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'Close, but Not Always Close Enough to Come Out to': A Large-Scale Online Qualitative Study of Interpersonal Relationships Experienced by LGBTQ + Individuals in Sport

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Title: 'Close, but Not Always Close Enough to Come Out to': A Large-Scale Online Qualitative Study of Interpersonal Relationships Experienced by LGBTQ + Individuals in Sport
Language: English
Authors: Shannon S. C. Herrick, Alexandra Moisan, Lindsay R. Duncan
Source: Sport, Education and Society. 2024 29(5):561-575.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 15
Publication Date: 2024
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Self Disclosure (Individuals), LGBTQ People, Interpersonal Relationship, Athletes, Inclusion, Team Sports, Athletic Coaches, Experience, Professional Personnel, Participation, Social Bias, Social Discrimination, Self Concept, Foreign Countries, Adults, Sexual Orientation, Sexual Identity, Peer Relationship
Geographic Terms: Canada, United States
DOI: 10.1080/13573322.2023.2174095
ISSN: 1357-3322
1470-1243
Abstract: Despite concerted efforts, LGBTQ + inclusivity is not fostered across all sporting contexts. Interpersonal relationships with teammates and coaches are particularly significant when it comes to cultivating positive and inclusive LGBTQ + experiences within sport. Using online qualitative data collected from 741 LGBTQ + adults, this study examined how relationships with coaches, teammates and sport-related staff impacted sport experiences and participation. Participant responses were independently coded using reflexive thematic analysis. Data were used to develop a new visual model to understand different types of relationships LGBTQ + individuals experience in sport and how this impacted their sport experiences. Exclusive sport relationships were characterised by experiences of discrimination and were found to greatly influence how participants viewed sport and physical activity contexts as adults. Inert or neutral sport relationships were maintained through protective self-distancing techniques. Inclusive relationships with coaches and teammates were primarily based on acceptance and associated with viewing physical activity positively. Identity-concealment strategies and athletic ability were identified as factors that impacted LGBTQ + adults' relationships within sport. Our overall findings demonstrate how discrimination in the form of overt or subtle sexual and gender prejudice can thwart feelings of relatedness among LGBTQ + athletes.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2024
Accession Number: EJ1435429
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0178911343;0uv01jun.24;2024Aug12.03:48;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0178911343-1">'Close, but not always close enough to come out to': a large-scale online qualitative study of interpersonal relationships experienced by LGBTQ + individuals in sport </title> <p>Despite concerted efforts, LGBTQ + inclusivity is not fostered across all sporting contexts. Interpersonal relationships with teammates and coaches are particularly significant when it comes to cultivating positive and inclusive LGBTQ + experiences within sport. Using online qualitative data collected from 741 LGBTQ + adults, this study examined how relationships with coaches, teammates and sport-related staff impacted sport experiences and participation. Participant responses were independently coded using reflexive thematic analysis. Data were used to develop a new visual model to understand different types of relationships LGBTQ + individuals experience in sport and how this impacted their sport experiences. Exclusive sport relationships were characterised by experiences of discrimination and were found to greatly influence how participants viewed sport and physical activity contexts as adults. Inert or neutral sport relationships were maintained through protective self-distancing techniques. Inclusive relationships with coaches and teammates were primarily based on acceptance and associated with viewing physical activity positively. Identity-concealment strategies and athletic ability were identified as factors that impacted LGBTQ + adults' relationships within sport. Our overall findings demonstrate how discrimination in the form of overt or subtle sexual and gender prejudice can thwart feelings of relatedness among LGBTQ + athletes.</p> <p>Keywords: Sexual diversity; coaching; inclusivity; team dynamics; LGBTQ+</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-2">Introduction</hd> <p>A recent consensus statement on the mental health of athletes issued by the International Olympic Committee identified lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer athletes as high-risk populations for experiencing non-accidental violence in sport (Reardon et al., [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref1">31</reflink>]). LGBTQ + is an acronym used to acknowledge lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and other communities that do not adhere to cis-heterosexist assumptions that everyone is (a) heterosexual and (b) cisgender (where your gender identity matches the sex assigned at birth). Individuals who identify as LGBTQ + defy these widespread assumptions about sexuality and gender that govern society and by extension, sport.</p> <p>In recent years, great emphasis has been placed on exploring LGBTQ + experiences within and across sport contexts, as evidenced by several literature reviews (e.g. Denison, Bevan et al., [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref2">11</reflink>]; Jones et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref3">19</reflink>]; Kavoura & Kokkonen, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref4">20</reflink>]; Pérez-Samaniego et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref5">30</reflink>]; Rollè et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref6">32</reflink>]; Storr et al., [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref7">40</reflink>]). Across these reviews, LGBTQ + discrimination in sport has been identified as highly variable, yet prevalent across studies (Denison, Bevan et al., [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref8">10</reflink>]; Jones et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref9">19</reflink>]; Kavoura & Kokkonen, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref10">20</reflink>]; Pérez-Samaniego et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref11">30</reflink>]; Rollè et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref12">32</reflink>]; Storr et al., [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref13">40</reflink>]). For example, a scoping review of literature focused on the sport experiences of LGBTQ + athletes and coaches found that although experiences substantially differed across the 58 studies reviewed, even in the most tolerant sport environments (where overt forms of discrimination were absent), homophobic and transphobic practices were still slow to change (Kavoura & Kokkonen, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref14">20</reflink>]). Similarly, in a systematic review of 38 studies on homonegativity and discrimination experienced by sexual minority athletes, positive attitudes towards homosexuality in sport did not necessarily correspond with LGBTQ + inclusion because veiled discriminatory practices, such as using derogatory terms to question the masculinity of opponents or teammates, were still accepted (Rollè et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref15">32</reflink>]). A systematic review of eight studies on transgender sport participation and sport policies found that the lack of trans-inclusive and supportive sport environments was a primary barrier to participation among transgender athletes (Jones et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref16">19</reflink>]). These findings are reinforced by those of a qualitative meta-synthesis of literature exploring transgender experiences in sport which identified abjection (i.e. being cast off and separated from norms) as a common feeling experienced by transgender athletes within sport (Pérez-Samaniego et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref17">30</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although the effects of institutional and organisational discrimination against LGBTQ + athletes are acknowledged throughout these reviews, there has been less attention paid to the relationships in sport between LGBTQ + athletes and other athletes, teammates and coaches which seem to play a significant role in shaping overall LGBTQ + sport experiences, as well as informing participation (Denison, Bevan et al., [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref18">10</reflink>]; Jones et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref19">19</reflink>]; Kavoura & Kokkonen, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref20">20</reflink>]; Pérez-Samaniego et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref21">30</reflink>]; Rollè et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref22">32</reflink>]; Storr et al., [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref23">40</reflink>]). Within sport, relationships between athletes, teammates and coaches have been shown to greatly influence sport participation decisions by individuals (e.g. Crane & Temple, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref24">8</reflink>]; Sheridan et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref25">35</reflink>]). There is some limited evidence that unsupportive relationships with teammates and coaches results in LGBTQ + athletes harbouring negative emotions which in turn leads to sport dropout (e.g. Baiocco et al., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref26">3</reflink>]; Hartmann-Tews et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref27">14</reflink>]; Kulick et al., [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref28">24</reflink>]). However, qualitative research has also demonstrated how support and acceptance can positively impact LGBTQ + sport relationships and encourage participation (e.g. Herrick et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref29">16</reflink>]; Storr & Richards, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref30">41</reflink>]). This paper responds to the need for research, especially research examining data collected from large samples, that investigates how relationships with teammates and coaches can support or thwart LGBTQ + participation during adolescence, as well as adulthood. To fully understand the double-edged nature of relationships and their influence on LGBTQ + participation, we explored how diverse, self-identified LGBTQ + adults described their past and current sport relationships across different contexts. We investigated the unique and shared ways discrimination, stigma and marginalisation impacted the quality of relationships individuals from LGBTQ + communities have with others in sport contexts.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-3">Methods</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0178911343-4">Guiding theoretical framework</hd> <p>Relationships motivation theory (RMT) is a 'mini-theory' within self-determination theory that focuses on the psychological need for relatedness. According to RMT research, the highest quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, as well as support the psychological needs for autonomy and competence (Deci & Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref31">9</reflink>]; Ryan & Deci, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref32">34</reflink>]). Sport produces countless opportunities to establish and maintain relationships, subsequently within research there have been calls for scholars to specifically engage with RMT to better comprehend relational dynamics in sport and how relationships with others impact sport experiences (Standage & Emm, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref33">38</reflink>]; Standage & Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref34">39</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-5">Study design</hd> <p>This research was approved by the McGill University Research Ethics Board-II. We prioritised engaging with participants throughout the research process to amplify their unique experiences and voices (Mertens, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref35">28</reflink>]). LGBTQ + adults were consulted during the initial design of an online survey to explore how LGBTQ + stress related to motivation for physical activity (Herrick et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref36">17</reflink>]). Through a series of focus groups, 42 LGBTQ + adults pilot-tested and discussed the survey (Herrick & Duncan, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref37">15</reflink>]). The focus group participants highlighted the need to incorporate several open-ended questions. For example, Cole, a 23-year-old white queer cisman and current rugby player, explained how, 'there should be a specific question asking about teammates or coaches. There's so much I wanted to tell you about them, my complicated relationships with them – but there wasn't any space to do so'. Inspired by participant suggestions to further explore how sport relationships influence LGBTQ + experiences, we included the optional, open-ended question: 'How would you describe your past and/or current relationships with teammates, coaches, and other sports-related support staff?' in the survey. The data for this study were collected on Qualtrics from August 2017 to January 2018.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-6">Participants</hd> <p>Participants were recruited online from public LGBTQ + -affiliated groups and pages on Facebook based in Canada and the United States. Participants were eligible if they (a) were 18 years or older, (b) self-identified as LGBTQ+, (c) understood written English and (d) had access to the internet to complete the survey.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-7">Measures</hd> <p> <emph>Demographics</emph>. Information about the participants' sexual orientation, gender identity and years publicly identified as LGBTQ + were collected in addition to their age, ethno-racial background, highest level of education, annual household income, athlete status, highest level of athletic competition and current minutes/week of moderate-vigorous physical activity (Table 1).</p> <p>Table 1. General demographic variables.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Variables</td><td>Mean (<italic>SD</italic>)</td><td>Range</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Age</td><td>30.2 years (6.7)</td><td>18–49 years</td></tr><tr><td>Years publicly out</td><td>8.8 years (7.6)</td><td>0–39 years</td></tr><tr><td>Current MVPA</td><td>259.1 min/week (226.1)</td><td>0–2200 min/week</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Variable</bold></td><td><bold>Frequencies (<italic>n</italic>)</bold></td><td><bold>Percentage</bold></td></tr><tr><td>Gender Identity</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Ciswoman</td><td char=".">315</td><td char=".">42.5</td></tr><tr><td> Cisman</td><td char=".">219</td><td char=".">29.6</td></tr><tr><td> Non-binary</td><td char=".">117</td><td char=".">15.8</td></tr><tr><td> Transman</td><td char=".">54</td><td char=".">7.3</td></tr><tr><td> Transwoman</td><td char=".">36</td><td char=".">4.8</td></tr><tr><td>Sexuality</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Lesbian</td><td char=".">228</td><td char=".">30.1</td></tr><tr><td> Gay</td><td char=".">173</td><td char=".">23.3</td></tr><tr><td> Queer</td><td char=".">149</td><td char=".">20.1</td></tr><tr><td> Bisexual</td><td char=".">91</td><td char=".">12.3</td></tr><tr><td> Pansexual</td><td char=".">48</td><td char=".">6.4</td></tr><tr><td> Demisexual</td><td char=".">20</td><td char=".">2.7</td></tr><tr><td> Asexual</td><td char=".">18</td><td char=".">2.4</td></tr><tr><td> Questioning</td><td char=".">12</td><td char=".">1.6</td></tr><tr><td> Heterosexual</td><td char=".">2</td><td char=".">0.3</td></tr><tr><td>Identify as an athlete</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Currently</td><td char=".">102</td><td char=".">13.8</td></tr><tr><td> In the past</td><td char=".">265</td><td char=".">35.8</td></tr><tr><td> Never</td><td char=".">374</td><td char=".">50.5</td></tr><tr><td>Highest level of competition</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Recreational</td><td char=".">199</td><td char=".">26.8</td></tr><tr><td> City-wide league</td><td char=".">118</td><td char=".">15.9</td></tr><tr><td> State-wide league/Provincial</td><td char=".">168</td><td char=".">22.7</td></tr><tr><td> Intercollegiate/University</td><td char=".">189</td><td char=".">25.5</td></tr><tr><td> National</td><td char=".">53</td><td char=".">7.2</td></tr><tr><td> Professional</td><td char=".">14</td><td char=".">1.9</td></tr><tr><td>Ethno-Racial Background</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> White</td><td char=".">531</td><td char=".">71.7</td></tr><tr><td> Hispanic</td><td char=".">38</td><td char=".">5.1</td></tr><tr><td> Mixed race</td><td char=".">36</td><td char=".">4.9</td></tr><tr><td> Indigenous</td><td char=".">29</td><td char=".">3.9</td></tr><tr><td> Middle Eastern</td><td char=".">29</td><td char=".">3.9</td></tr><tr><td> South Asian</td><td char=".">26</td><td char=".">3.5</td></tr><tr><td> African</td><td char=".">21</td><td char=".">2.8</td></tr><tr><td> East Asian</td><td char=".">20</td><td char=".">2.7</td></tr><tr><td> Caribbean</td><td char=".">11</td><td char=".">1.5</td></tr><tr><td>Education</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Undergraduate/Baccalaureate</td><td char=".">192</td><td char=".">25.9</td></tr><tr><td> Some college</td><td char=".">152</td><td char=".">20.5</td></tr><tr><td> Master's degree</td><td char=".">123</td><td char=".">16.6</td></tr><tr><td> High school diploma/GED</td><td char=".">96</td><td char=".">13.0</td></tr><tr><td> Some college post-undergraduate</td><td char=".">74</td><td char=".">10.0</td></tr><tr><td> Vocational/training school</td><td char=".">31</td><td char=".">4.2</td></tr><tr><td> Doctoral degree</td><td char=".">29</td><td char=".">3.9</td></tr><tr><td> CEGEP or DEC</td><td char=".">22</td><td char=".">3.0</td></tr><tr><td> Some high school</td><td char=".">14</td><td char=".">1.9</td></tr><tr><td> Didn't attend high school</td><td char=".">6</td><td char=".">0.8</td></tr><tr><td> Other</td><td char=".">2</td><td char=".">0.3</td></tr><tr><td>Annual household income ($)</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Less than 25,000</td><td char=".">176</td><td char=".">23.8</td></tr><tr><td> 25,001–50,000</td><td char=".">137</td><td char=".">18.5</td></tr><tr><td> 50,001–75,000</td><td char=".">120</td><td char=".">16.2</td></tr><tr><td> 75,001–100,000</td><td char=".">111</td><td char=".">15.0</td></tr><tr><td> 100,001–125,000</td><td char=".">86</td><td char=".">11.6</td></tr><tr><td> More than 150,001</td><td char=".">53</td><td char=".">7.2</td></tr><tr><td> 125,001–150,000</td><td char=".">37</td><td char=".">5.0</td></tr><tr><td> Prefer not to say</td><td char=".">21</td><td char=".">2.8</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 Notes: We acknowledge that 'coming out' is a nuanced, layered, and continuous process that cannot authentically be assessed using a strict binary of 'in' vs. 'out'.</p> <ulist> <item>2 We also acknowledge that 'white' is not a description of ethnicity or origin, but rather a broad description of skin colour or racial classification (as such, it does not represent a single ethnic group).</item> <item>3 GED = high-school equivalency certificate; CEGEP = Collége d'enseignement général et professionnel;</item> <item>4 DEC = diplôme d'études collégiales.</item> </ulist> <p> <emph>Open-ended question</emph>. This study explores the text responses to the question: 'How would you describe your past and/or current relationships with teammates, coaches and other sports-related support staff?'</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-8">Data analysis</hd> <p>We received 741 responses to this question that ranged in length from 10 to 659 words, (M = 81 words). The first and second authors thoroughly read the data to familiarise themselves with the responses. Although several analysis options were explored, including a deductive thematic analysis informed by RMT, the authors interpreted poignant data-driven themes across the dataset and concluded that an reflexive thematic analysis following Braun and Clarke's six phases would most authentically reflect the data (Braun et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref38">6</reflink>]; Clarke & Braun, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref39">7</reflink>]). To become fully immersed in the data (phase 1; Braun et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref40">6</reflink>]), the first and second author read through all of the responses a second time before independently coding the texts using NVivo (phase 2-3; Braun et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref41">6</reflink>]). A series of reflective meetings were held after the initial coding was complete wherein the first and second authors discussed observations made while coding (Mauthner & Doucet, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref42">26</reflink>]). Any discrepancies between codes and their respective themes were resolved through in-depth discussions (phase 4; Braun & Clarke, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref43">5</reflink>]; Braun et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref44">6</reflink>]). Once the first and second author had come to a consensus, the candidate themes were reviewed by the third author who served as a critical peer (Smith & Caddick, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref45">36</reflink>]; Smith & McGannon, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref46">37</reflink>]). All authors collaborated on creating a visual model to best represent how the themes were interrelated. This process resulted in Figure 1 which illustrates the different types of relationships LGBTQ + people experience in sport and the common factors that impact these relationships. Quotations were selected to represent the breadth of the data by ensuring that all were written by different respondents (Eldh et al., [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref47">12</reflink>]). All emphasis and parenthesis used in quotations are presented as the respondent submitted. After we completed the six phases of reflexive thematic analysis, percentages and demographics were added to reflect the respondents who shared ideas captured within each theme. Although numerical data are often viewed as paradigmatically inconsistent with qualitative approaches, this information is not presented to make inferences about broader populations, but instead to better characterise the results. Furthermore, contextualising results by presenting the sexualities and gender identities of respondents engages with the common misconception that a homogeneous LGBTQ + collective exists. The discussion of our findings has been framed in part by RMT to help situate our reflexive findings within motivational literature.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 1. Continuum of different sport relationships experienced by LGBTQ + individuals.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-9">Results</hd> <p>Our data collection resulted in responses from 741 self-identified LGBTQ + adults (<emph>M </emph>= 30.2 years; <emph>SD = </emph>6.7 years; range = 18–49). Participants represented great diversity across nine sexual orientations with the majority identifying as either gay or lesbian (<emph>n </emph>= 401; 54.1%), 20.1% (<emph>n </emph>= 149) identifying as queer and 12.3% (<emph>n </emph>= 91) identifying as bisexual. Most participants self-identified as cisgender (<emph>n = </emph>534; 72.1%) with 42.5% identifying as ciswomen (<emph>n </emph>= 315) and 29.6% identifying as cismen (<emph>n </emph>= 219). Over a quarter of participants identified under the transgender umbrella with 15.8% identifying as non-binary (<emph>n </emph>= 117), 7.3% identifying as transmen (<emph>n </emph>= 54) and 4.8% identifying as transwomen (<emph>n </emph>= 36). Our sample was also predominantly white (<emph>n </emph>= 531; 71.7%). Only 13.1% of participants currently identified as athletes whereas 35.8% had identified as athletes in the past (Table 1). Participants that never identified as an athlete (51.1%) typically spoke about adolescent sport experiences and/or recent alternative sport experiences.</p> <p>Given our focus on relationships within sport, we generated three major themes describing the types of relationships participants had (a) exclusionary, (b) inert and (c) inclusive, and we also developed a fourth theme to describe (e) alternative relationships that were cultivated outside of mainstream sport contexts, such as in LGBTQ + sport teams or leagues. We then identified two common factors that impacted the sport relationships that participants experienced: (a) 'the closet' (whether participants concealed their LGBTQ + identities from others) and (b) their athletic abilities. Types of sport relationships and the factors that impacted them have been conceptualised and presented as a continuum (Figure 1).</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-10">Types of relationships</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0178911343-11">Exclusionary: 'They'll pick out whatever you're insecure about'</hd> <p>Fifty six percent of all participants (<emph>n </emph>= 419) spoke about feeling excluded and rejected by their teammates and coaches. The homophobic and transphobic behaviours of teammates were commonly cited as negative influences. For example, an 18-year-old white lesbian ciswoman and retired competitive swimmer explained how:</p> <p>I never laughed at the jokes my teammates made about gay guys. I felt extremely uncomfortable when they started picking fun at lesbians and claiming to be 'lesbos' when they joked around in the locker room, stealing each other's bras and whatnot. It was the bad environment more than anything that pushed me out of team sports.</p> <p>Teammates can play an integral role in cultivating exclusionary relationships with complicated rules for belonging. One 20-year-old Middle Eastern gay cisman recalled how, 'I was always more graceful than powerful on the ice. When I was a kid in hockey, teammates always called me "twinkle toes" and way worse nicknames that – let's just say rhyme with "baguette."' Similarly, a 25-year-old mixed-race bisexual ciswoman lamented about how:</p> <p>Kids can be nasty, but teenagers are the absolute worst. They'll pick out whatever you're insecure about and home in on it. In high school, I was questioning my sexuality and my teammates on the track & field team just relentlessly harped on me for it.</p> <p>Participants emphasised the role of coaches in maintaining and normalising exclusionary sport relationships. Most participants felt strongly that it was the coaches' duty to ensure their team was free of discrimination. A 22-year-old white queer non-binary individual recalled how, 'I used to love being involved with sports, but because of the negative environment created by my coaches, I had to stop for my own mental and physical health'. When coaches seemingly approved of or fostered LGBTQ + prejudice, participants felt unsupported and antagonised to the point of quitting their sport. For example, a 31-year-old white queer transwoman remembered decades later how at:</p> <p>Grade 5 volleyball team try-outs I was beaten up by the other boys trying out and the team coach said he couldn't kick the perpetrators off the team because then they wouldn't have enough players. So of course, there's no way I'd continue in that space. I was sacrificed for volleyball. My body was sacrificed for fucking volleyball.</p> <p>Participants commonly recollected youth sport experiences in response to the prompt question. For example, a 24-year-old white queer nonbinary individual recalled how, 'I quit the basketball team in high school because it was so homophobic! I have not been on a team since. Why would I subject myself to that again?' A 23-year-old mixed-race lesbian ciswoman also explained why she chose to quit her current intercollegiate volleyball team:</p> <p>I love volleyball, but there's this weird pressure to be feminine. Playing in university was like a dream and a nightmare. There were these little quips about creeper lesbians in the locker room and stuff like that. I finally told my teammates that I was gay in my second year and it's not like they full-on rejected me, but everything changed. They were shy and awkward around me – I couldn't help but feel alone.</p> <p>Previous exclusionary sport relationships seemed to inform how some participants currently viewed physical activity. A 20-year-old Caribbean bisexual cisman admitted that 'the reason I have had so many issues regarding fitness is because of dealing with homophobic people in sports. It makes me feel fearful, incompetent, and brings a lot of bad memories – so I just avoid anything fitness related now'. Similarly, a 25-year-old Black queer ciswoman who played competitive soccer explained how, 'I'm an adult but on a field, at the gym, in the locker room – suddenly I feel like I'm 10 again and on the pitch, and I feel insecure in my body, ashamed of my sexuality, and scared'.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-12">Inert: 'Not threatening, but not welcoming'</hd> <p>Some participants (<emph>n </emph>= 121; 16.5%) characterised their relationships with coaches and teammates as more inert or neutral. Participants, like one 27-year-old white asexual genderfluid individual and retired competitive martial artist, described their relationships with peers as 'not threatening, but not welcoming'. Participants felt that relationships were often formalised due to emotional distance strategically maintained between themselves and their teammates and coaches. One 24-year-old white bisexual ciswoman and retired intercollegiate swimmer described these relationships as, 'mostly civil, although I'd never say I had friends among teammates or had a close bond with any of my coaches. I was there to do my best and I did that. There really wasn't any emotional connection'. Some participants did not view their sports as social settings and instead chose to focus on their performance. One 25-year-old white bisexual ciswoman and retired intercollegiate volleyball player explained how, 'my team and I got along well enough to accomplish what we set out to do. That's all I cared about at the time – winning'. Emotional distance allowed participants to feel less likely to be exposed to potentially exclusionary practices. For example, one 22-year-old white questioning nonbinary individual and retired competitive alpine skier recalled how, 'I never knew if they would accept the real me, so I didn't form very emotional connections or come out to any of them'.</p> <p>Participants also described difficulties bonding with their team and creating meaningful relationships. One 21-year-old white pansexual ciswoman and high-school field hockey player explained how, 'I never quite felt like part of the team in the same way as everyone else. I was grappling with questions about my sexuality and gender that my teammates weren't'. Similarly, a 20-year-old Middle Eastern queer ciswoman and competitive speed skater wrote, 'I have mostly been on the peripheral social edge with teammates. I usually did not feel at home – my skin colour and sexuality put me on the outside looking in'. Intersections of gender, sexuality and race commonly made participants feel ostensibly like the 'other' in sporting contexts. One 19-year-old Hispanic gay cisman explained how, 'in high school, I ran cross-country and track. It felt impossible to connect with anyone over sport when my concerns were about my sexuality and my disabled embodiment and theirs seemed only to be their 5 K time'.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-13">Inclusive: 'I am part of a team who is completely accepting of all LGBTQ + identities'</hd> <p>Participants (<emph>n </emph>= 150; 20.2%) who described feeling included in sports attributed their positive experiences to their overwhelmingly supportive relationships forged with coaches and teammates. For example, one 23-year-old Middle Eastern lesbian ciswoman and intercollegiate rugby player explained how, 'I formed my closest relationships through sport. My teammates and coaches supported me and created in part the person I am today. I'm proud and strong because of them'. Similarly, one 25-year-old Southeast Asian queer ciswoman and competitive water polo player described how:</p> <p>My relationship with my teammates and coaches has been essential to my desire to engage in sport. Without that support net I may have quit a long time ago, but I'm so glad I didn't. Practice is my favourite part of the day, in part because I love water polo – but more so because I love my team.</p> <p>Although relationships between teammates were significant, participants stressed the importance of relationships with coaches. One 28-year-old white bisexual transman stated that, 'it really depends on the coaching staff. If the coach creates a positive environment, then it can be fantastic, but if the coach is oblivious then there can be a lot of internal abuse on the team, bullying, etc'. The coaches described positively by participants used their position to promote accepting, supportive relationships within their team. One 19-year-old white heterosexual transman recalled how:</p> <p>During high school, I had a close relationship with my rugby coach. She was one of the first people who I came out to as trans and was incredibly supportive. I didn't particularly want to come out fully while I was participating in rugby, and this decision served to be the better one in my opinion. I confided in some teammates, and their support was tangible in my success as an athlete. As the captain of the rugby team, it was certainly exciting to have fellow teammates look up to me and look past my identity.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-14">Alternatives</hd> <p>Among 51 participants (6.9%), community-based sport alternatives stood in contrast to mainstream sport contexts and were found to promote LGBTQ + acceptance and participation through a supportive network of peers. Alternatives frequently described by participants were primarily created for adults. For example, one 41-year-old white queer transman explained how, 'I never voluntarily joined a team sport or gym until roller derby at age 34, a year after fully transitioning socially. The roller derby community is like night and day compared to other athletic pursuits – everyone is queer'. Similarly, a 22-year-old white queer transwoman explained how:</p> <p>Quidditch, which has an incredibly inclusive and queer community, was the first environment where I came out, and was incredibly supportive as I started transitioning. I feel an incredible sense of camaraderie and connection to my peers and coaches in this sport, and they have become my very best friends.</p> <p>Supportive relationships in alternative sports were commonly described by participants. One 25-year-old white lesbian ciswoman acknowledged how, 'I definitely feel closest to teammates who are in my all-gay softball league. We support each other, on and off the field. It's so much easier when you don't have to explain yourself all the time'. For many participants, LGBTQ + specific leagues or sports teams inherently provided the team with a sense of relatedness. For example, one 30-year-old white bisexual ciswoman, described her experiences playing soccer in various leagues:</p> <p>I relate comfortably when I play on a queer team and when the coach is queer or a lesbian. I relate less with teammates who are straight women, and even less with those who are straight men. I notice I feel proudest and most connected on a team with a majority of queer women. It's much more fun to socialise with them as we have more in common.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-15">Factors that impacted relationships</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0178911343-16">The closet: 'I did not feel comfortable enough to disclose my true identity at that time'</hd> <p>Coming out is a complicated and often continual process, in part because there are an infinite number of 'closets' or closed social settings in which someone may choose to publicly identify or conceal their identities. Across participants (<emph>n </emph>= 402; 54.2%), 'the closet' was conveyed as a prominent and nuanced concept that significantly influenced relationships within sport. Of the participants who referred to the closet, the majority (63.4%) spoke about concealing their sexuality, whereas 36.7% spoke about their gender identity and expression. Regardless of which closet, identity concealment was often used as a defensive strategy to avoid discrimination or rejection. One 19-year-old white lesbian ciswoman recollected how on her high school basketball team, 'I often hid who I truly was in order to protect myself. I hated being in the closet, but it was better than the alternative'. Similarly, a 22-year-old white bisexual non-binary person and intercollegiate hockey player expressed how 'I was protecting myself – my teammates couldn't reject what they didn't know'. By remaining closeted, some participants felt like they could be more easily accepted on their teams. Fear of rejection was sometimes rooted in previous experiences, as exemplified by the experiences of a 30-year-old white bisexual transman at his competitive martial arts club:</p> <p>My relationships with my teammates are limited because they don't know my medical history. They also wonder why my family of origin isn't a part of my life, doesn't cheer me on at exams or tournaments. Cishet people find unexplained estrangement from family of origin as a red flag, a sign that someone is untrustworthy. But I can't tell them and have them reject me like my family of origin did. So, I remain only partially part of an otherwise pretty close-knit team.</p> <p>Participants indicated how they would have required more supportive relationships with their teammates to feel safe to come out. As a 19-year-old Middle Eastern queer transman recollected:</p> <p>Through my childhood years and teen years, I was participating in ice hockey and basketball. During that time, I had great experiences with teammates and coaches, for the most part – however, I didn't feel comfortable enough to disclose my true identity at that time. I was worried that if I did come out, it would jeopardize what I had.</p> <p>Participants sometimes intentionally altered their behaviours when engaging in sports to encourage their teammates to interpret them as straight. For example, a 21-year-old East Asian gay cisman and track and field athlete explained how,</p> <p>I always had a strained relationship with my teammates. We were often friends, but I felt like a I had to put on a character to fit in with most of them. I had to downplay my "gayness" and "Chinese-ness".</p> <p>Similarly, a 26-year-old white lesbian ciswoman and retired intercollegiate soccer player recalled, 'I've always had good relationships with my teammates and coaches, but I always felt uncomfortable on the inside – I just didn't let anyone see it. Being in the closet seemed like a small price to pay for playing soccer'. Respondents spoke to a catch-22 situation wherein they did not feel close enough with their teammates to come out, but they could not establish close bonds with their teammates because they were closeted. A 20-year-old Romani bisexual non-binary person and competitive high school cross-country runner classified their relationships with teammates as:</p> <p>... close, but not always close enough to come out to. I wanted to be closer with my teammates, but I couldn't do that without coming out and they just weren't ready for those conversations, and I wasn't ready to start them – so I was stuck.</p> <p>Some participants only participated in organised sports throughout adolescence. As a result, participants often questioned and struggled with their sexual orientation and/or gender identity while participating in sports. A 23-year-old Middle Eastern queer transwoman and retired intercollegiate soccer player explained how this period of personal development was complicated by her sporting experiences:</p> <p>I was an athlete before I knew I was queer and I was on a mostly straight male team, so most of my relationships were burdened by navigating homophobia and not knowing why it bothered me so much. I think this kept me from forming close bonds with my teammates and the coach who didn't think homophobic chatter was inappropriate.</p> <p>For some participants, the casual and sometimes social nature of homophobia and transphobia made it particularly hard to ascertain how teammates and coaches would react to an out LGBTQ + athlete. For example, a 23-year-old white lesbian ciswoman explained how on her rugby and hockey teams, 'there was lot of "no homo" in sports I used to play, and I spent a lot of time trying to hide my queerness. But I'm out, and my relationships are largely positive now. My worry was largely overblown'. The saying 'no homo' is commonly uttered after a homosocial interaction like a same-gender display of affection to confirm the heterosexuality of those involved. Although this respondent was pleasantly surprised that her fears of rejection were overblown, others found that their fears of coming out were completely justified. A 24-year-old white lesbian ciswoman and retired competitive swimmer succinctly explained how her relationships with teammates, 'were okay prior to them finding out I was gay – not great afterwards. Everything changed for the worst'. Some participants spoke to experiencing negative and sometimes extreme backlashes to coming out as transgender to their teammates and coaches. For example, a 23-year-old Ashkenazi Jewish pansexual transwoman clarified how:</p> <p>Coming out as trans changed a lot of my relationships. Prior to coming out of the closet I had good relationships with fellow martial artists and instructors. After coming out all my relationships became strained, some even became hostile. I went from being someone they knew to a stranger – with a huge emphasis on strange. They didn't know how to act around me. Suddenly, I didn't feel welcome in my own studio.</p> <p>Specifically, the binary division of gender reiterated by competitive sport policies and practices made most athletic settings unsupportive of transgender participation. A 25-year-old First Nations queer transwoman reported how limited her athletic options became after coming out as transgender:</p> <p>I used to be accepted in almost any space before I came out. Now, I either play dodgeball or volleyball. That's it. I don't get any other choices because sports are fucking shit for trans inclusion. I can't do what I once did anymore. Colonizers and their chokehold on sports, among other things – stifling and policing livelihoods they're too lazy to understand. I can't even express how fucking infuriating it is.</p> <p>Although athletes can choose whether or not to publicly identify as LGBTQ+, in the words of one 18-year-old white queer nonbinary individual and high school basketball player, 'the closet – it's you're damned if you do, damned if you don't – especially in sports, you're just damned'.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-17">Athletic ability: 'You can always tell when you aren't wanted'</hd> <p>Participants (<emph>n </emph>= 358; 48.3%) also mentioned how their athletic ability influenced their relationships within sport. As a result of sports prioritising and celebrating physical prowess, the perceived lack of athletic ability negatively impacted 181 participants' relationships and experiences. For example, a 23-year-old East Asian bisexual genderqueer individual, who played soccer during adolescence, explained how, 'I have always been bad at sports, was always picked last etc., and I stopped doing it as soon as possible. My teammates weren't overly mean, but you can always tell when you aren't wanted'. Feelings of inadequacy were often exacerbated by competitive coaches. A 25-year-old white demi-sexual nonbinary individual and retired hockey player stated how 'I never seemed to live up to coaches' expectations, even when they were aware of my limitations. Teammates were far more forgiving and understanding, but I couldn't shake the feeling of being "not good enough" for the coaches'. The strong sentiment of being unwanted and unvalued as an athlete, coupled with high standards for performance left some participants feeling estranged from their team. A 21-year-old Black queer ciswoman recalled how on her high school volleyball team:</p> <p>In school, I always found these relationships extremely antagonistic – from coaches who belittled me or berated me for not playing well, to teammates who were looking for an easy target to be angry at. I felt like our team was being held back because of me.</p> <p>Some participants (<emph>n = </emph>177) felt as though their athletic ability improved their sport relationships and encouraged their team to accept them as LGBTQ +. The bulk of participants who viewed their athleticism positively were identified as cisgender (<emph>n </emph>= 143) and identified as either lesbian (<emph>n = </emph>68) or gay (<emph>n = </emph>57). One 26-year-old white gay cisman explained how, 'people accept me for what I bring to the sports I'm involved with. Sexuality is an irrelevant side issue that attracts nothing more than a little mutually enjoyable friendly banter'. At higher levels of competition, acceptance of participants was established through mutual respect for each other's performance. In the words of one 22-year-old mixed-race gay cisman and competitive martial artist,</p> <p>I do not necessarily feel like my team needs to know about my sexuality to support me or feel connected, because at a world-level competitive sport the judges don't care if you're queer or not. They care about how you perform.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-18">Discussion</hd> <p>This study responded to a need for large-scale research exploring how relationships with teammates and coaches shape LGBTQ + sport experiences and participation during adolescence and throughout adulthood. Using qualitative data collected online from 741 LGBTQ + adults, we examined how different types of relationships with teammates and coaches impacted sport experiences, as well as identified common factors that influenced sport relationships. This work was framed by the RMT and prompted by LGBTQ + focus group participants that encouraged us to explore sport relationships.</p> <p>Over half of our respondents (56.8%) described exclusionary sport relationships. Exclusionary sport relationships and the negative sport experiences these relationships fostered were reported consistently across participants of different sexual orientations; however, transgender and gender-nonconforming participants seemed to be disproportionately represented under this theme. Participants often described instances of subtle forms sexual prejudice within youth sport, while accounts of overt gender prejudice were more commonly recalled by transgender and gender-nonconforming participants. These findings align with recent literature reviews on LGBTQ + experiences in sport that have acknowledged how veiled or subtle discriminatory practices can still be common in sport contexts that are otherwise considered 'inclusive' (Kavoura & Kokkonen, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref48">20</reflink>]; Rollè et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref49">32</reflink>]; Storr et al., [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref50">40</reflink>]). Although there have been calls for more research with transgender and gender-nonconforming athletes, findings from literature reviews on transgender sport experiences have concluded that most transgender athletes experience discrimination in sport (Jones et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref51">19</reflink>]; Pérez-Samaniego et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref52">30</reflink>]). Given that 80% of all transwomen in this study described exclusionary sport relationships, overt gender prejudice against transwomen may be more likely to be endorsed by teammates and coaches. Within sport, transphobic and misogynistic discourses intertwine to paint the participation of transwomen as a threat to the fairness of sport and perpetuates discrimination against transgender athletes (Bianchi, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref53">4</reflink>]; Knox et al., [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref54">23</reflink>]). Subsequently, how what could be referred to as 'transmisogyny' is embedded within and maintained across sport contexts needs to be thoroughly examined and addressed (Greey & Lenskyj, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref55">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>Our data also demonstrate how, regardless of sexuality and/or gender identity, previous exclusionary sport relationships and the associated negative experiences adversely influenced some participants' current perceptions of and participation in physical activity. Among 13 previous studies that explored LGBTQ + discrimination in sport, the most mentioned consequence of discrimination was experiencing negative emotions (e.g. distress) followed by negative engagement, such as disliking, avoiding or quitting sport (Kavoura & Kokkonen, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref56">20</reflink>]). Our findings support that experiences of LGBTQ + discrimination in youth sport typically culminates in an aversion towards sport, as well as physical activity later in life. Although more research is needed to fully understand how to foster LGBTQ + inclusive (specifically trans-inclusive) relationships in youth sports, our findings also point to a need for future studies to explore how to foster healing from previous exclusionary relationships and negative experiences in sport among LGBTQ + adults.</p> <p>Only 16.2% of participants described experiencing inclusive sport relationships. Among these participants, inclusive relationships with coaches seemed to reflect common relatedness supports described by RMT, such as expressing authentic interest, listening and exploring reasoning and encouraging social support seeking (Standage & Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref57">39</reflink>]). Previous sport research has predominantly focused on autonomy supportive coaching (Standage & Emm, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref58">38</reflink>]; Standage & Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref59">39</reflink>]), however our findings suggest that relatedness support may be especially integral for LGBTQ + participation. Participants also commonly cited feeling supported by and connected to their teammates as their main reason for continued sport participation. Some participants (<emph>n </emph>= 51) sought out explicitly LGBTQ + inclusive spaces and programmes to re-engage with sport as adults, given many avoid sport due to negative experiences in mandatory school sport settings. Similarly, in a literature review of LGBTQ + athlete and coach experiences, one of the most common strategies used for LGBTQ + social change in sport was the development of queer alternative spaces (Kavoura & Kokkonen, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref60">20</reflink>]). LGBTQ + specific sport leagues and community-based sports may provide valuable insight into what an LGBTQ + -inclusive reorganisation of sports might entail. The community-based sport alternatives discussed in this study catered primarily to adults. Therefore, additional research is needed to understand the (non)existence of accessible and affordable LGBTQ + youth-specific sport alternatives.</p> <p>In this study, half of the participants used identity concealment tactics to allow them to experience more inclusive relationships with sport. Our findings are consistent with recent international statistical research with sexual minority youth (<emph>N </emph>= 1, 173) that demonstrated how 41.6% of participants reported having been the target of homophobic behaviour in sport (Denison, Jeanes et al., [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref61">11</reflink>]). In line with this finding, a study involving interviews with 13 queer cis-female intercollegiate athletes revealed that on sports teams, athletes would often weigh potential backlash against their own discomfort before sharing their sexual orientation with teammates and coaches (Mann & Krane, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref62">25</reflink>]). Of our participants that referenced the closet, 74.2% of all non-cisgender participants used identity concealment tactics to feel accepted and safe within sport. Similarly, findings from a qualitative meta-synthesis of transgender sport experiences demonstrated how participants used various concealment and 'transgendering' strategies (e.g. wearing a false package to be read as male or padding sports bras to be read as female) to gain gender legitimacy in sport (Pérez-Samaniego et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref63">30</reflink>]). Given the institutional and personal violence that transgender and gender-nonconforming persons face, reliance upon identity concealment strategies may shift beyond questions of comfortability towards questions of survival in sport. Although identity concealment tactics can enable LGBTQ + athletes to comfortably participate in sport, identity concealment, even when used as protective strategy, can foster anxiety, shame and become increasingly stressful over time (Meyer, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref64">29</reflink>]). At present, the relationship between LGBTQ + identity concealment and psychological distress is far from clear as it seems to vary by sexuality, race/ethnicity and age (Hoy-Ellis, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref65">18</reflink>]). Given that identity concealment can be simultaneously protective and detrimental, the influence on the satisfaction of athletes' psychological needs in sport may be even more complicated in its potential to support as well as thwart relatedness.</p> <p>Within self-determination theory, in addition to relatedness and autonomy, the satisfaction or frustration of the psychological need for competence (i.e. the feeling of gaining mastery over a skill or experience) also influences the quality of motivation experienced (Ryan & Deci, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref66">33</reflink>]; Standage & Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref67">39</reflink>]). Perceived lack of athletic ability negatively influenced 181 participants' experiences and participation in sport, while 177 participants, who predominantly identified as cisgender and as lesbian or gay, indicated that their increased athletic ability or competence positively influenced their relationships with teammates and coaches. Participants described how increased athletic competence made them indispensable to their team and encouraged others to, if not accept them, at least tolerate them. An examination of bullying through one-on-one interviews with eight intercollegiate team sports captains, found that athletic ability was the most commonly-reported protective factor against being targeted (Kerr et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref68">21</reflink>]). These findings were further supported by two studies where among gay cis-male athletes, a high level of athletic competency resulted in resistance against homophobia on their respective teams (Anderson, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref69">1</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref70">2</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-19">Limitations</hd> <p>Our final sample was comprised of responses from 741 self-identified LGBTQ + adults. The mean age of the participants was relatively young, therefore, despite the great variability of experiences expressed in the data, findings from this study may represent a specific generation. Future research should purposefully recruit athletes from different generations to explore the progression towards LGBTQ + inclusion in sport over time. Our sample was predominantly white, which may reflect discourses of white privilege within and across sport contexts (King et al., [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref71">22</reflink>]; McDonald, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref72">27</reflink>]). Future research should explicitly explore how intersections of gender, sexuality and race influence relationships in sport. We also acknowledge that our results may be biased towards individuals who were specifically interested in a survey about physical activity as respondents self-selected to participate. For the sake of anonymity, we were also unable to follow-up with participants and ask for clarification on their submitted responses. We suggest that future studies employing open-ended response questions allow for the collection of participant's email addresses for follow-up correspondence.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-20">Conclusions</hd> <p>Through this study, we have gained a better understanding of how relationships with coaches and teammates impact LGBTQ + sport experiences and participation. This study is the first large-scale qualitative exploration of LGBTQ + sport relationships, which were found to range from exclusive to inclusive. Exclusive sport relationships were characterised by experiences of discrimination and associated with participants' viewing sport and physical activity contexts negatively as adults. Specifically, our findings underscore the prevalence of overt prejudices and discrimination against transgender and gender-nonconforming athletes across sport contexts, whereas sexual minorities reported more subtle, but still harmful, forms of discrimination. Inclusive sport relationships with coaches and teammates were primarily based on acceptance and associated with participants viewing physical activity positively as adults.</p> <p>This study also identified two common factors that impacted sport relationships among LGBTQ + athletes: identity concealment and athletic ability. Framing our results through the relational dimension of self-determination theory, our findings demonstrate how discrimination in the form of overt or subtle sexual and gender prejudice can thwart feelings of relatedness among LGBTQ + athletes. Additionally, our findings suggest that relatedness support, especially in the form of expressing authentic interest and care from coaches and teammates, may be integral for supporting LGBTQ + participation in sport. A key outcome from this research has been the creation of new visual model (Figure 1) to understand the different types of relationships LGBTQ + people experience in sport and how commonly experienced factors impact these relationships. Our findings illustrate how despite strides towards LGBTQ + inclusivity within sport, exclusionary relationships with teammates and coaches continue to frame sport contexts as unwelcoming to LGBTQ + athletes.</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-21">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <hd id="AN0178911343-22">Data availability</hd> <p>Data made available upon reasonable request.</p> <ref id="AN0178911343-23"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref69" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Anderson, E. (2002). Openly Gay athletes. Gender & Society, 16 (6), 860 – 877. https://doi.org/10.1177/089124302237892</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref70" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Anderson, E. (2011). Updating the outcome: Gay athletes, straight teams, and coming out in educationally based sport teams. 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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: 'Close, but Not Always Close Enough to Come Out to': A Large-Scale Online Qualitative Study of Interpersonal Relationships Experienced by LGBTQ + Individuals in Sport
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  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Shannon+S%2E+C%2E+Herrick%22">Shannon S. C. Herrick</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Alexandra+Moisan%22">Alexandra Moisan</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Lindsay+R%2E+Duncan%22">Lindsay R. Duncan</searchLink>
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  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Sport%2C+Education+and+Society%22"><i>Sport, Education and Society</i></searchLink>. 2024 29(5):561-575.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 15
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2024
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Self+Disclosure+%28Individuals%29%22">Self Disclosure (Individuals)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22LGBTQ+People%22">LGBTQ People</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Interpersonal+Relationship%22">Interpersonal Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Athletes%22">Athletes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Inclusion%22">Inclusion</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Team+Sports%22">Team Sports</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Athletic+Coaches%22">Athletic Coaches</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Experience%22">Experience</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Professional+Personnel%22">Professional Personnel</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Participation%22">Participation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Bias%22">Social Bias</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Discrimination%22">Social Discrimination</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Self+Concept%22">Self Concept</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Adults%22">Adults</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sexual+Orientation%22">Sexual Orientation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sexual+Identity%22">Sexual Identity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Peer+Relationship%22">Peer Relationship</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Canada%22">Canada</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22United+States%22">United States</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/13573322.2023.2174095
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 1357-3322<br />1470-1243
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Despite concerted efforts, LGBTQ + inclusivity is not fostered across all sporting contexts. Interpersonal relationships with teammates and coaches are particularly significant when it comes to cultivating positive and inclusive LGBTQ + experiences within sport. Using online qualitative data collected from 741 LGBTQ + adults, this study examined how relationships with coaches, teammates and sport-related staff impacted sport experiences and participation. Participant responses were independently coded using reflexive thematic analysis. Data were used to develop a new visual model to understand different types of relationships LGBTQ + individuals experience in sport and how this impacted their sport experiences. Exclusive sport relationships were characterised by experiences of discrimination and were found to greatly influence how participants viewed sport and physical activity contexts as adults. Inert or neutral sport relationships were maintained through protective self-distancing techniques. Inclusive relationships with coaches and teammates were primarily based on acceptance and associated with viewing physical activity positively. Identity-concealment strategies and athletic ability were identified as factors that impacted LGBTQ + adults' relationships within sport. Our overall findings demonstrate how discrimination in the form of overt or subtle sexual and gender prejudice can thwart feelings of relatedness among LGBTQ + athletes.
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  Data: 2024
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  Data: EJ1435429
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RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
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      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/13573322.2023.2174095
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 15
        StartPage: 561
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Self Disclosure (Individuals)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: LGBTQ People
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Interpersonal Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Athletes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Inclusion
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Team Sports
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Athletic Coaches
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Experience
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      – SubjectFull: Professional Personnel
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      – SubjectFull: Participation
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      – SubjectFull: Social Bias
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      – SubjectFull: Social Discrimination
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      – SubjectFull: Self Concept
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      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Adults
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Sexual Orientation
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Sexual Identity
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      – SubjectFull: Peer Relationship
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      – SubjectFull: Canada
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: United States
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: 'Close, but Not Always Close Enough to Come Out to': A Large-Scale Online Qualitative Study of Interpersonal Relationships Experienced by LGBTQ + Individuals in Sport
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              Y: 2024
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