and practices of the state. Accordingly, educators identifying instances of necropolitics would come to understand how/why different exposures to death (such as through war, pollution, healthcare, financialization, incarceration) are created/perpetuated unevenly through a hierarchy that has legitimated the deaths of some peoples (e.g., Black and Brown, poor, non-Western) as more expendable and disposable over other peoples (e.g., white, wealthy, Western).</p> <p>The killing of others is not necessarily anomalous or a rupture but can be normalized. Furthermore, how the bodies are treated after the moment of death also becomes part of the assemblage of violence. There are entanglements between assumptions about what it might mean to be a human (Busey &amp; Dowie-Chin, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref54">11</reflink>]; Wynter, [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref55">91</reflink>]) as well as what it might mean to quest for (a particular type of) knowledge in ethical ways pursuing/achieving onto-epistemological goals. From a necropolitical register, people can easily become bodily obstacles to "our" progress or vitality. Dominant forces can seek the:</p> <p>anatomic, sensorial, and tactile subjugation of bodies—whether those of the detainees at Guantánamo Bay or the human waste of refugees, evacuees, the living dead, the dead living, the decaying living, those living slow deaths—it moves beyond identitarian and visibility frames of queerness to address questions of ontology and affect.</p> <p>(Puar, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref56">62</reflink>], p. 35)</p> <p>Necropolitics adds crucial differences to assemblages of violence by playing on existential fears to eliminate debate, discourse, and even thought itself. In the case of this scholarship, we (e.g., authors) are acutely aware of how educators and students can "consume" corpses in a necropolitical sense instead of engaging with them intra-actively. As Mbembe ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref57">52</reflink>]) asked: "What place is given to life, death, and the human body (in particular the wounded or slain body)? How are they inscribed in the order of power?" (p. 12).</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-6">Context(s) of body snatching</hd> <p>We seek to (re)assemble curriculum history/ies by confronting and witnessing historical accounts of body snatching in Black cemeteries. To begin with such confrontations and witnessing, educators and researchers must understand that around the world and throughout centuries, cemeteries and lawlessness have been irrevocably entangled with criminal acts perpetrated by white individuals/actions manifesting in different ways (Klaufus, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref58">44</reflink>]). For example, across medieval Europe, "relatives of the deceased, and even government officials, occasionally turned to grave-robbing as a convenient means of raising capital during times of economic hardship" (Lafferty, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref59">45</reflink>], p. 268). Perhaps Great Britain has the longest standing tradition of plundering graveyards (Dasgupta, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref60">16</reflink>]), despite an alternative context. Since the 17th century, grave-robbing and "even the murders of unsuspecting passersby[s] to supply the needs of medical school dissection rooms" (Davidson, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref61">17</reflink>], p. 194) was commonplace across England, eventually leading the British Parliament to pass The Anatomy Act of 1832. While this legislation outlined the legality of unclaimed bodies being used for dissection purposes to stem the surge in corporal thievery, across the Atlantic Ocean in the United States, <emph>body snatching</emph> flourished.</p> <p>According to Schultz ([<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref62">72</reflink>]), body snatching is a process in which "would-be thieves took only bodies sometimes referred to as 'things' or 'stiffs' for their purposes, leaving behind all of the personal effects that were buried with the deceased" (p. ix-x). Despite often positioned synonymously with grave-robbing (Fry, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref63">28</reflink>]; Harrington &amp; Blakely, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref64">34</reflink>]; Ross &amp; Ross, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref65">67</reflink>]), we are deliberate in our deployment of <emph>body snatching</emph>. We do so to confront the (historical) tensions (i.e., indifference, insolence) embedded within the broad concept of snatching. Moreover, we believe that body snatching as a notion <emph>embodies</emph> temporal particularities that extend beyond the mere removal of non-human valuables from subterranean corpses. Going further, we see body snatching as working alongside Rose's ([<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref66">66</reflink>]) complex conceptualization of neocolonial <emph>mind</emph> snatching, which suggests that snatching involves the theft of "people's personhood and humanity while simultaneously creating a civilization on theft and conning the victim into believing that no theft occurred as they have nothing to steal" (p. 31). Put differently, to snatch someone's body involves cleaving someone from their (family) history/ies. Notwithstanding the white bodies snatched over the course of time in the United States, we also argue that buried within the concept of body snatching lies structures of <emph>postmortem racism</emph> (Blakely, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref67">9</reflink>]). According to Jackson ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref68">39</reflink>]), the foundation of U.S. medicine—gross anatomy—was mis/shaped by and "reinforced the politics of race—that dissection and medical experimentation were underground yet institutionalized mechanisms for exploiting and subjugating blacks" (p. 184). This exploitation directly contrasts the insidious misconception (at the time) that Black people were profoundly biologically different from whites (Blakely, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref69">9</reflink>]). As Fields and Fields ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref70">25</reflink>]) have noted, the sticky-ness and slippery-ness of blood have also held historical (e.g., development of hematology and blood donor programs) and contemporary (e.g., media discourse around President Obama's blood) implications imbued with racism.</p> <p>In the United States, throughout the 19th century, a disproportionate number of Black bodies were snatched by people believing in "white superiority and Black inferiority" (Davidson, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref71">17</reflink>], p. 194) primarily from Black cemeteries to advance predominantly white medical epistemologies (Humphrey, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref72">37</reflink>]; Washington, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref73">84</reflink>]). Within a contemporary context, postmortem racism is alive and "survives in policies that continue to appropriate the bodies of 'friendless paupers' such as the homelessa disproportionate number of whom are [B]lack—for medical purposes" (Washington, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref74">84</reflink>], p. 118). It was not until 2016 that New York Governor Andrew Cuomo signed a bill into state law banning the use of unidentified bodies as cadavers without expressed written consent from a family member (Berstein, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref75">8</reflink>]). This legislation, despite being highly contested by advocates of medicinal institutions, dissolved a 162-year system that appropriated unclaimed corpses on behalf of local medical programs offering courses in human anatomy and dissection.</p> <p>Body snatching continues to resurface across the United States and now includes implications relating to organ donation and presumed consent (Liddy, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref76">48</reflink>]). For example, the Samuel George Morton Cranial Collection housed in the University of Pennsylvania's Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology features a collection of more than 1,000 crania (skulls) Morton[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref77">6</reflink>] had amassed from the 1820s through the 1840s (Kassutto, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref78">42</reflink>]). One use for the collection was "to investigate the peculiarities of the aboriginal inhabitants of the American continent" (Silliman, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref79">77</reflink>], p. 197). Morton's drive to collect so many human skulls was to strengthen his specious claims about race, intelligence, and identity. A medical professor at the former Penn Medical College, Morton's work was highly read for its analysis and promotion of polygenesis, a now-debunked theory arguing each human person belonged to one of five distinct races that originated in a different part of the world. Morton's work on polygenesis was instrumental in dehumanizing and subjugating Black identities, persons, and histories by positing a scientific inferiority to what Morton would identify as a Black species entirely distinct from white persons as a species of humans (Morton, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref80">57</reflink>]).</p> <p>Morton's racist pseudoscience is but one knowledge project within the assemblage of violence that strongly shaped and formed curriculum thought in the United States in the twentieth century through work on eugenics. As a field of knowledge, eugenics can be understood as "an ideal, a doctrine, a science (applied human genetics), a set of practices (ranging from birth control to euthanasia), and as a social movement" (Paul, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref81">60</reflink>], p. 95). Eugenics promulgated violence against Black people, poor people, and people with disabilities through its attempts to naturalize white cultural and social attitudes towards so-called racial impurities and selective breeding. Catte ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref82">12</reflink>]) discusses two examples from Virginia that significantly shaped and informed dehumanizing antiblack violence in the state for several decades: the Racial Integrity Act and the Sterilization Act passed in 1924. In addition to passing these acts, Virginia also established its Eugenics Record Office, created in part by professors of medicine in Virginia, such as Dr. Harvey Jordan, who at one point was the dean of the University of Virginia's College of Medicine (Catte, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref83">12</reflink>]). Jordan, along with another Virginia academic, Ivan McDougle, a professor of sociology at Sweet Briar College, promoted eugenics through courses, programs of study, and curriculum projects throughout Virginia (Catte, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref84">12</reflink>]).</p> <p>However, it must be stressed that the throughline from snatching Black bodies to promoting eugenics was not relegated to places such as Virginia where racist ideology was the norm. Selden ([<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref85">73</reflink>]) chronicles how curriculum reform in U.S. schools in the early 20th century, especially in the so-called "progressive" educational experiments in Northern and Eastern cities in the U.S., centered eugenics and eugenic ideologies through a curriculum of social efficiency that explicitly positioned Black students as inferior intellectually and morally to white students, claims often reached and argued from results on standardized mental tests given in schools. At the same time, eugenic teaching(s) in schools proliferated, becoming a required school subject in some states at the behest of the American Eugenics Society's Committee on Formal Education (Paul, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref86">60</reflink>]; Selden, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref87">73</reflink>]). Winfield ([<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref88">86</reflink>]) expands this historical narrative to suggest all the cornerstones of twentieth century curriculum philosophies and theories in the United States—from Thorndike to Bobitt, Hall to Dewey—is built upon eugenic thinking and teaching.</p> <p>Proponents and practitioners of eugenics were often dismayed that they could not circumvent U.S. laws that had been passed to prevent the dissection and vivisection of Black, Irish, poor, and disabled persons upon their death. To illustrate one example within this violent assemblage, we can turn to an account of Dr. Alexander Humphreys, a "pioneer surgeon and teacher of medical science" (Price, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref89">61</reflink>], p. 309) in Virginia, who stole a Black corpse for dissection to further his knowledge about racial anatomical and genetic differences. Advocates of eugenics in medical schools claimed they needed cadavers from these populations to understand genetic deficiencies presumed to be biological in origin within these people (Sappol, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref90">70</reflink>]). As Sappol ([<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref91">70</reflink>]) notes in his historical account of how professors of medicine in the United States claimed authority over dead persons, "the medical establishment exploited a succession of body-snatching scandals to secure the passage of state anatomy laws consigning the bodies of the indigent poor to medical schools" (p. 273). To frame this another way, because the snatching of Black bodies eventually became outlawed, medical schools had to procure cadavers via alternate means which meant influencing legislation to allow steady access to the bodies of people who died in poverty as teaching and learning resources in their courses on anatomy, physiology, and medicine.</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-7">Positionality of authors</hd> <p>Our attunement to our own educator/scholar positionalities is important to this work. We acknowledge that our white positionalities are nested and knotted within settler colonialism and structural racism and underpin all aspects of our trafficking into the past, present, and future accounts of Black violence. We take a cue from Pugilese ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref92">64</reflink>]) who notes that "the labor of decolonization is strictly <emph>unfinished business</emph>" (p. 27, emphasis in original). Just as the framework of settler colonialism contains machinery that is always in motion and not simply a static epoch (Wolfe, [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref93">87</reflink>]), it is our hope that engagement with the histories of Black body snatching will work toward a more complete and ethical account of the educational institutions in the United States (and beyond). While it is also our goal to work towards educational practices rooted in radical love and joy (Love, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref94">49</reflink>]; van Kessel &amp; Saleh, [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref95">81</reflink>]), we collectively argue for the continued excavation and liberation of duplicitous histories plaguing all aspects of American life (Fanon, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref96">23</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref97">24</reflink>]; Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref98">40</reflink>]; Sharpe, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref99">75</reflink>]; Wynter, [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref100">91</reflink>]).</p> <p>While we are striving to be collaborators in decolonial and abolitionist efforts to engage with what Sharpe's ([<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref101">75</reflink>]) refers to as <emph>wake work</emph>, or the "plotting, mapping, and collecting [of] archives of everyday Black immanent and imminent death" (p. 41), our subjectivities do not and cannot account for or represent how the insidious contexts of this article are registered by Black scholars and/or Black communities. Despite the refusal to engage with these histories by (white) academic and educational entities, importantly, our work acknowledges that these histories have been and continue to be understood, processed, and navigated by communities of color. Thus, in positioning our identities alongside body snatching within the broader field of curriculum studies, we seek to expose how the necropolitics of knowledge production in the United States (and beyond) is symptomatic of a complex and multiplicitous assemblage of violence that repeatedly disavows Black bodies as being irrelevant, inconsequential, and disposable.</p> <p>As our (e.g., authors') identities are reflected in those that have built and continue to sustain hegemonic structures responsible for capitalism, neoliberalism, mass incarceration, poverty, social/political/state (sanctioned) violence, and climate crisis, we view our engagement with body snatching as an urgent attempt to onto-epistemologically resist normalized practices and orientations that perpetuate ontologized Black plasticities (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref102">40</reflink>]). That is, the "mode of transmogrification whereby the fleshy being of blackness is experimented with as if it were infinitely malleable lexical and biological matter, such that blackness is produced as sub/super/human at once" (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref103">40</reflink>], p. 3). We also acknowledge that the social, political, and educational logics and imperatives responsible for the perpetuation of antiblackness and pastpresentfuture (Varga, [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref104">82</reflink>]) theft of Black bodies is rooted in Indigenous dispossession and thievery. This entanglement between antiblackness and settler colonialism is important to our work insofar that it accounts for the countless Indigenous bodies, cultural practices, and land-based connectivities that have been and continue to be seized. Our commitments to this work are guided by principles of accountability, ethics, care, responsibility, and relationality.</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-8">Problematic assemblages</hd> <p>Two problematic assemblages represent our theoretical engagement with body snatching within the context of curriculum studies. Although we do not consider these assemblages to be a sweeping account of the insidiousness problematic of body snatching, we do believe that these assemblages represent important entry points for contemplating how engagements with bodies, people, corpses, and cadavers can be capacious in working towards an iteration of curriculum theory/studies that is more answerable, relational, and <emph>just</emph> (McNeill et al., [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref105">55</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-9">The problematic of "Snatching"</hd> <p>A suitable entry point for our engagement with Black body snatching is the concept of snatching itself. When we think of the common parlance of "snatch," the word is an object used of (relatively) minor objects (e.g., purse snatching, a minor act of larceny), and even in playful uses, such as the Black queer vernacular phrase of snatching a drag queen's wig. From our perspective, these connotations provide a <emph>casualness</emph> and <emph>ease</emph> to acts of snatching that immediately depresses the worth or value of what is being seized and renders the act of snatching as a minor offense—as in the force of difference between "snatching" and "robbing," "stealing," or "plundering." If it is the case that something snatched is often of minor value, then the idea of snatching a body is rendered an inconsequential act and inscribes the corpse that was snatched as less "valuable" or significant of an object. In popular culture and science fictional contexts, "body snatching" transforms conceptually into something even worse that could be considered an example of Mbembe's ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref106">52</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref107">53</reflink>]) notion of necropolitics which (re)positions live bodies within a wider context of precarity. In the 1956/1978 films <emph>Invasion of the Body Snatchers</emph> (Kaufman &amp; Richter, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref108">43</reflink>]; Siegel &amp; Mainwaring, [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref109">76</reflink>]), based on Finney's ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref110">26</reflink>]) popular novel <emph>The Body Snatchers</emph>, alien beings arrive on Earth and attempt to take over human bodies. People that are outwardly emotional are targeted and once snatched, become bodies that are devoid of agency, affect, emotion, and free-will.</p> <p>Grave-robbing adds another layer to this situation because of the desecration of deceased humans, also further violating cultural and religious practices, as well as the dignity of that body and those who love the deceased person. In this way, history/ies of the deceased also become "snatched" through an erasure of the physical and final resting location. Due to these connotations, we consider the concept of "snatch(ed/ing)"—and the tensions within—to be an intrinsic assemblage of violence in itself. We also are interested in illuminating the indifference demonstrated in how white scholars, historians, politicians, and other elite whites have responded to the historical practices of this violence; a racist response that informs many white reactions to the unaccounted for and unacknowledged disappearance of Black bodies. While it is beyond the scope of this article, "snatched" also offers a suitable framing for the disappearance of Indigenous bodies through genocide, assimilation, conquest, and significantly, <emph>education</emph>. To "snatch" a body is to commit an unethical act, and to continue to learn from snatched bodies without hazarding the context of how that knowledge was/is produced is also unethical, irresponsible, and unjust (see also <emph>The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks</emph> [Skloot, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref111">78</reflink>]]). Regardless of whether they are deemed alive or dead, people ought not to be treated glibly as a vehicle for knowledge production by others without consent. From this perspective, and paradoxically so, our use of "snatching" challenges the objectification of (dead) bodies by drawing attention to the complex nature of the act (e.g., theft), what was produced (e.g., white/settler onto-epistemologies), and what remains absent (e.g., Black and Indigenous bodies and, thus, history/ies). The sanctity of a body must be respected, even in situations where consent, as frequently understood, is not possible in the same way it would in other contexts.</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-10">The problematic of white/settler onto-epistemologies</hd> <p>White/settler onto-epistemologies are often essentialist, universalizing, reductive, and non-relational. This way of being and knowing in the world is guided by principles of extraction, commodification, and stratification. The hegemony of the onto-epistemological commitments steeped in the Enlightenment and establishment[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref112">7</reflink>] of the settler state in the United States over-privileges "rational" thought that has led to the disastrous imposition of one way of be(com)ing human: rational Man (Wynter, [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref113">91</reflink>]). Those who do not fit that model are thus considered in-human and are treated and (de)valued as such. White/settler onto-epistemologies further perpetuate human exceptionalism that continues to fortify binaries and boundaries between the human and non-human world. This onto-epistemological assumption is then compounded by how it functions in relation to those encountering specific manifestations of such assemblages of violence (e.g., humans, non-humans) (Wozolek, [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref114">90</reflink>]). Given this position, the results have been catastrophic on human and non-human bodies (Alaimo, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref115">2</reflink>]; Bang &amp; Marin, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref116">6</reflink>]; Barad, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref117">7</reflink>]).</p> <p>Such a troubling situation can be seen, for example, in "colonial relations of power that have been naturalized within institutions like anthropology and tourism" (Sabzalian, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref118">68</reflink>], p. 361). Rather than relational orientations between/across others, people are reduced to objects of study and for entertainment. The materiality of this harmful approach is most evident in museums and the curation of cultural artifacts. This point is made abundantly clear in the 2018 film <emph>Black Panther</emph> (Coogler &amp; Cole, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref119">14</reflink>]) when Erik Killmonger—a character framed within the film as an anti-hero at odds with the worldview of the Black Panther and the audience itself—informs an expert working at the Museum of Great Britain that he will be taking an artifact from the museum. The worker responds that the items aren't for sale, to which Killmonger replies: "How do you think your ancestors got these? You think they paid a fair price? Or did they take it, like they took everything else?" Items are snatched away for others to learn <emph>about</emph>—but not <emph>from</emph>—the people and cultures from which those artifacts were taken.</p> <p>White/settler onto-epistemologies continue to function as an assemblage of violence in curriculum, thus, reproducing how violence is (un/re)made (Wozolek, [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref120">90</reflink>]). As Du Bois ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref121">20</reflink>]) noted, Black Americans always already have been cast as "a problem" (p. 1). Duncan and Neal ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref122">21</reflink>]) assert that "U.S. schools treat the teaching of Black history as a problem" (p. 153). U.S. history standards "snatch" the richness and vibrancy of Black humanity by distilling Blackness into trauma-based historical accounts (e.g., enslavement, Reconstruction, Civil Rights movement) that "trivialize the systemic institutional contexts of slavery and racial hierarchy" (Anderson &amp; Metzger, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref123">4</reflink>], p. 401). In this way, standards that underpin curricula become part of the assemblage of violence through a reproduction of antiblackness and a stifling of Black affect (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref124">1</reflink>]; Palmer, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref125">59</reflink>]) which, according to Zembylas ([<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref126">92</reflink>]), can be succinctly conceptualized as "bodily capacities to act, engage, and connect" (p. 122). That is, by only exposing students to Black onto-epistemologies that are tethered to violence, struggle, and suffering, curriculum, in turn, conceptualizes Black experiences, people, and bodies as being "the lowest human rung of the ladder, and thus, embodies the specter of 'the animal' within the human" (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref127">40</reflink>], p. 49).</p> <p>White/settler onto-epistemologies ignore the entangled relationship between (anti)blackness and (anti-)Indigeneity. For example, as a historical event, Bacon's Rebellion is commonly considered a significant coordinate in the development of whiteness as a racial landscape in the United States (Alexander, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref128">3</reflink>]; Bruynell, 202). Whereas historical accounts tell the tale of "Nathan Bacon, a white property owner in Jamestown, Virginia, who managed to unite slaves, indentured servants, and poor white in a revolutionary effort to overthrow the [white/settler] planter elite" (Alexander, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref129">3</reflink>], p. 24), the fact that Bacon was interested in <emph>rebelling</emph> against the white/settler elites because they would not support his efforts of snatching land from Indigenous Peoples is frequently withheld. This historical framing further complexifies how a curriculum of violence is "normalized through assemblages that are entanglements of and across educational contexts and beyond" (Wozolek, [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref130">90</reflink>], p. 110) insofar that it signals an unambiguous connection between <emph>snatched</emph> Black bodies buried in <emph>snatched</emph> Indigenous land(s).</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-11">Implications and concluding thoughts</hd> <p>To an extent, the issue at hand is informational, but on two levels. The first is the ignorance of the extent to which Black bodies have been, and continue to be, "snatched." The second is the problematic of white/settler intellectual traditions: A situation where knowledge—underpinned by what is forgotten/remembered—is stratified and can be obtained at any cost (and any time). The ethics of consent demand that academics and researchers reckon with their longstanding history of converting people into objects of study. Those who engage in such bodily thievery have lost part of their humanity, and this situation is intolerable. The hope is that increased knowledge of the process of body snatching coupled with an interrogation of white/settler knowledge productions can widen the cracks appearing in Enlightenment-based and Settler State-based onto-epistemologies in the United States (and beyond).</p> <p>The results of our analysis can be incorporated into existing scholarship in curriculum history to argue that the conditionalities of Black body snatching for medical epistemologies reinforce currents of antiblackness in white knowledge projects in the following ways. First, Black bodies were frequently targeted in various locations throughout the United States (Savit, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref131">71</reflink>]). For example, Jane Elkins, a Black woman, was snatched from her grave and used as a medical school cadaver after becoming the first person to be executed in Dallas County for murdering her white enslaver (Davidson, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref132">17</reflink>]). Leaning into necropolitics resurrects different textures of this case relating to assemblages of violence (Wozolek, [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref133">90</reflink>]) and postmortem racism (Blakely, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref134">9</reflink>]) among the establishment of multiple medical institutions in the greater Dallas area. Second, necropolitics also implicates <emph>separation</emph> as a tool for complete annihilation of some communities. Mbembe ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref135">53</reflink>]) offers the apartheid system in South Africa and the Holocaust in Europe as examples of "two emblematic manifestations of this fantasy of separation" (p. 46). We found this necropolitical subtlety useful in unpacking how Black bodies were separated from their resting place, and thus, detached from their (family/community) history/ies. Important to our efforts of exhuming the purge of Black bodies is also the separation and classification of different communities within American society. From a necropolitical position, this stratification can best be conceptualized as forms of discrimination that separate friend from enemy and body from flesh. According to Mbembe ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref136">53</reflink>]), "in both body and flesh, the enemy is that individual whose physical death is warranted by his existential denial of our own being" (p. 49).</p> <p>Following Stone-Mediatore ([<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref137">80</reflink>]), it is urgent to interrupt Enlightenment-based and Settler State-based onto-epistemologies and claims about objectivity, ownership, and dominion by instead asking questions such as: "What are the political implications of each claim's specific partialities?" (p. 175; see also Sabzalian, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref138">68</reflink>]). Such questions the allow for a deep analysis of how "the white population group, as a whole, performs as though they are to be at the apex of the social order, while those Human Others' children accept the seemly foregone conclusion that they are to be at the bottom of the social order" (Rose, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref139">66</reflink>], p. 33). Engaging with body snatching provides a rupture against the "gaps and unanswered questions for those of us in the wake of those specific and cumulative deaths" (Sharpe, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref140">75</reflink>], p. 7) through an illumination of the insidious history/ies of Black bodies being purloined for the sake of medical experimentation, amongst other reasons. Tethered to these historical accounts are contemporary efforts—mainly by white educational research agendas—centered on unrelationally researching and writing about the experiences of Black people/students that fall distinctly short of producing any substantial (material) change (Love, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref141">49</reflink>]).</p> <p>We are optimistic that this scholarship illustrates how excavating and grappling with the "legacy" of body snatching—learning <emph>from</emph> instead of only <emph>about</emph> these bodies—can contribute to a better understanding of how postmortem racism continues to sustain antiblackness in curricular contexts (and beyond), which we can then work to dismantle. In particular, we consider the ethos of this work to be deeply anti-racist and an attempt to "understand the everyday experiences of dark people living, enduring, and resisting [w]hite supremacy and [w]hite rage" (Love, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref142">49</reflink>], p. 54). After all, as Jackson ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref143">40</reflink>]) aptly points out, "[onto-e]pistemology is a problem not of the past but one that is constituent with <emph>our</emph> being" (p. 8, added emphasis).</p> <hd id="AN0160648497-12">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0160648497-13"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref6" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Four terms with distinctively different meanings are deployed within this scholarship: body/ies (i.e., referring to human physicality), person (i.e., relating to the individuality of a living person), corpse (i.e., a dead body that has been buried), and cadaver (i.e., a dead body that is used to achieve medical knowledge).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref17" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> We acknowledge that as a significant concept in cultural theory, <emph>assemblage</emph> remains a malleable—and generative—concept that shifts within various milieus. While Deleuze and Guattari ([19]) suggested that (machinic) assemblages offered a framing for "bodies, actions and passions, an intermingling of bodies reacting to one another" (p. 88), many scholars such as Manuel DeLanda, Elizabeth Grosz, Jasbir Puar, and Alexander Weheliye have offered revisions of the concept that extend the boundaries of its multiplicity. That is, assemblages can be communal and agentic (DeLanda, [18]), dynamic and material (Grosz, [30], [31]), affective and intersectional (Puar, [62], [63]), and fleshy, physiological, and racialized (Weheliye, [85]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref25" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Throughout our work, we write white/settler as such to connote the entanglement of whiteness and settler colonialism and the complex ways in which both, together and separately, cultivate assemblages of violence against Black and Indigenous peoples.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref30" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Following the lead of Costa Vargas ([15]), we spell antiblackness as such to signal a difference between the broader and nuanced condition of blackness that exceeds Black history/ies.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref20" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> In order to intercept the binary framing of dehumanization, Jackson ([40]) offers the "concept of plasticity, which maintains that black(ened) people are not so much as dehumanized as nonhumans or cast as liminal humans nor are black(ened) people framed as animal-like or machine-like but are cast as sub, supra, and human" (p. 35).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref77" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> While Morton supported polygenesis, we also acknowledge that most advocates of monogenesis—such as Charles Darwin—were horrifically racist and aggressively advanced eugenicist agendas leading to the formation of insidious racial hierarchies (Rose, [65]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref49" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> We acknowledge that spaces "holding" such artifacts (e.g., museums) commonly position particular people, such as Indigenous people, as no longer living (Bruyneel, [10]; Halcrow et al., [32]) and often hold human remains instead of repatriating them.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0160648497-14"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Ahmed, S. 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His research works with(in) critical posthuman theories of race, materiality, and temporality to explore how visual methods and aesthetics can be used to unveil historically marginalized perspectives and layers (upon layers) of history that haunt the world around us.</p> <p>Mark E. Helmsing , Ph.D., is an assistant professor in the School of Education and Affiliate Faculty in the Folklore Studies Program and Department of History and Art History at George Mason University. His research considers how teachers and learners narrate and emplot different aspects of the past in our present. He also works within public pedagogy, historical culture, and vernacular histories to examine how people feel about the past and how the past makes them feel.</p> <p>Cathryn van Kessel , Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Counseling, Societal Change, and Inquiry in the College of Education at Texas Christian University. Her research interests include social studies education, curriculum theory, philosophy in/of education, and teacher education. Specifically, she is interested in how the concept of "evil" and its manifestations function in relation to what individuals and communities experience in curricular and pedagogical contexts.</p> <p>Bretton A. Varga , Ph.D., is an assistant professor of History-Social Science at California State University, Chico. His research works with(in) critical posthuman theories of race, materiality, and temporality to explore how visual methods and aesthetics can be used to unveil historically marginalized perspectives and layers (upon layers) of history that haunt the world around us. Rebecca C. Christ , Ph.D., is an assistant professor of Social Studies Education in the Department of Teaching and Learning at Florida International University in Miami, Florida. Her research interests include social studies education and teacher education—specifically focusing on genocide education. She is also interested in pedagogies of qualitative inquiry and in utilizing critical, postcolonial, poststructural, and posthuman theoretical concepts for inspiration and innovation within qualitative inquiry and pedagogical practice.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib58" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib56" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib72" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib84" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib89" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib90" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib83" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib54" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib88" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib79" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib74" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib69" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib75" firstref="ref46"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib91" firstref="ref55"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib62" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref58"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib67" firstref="ref65"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib66" firstref="ref66"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref70"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref72"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref76"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref78"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib77" firstref="ref79"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl48" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref80"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl49" bibid="bib60" firstref="ref81"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl50" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref82"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl51" bibid="bib73" firstref="ref85"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl52" bibid="bib86" firstref="ref88"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl53" bibid="bib61" firstref="ref89"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl54" bibid="bib70" firstref="ref90"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl55" bibid="bib64" firstref="ref92"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl56" bibid="bib87" firstref="ref93"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl57" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref94"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl58" bibid="bib81" firstref="ref95"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl59" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref96"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl60" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref97"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl61" bibid="bib82" firstref="ref104"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl62" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref105"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl63" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref108"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl64" bibid="bib76" firstref="ref109"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl65" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref110"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl66" bibid="bib78" firstref="ref111"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl67" bibid="bib68" firstref="ref118"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl68" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref119"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl69" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref121"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl70" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref122"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl71" bibid="bib59" firstref="ref125"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl72" bibid="bib92" firstref="ref126"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl73" bibid="bib71" firstref="ref131"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl74" bibid="bib80" firstref="ref137"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Snatching Bodies, Snatching History/ies: Exhuming the Insidious Plundering of Black Cemeteries as a Curriculum of Postmortem Racism – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Varga%2C+Bretton+A%2E%22">Varga, Bretton A.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Helmsing%2C+Mark+E%2E%22">Helmsing, Mark E.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22van+Kessel%2C+Cathryn%22">van Kessel, Cathryn</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Christ%2C+Rebecca+C%2E%22">Christ, Rebecca C.</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Equity+%26+Excellence+in+Education%22"><i>Equity & Excellence in Education</i></searchLink>. 2022 55(3):283-295. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 13 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2022 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Blacks%22">Blacks</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22African+Americans%22">African Americans</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Death%22">Death</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Human+Body%22">Human Body</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Geographic+Location%22">Geographic Location</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Land+Use%22">Land Use</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Antisocial+Behavior%22">Antisocial Behavior</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Crime%22">Crime</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racism%22">Racism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22African+American+History%22">African American History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Violence%22">Violence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22History%22">History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Whites%22">Whites</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Power+Structure%22">Power Structure</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Curriculum+Development%22">Curriculum Development</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Influences%22">Cultural Influences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Decolonization%22">Decolonization</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/10665684.2022.2132190 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1066-5684<br />1547-3457 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This article engages in curriculum work regarding the theft of Black bodies and history/ies, the plundering of Black cemeteries, and sustained hegemonic efforts to use and reuse Black bodies for white/settler onto-epistemological advancements. In particular, this article draws from assemblages of violence and necropolitics to explore implications of postmortem racism on curriculum studies. By tracing the history of body snatching, we identify and discuss the problematic of snatching as a practice and connect it to the problematic of white/settler onto-epistemologies that remain (violently) connected to educational research. The implications of these problematics lead us to call for more "wake work" in embodying, decolonizing, and unsettling curriculum. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1374340 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/10665684.2022.2132190 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 13 StartPage: 283 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Blacks Type: general – SubjectFull: African Americans Type: general – SubjectFull: Death Type: general – SubjectFull: Human Body Type: general – SubjectFull: Geographic Location Type: general – SubjectFull: Land Use Type: general – SubjectFull: Antisocial Behavior Type: general – SubjectFull: Crime Type: general – SubjectFull: Racism Type: general – SubjectFull: African American History Type: general – SubjectFull: Violence Type: general – SubjectFull: History Type: general – SubjectFull: Whites Type: general – SubjectFull: Power Structure Type: general – SubjectFull: Curriculum Development Type: general – SubjectFull: Cultural Influences Type: general – SubjectFull: Decolonization Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Snatching Bodies, Snatching History/ies: Exhuming the Insidious Plundering of Black Cemeteries as a Curriculum of Postmortem Racism Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Varga, Bretton A. – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Helmsing, Mark E. – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: van Kessel, Cathryn – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Christ, Rebecca C. IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2022 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1066-5684 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1547-3457 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 55 – Type: issue Value: 3 Titles: – TitleFull: Equity & Excellence in Education Type: main |
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