'Black Sheep'--Physical, Social, and Behavioral Diversity as a Barrier to STEM Educational Choice

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Title: 'Black Sheep'--Physical, Social, and Behavioral Diversity as a Barrier to STEM Educational Choice
Language: English
Authors: Merav Kalik Lerner, Sabina Lissitsa (ORCID 0000-0003-2468-2619)
Source: Social Psychology of Education: An International Journal. 2025 28(1).
Availability: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 23
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: College Students, Majors (Students), Decision Making, STEM Education, Females, Diversity, Barriers, Career Development, Student Interests, Social Integration, Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder, Cultural Background, Sexuality, Religion
DOI: 10.1007/s11218-024-10012-6
ISSN: 1381-2890
1573-1928
Abstract: This study explores the active non-STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) educational choices made by young women who grew up in a STEM occupational habitus, yet deviated from the expected trajectory exemplified by their parents. Employing Bourdieu's concept of occupational habitus and the Microclass Mobility Model, the study investigates possible limitations these models and concepts may face or further nuances they may require in their application. This qualitative study is based on interviews conducted with parents from STEM occupational backgrounds, whose daughters chose a non-STEM academic path. The investigation encompasses narratives from 20 families, revealing two distinct themes. The first theme, "the black sheep", reflects challenges pitting daughters' high STEM abilities against sibling comparisons, and diverse experiences such as ADHD, social difficulties, physical diversity, cultural transitions, diverse sexual orientations, and religious transformations. The second theme is characterized by a "passion for another field", emphasizing positive, passion-driven non-STEM choices. The study underscores the significance of recognizing and supporting daughters who face diverse challenges. It advocates early diagnosis, continuous assistance, and addressing societal gaps that hinder diversity in STEM. The findings stress the pivotal role of societal investment in promoting female participation in STEM fields, which aligns with economic interests and the need to foster global competitiveness.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2025
Accession Number: EJ1455655
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0181978166;luo01feb.25;2025Jan29.13:04;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0181978166-1">"Black sheep"—physical, social, and behavioral diversity as a barrier to STEM educational choice </title> <sbt id="AN0181978166-2">Introduction</sbt> <p>This study explores the active non-STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) educational choices made by young women who grew up in a STEM occupational habitus, yet deviated from the expected trajectory exemplified by their parents. Employing Bourdieu's concept of occupational habitus and the Microclass Mobility Model, the study investigates possible limitations these models and concepts may face or further nuances they may require in their application. This qualitative study is based on interviews conducted with parents from STEM occupational backgrounds, whose daughters chose a non-STEM academic path. The investigation encompasses narratives from 20 families, revealing two distinct themes. The first theme, "the black sheep", reflects challenges pitting daughters' high STEM abilities against sibling comparisons, and diverse experiences such as ADHD, social difficulties, physical diversity, cultural transitions, diverse sexual orientations, and religious transformations. The second theme is characterized by a "passion for another field", emphasizing positive, passion-driven non-STEM choices. The study underscores the significance of recognizing and supporting daughters who face diverse challenges. It advocates early diagnosis, continuous assistance, and addressing societal gaps that hinder diversity in STEM. The findings stress the pivotal role of societal investment in promoting female participation in STEM fields, which aligns with economic interests and the need to foster global competitiveness.</p> <p>Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) play an important role in ensuring the sustainable prosperity of developed countries. These countries require a steadily growing scientifically literate population and professional workforce (Camilli & Hira, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref1">12</reflink>]; Even et al., [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref2">27</reflink>]). Therefore, it is important for developed countries to (a) reproduce population segments that have traditionally been employed in STEM-related occupations, and (b) engage groups previously under-represented in STEM fields (Lezotte, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref3">39</reflink>]). This paper focuses on the first challenge – <emph>reproduction</emph> of the STEM population.</p> <p>According to the literature on decision-making, it is much easier to make a <emph>passive</emph> choice, compared to an <emph>active</emph> one (Kahneman & Tversky, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref4">34</reflink>]). In the STEM context, is much easier to <emph>reproduce</emph> and preserve population segments that have traditionally been employed in STEM-related occupations than to <emph>create the first generation of STEM students</emph>. The decision-making process in general usually involves uncertainty as individuals seek an anchor on which to base what they consider an optimal decision. This is especially true in the case of STEM fields, which are usually perceived as incurring high costs in terms of effort and length of study (Carlone, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref5">14</reflink>]; Lissitsa & Chachashvili-Bolotin, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref6">42</reflink>]; Tytler et al., [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref7">61</reflink>]).</p> <p>Indeed, while people who make <emph>passive</emph> occupational choices are often following in the footsteps of their parents or close family, those who make <emph>active choices</emph> are required to evaluate and compute the values of different alternatives, anticipate various outcomes including potential emotional experiences, and explicitly make a choice on their own (Knutson & Karmarkar, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref8">35</reflink>]). Many studies of active choice have dealt with various underrepresented groups in STEM fields and investigated ways to encourage such students to choose and persist in difficult and demanding STEM fields (Tey et al., [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref9">59</reflink>]).</p> <p>However, active <emph>non-STEM choice</emph> by those who grew up and were socialized in a STEM occupational <emph>habitus</emph>, in Bourdieu's terms (1984), and would be expected to follow in the footsteps of their parents according to the Microclass Mobility Model (Jonsson et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref10">33</reflink>]; Weeden & Grusky, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref11">64</reflink>]), have been overlooked by the literature. The current study seeks to fill this void, focusing on the reasons and mechanisms for <emph>active non-STEM choice</emph> among those who originated from a STEM family background. As female students are still underrepresented in STEM education and careers at all levels (Lissitsa & Chachashvili-Bolotin, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref12">44</reflink>]) and their integration in the STEM fields is important socially for attaining gender equality, the current study focuses on women.</p> <p>This study was conducted in Israel, which is known as a "start-up nation" (Senor & Singer, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref13">55</reflink>]) and in which science and technology constitute one of the country's most developed sectors. The contribution of our research is two-fold. Firstly, it will expand existing knowledge about the STEM-related decision-making process, providing insights into the<emph> mechanisms of active non-STEM choice among those who grew up in a STEM occupational habitus</emph>. Secondly, it will provide practical directives for policymakers and local authorities with recommendations how to avoid STEM pipeline leakage among <emph>potential second generation female STEM students</emph> with relatively small investment, as compared to the effort required to engage previously underrepresented groups. Thus, it will contribute to the flow of capable personnel to the STEM work force. Despite the focus on the Israeli population, the findings may have universal significance, beyond Israel's borders, and thus be useful in light of the stagnating numbers of students entering STEM academic education in various European countries (Wilke et al., [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref14">65</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-3">Literature review</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0181978166-4">STEM career reproduction</hd> <p>The Microclass Mobility Model (MMM) explains the processes of intergenerational occupational <emph>reproduction</emph> by close connections between family occupational background and students' future employment (Erikson & Goldthorpe, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref15">26</reflink>]; Jonsson et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref16">33</reflink>]). The family serves as an agent of intergenerational occupational transmission, through the transfer of cultural, social, and economic capital from parents to children (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref17">7</reflink>]).</p> <p>Studies addressing the gender aspect of intergenerational occupational reproduction reveal more complex and nuanced patterns. According to the research, the intergenerational transmission of occupational aspirations is highly gendered, and parental gender-typical occupations and expectations help to reinforce occupational gender segregation (Bussey & Bandura, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref18">10</reflink>]; Eagly et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref19">25</reflink>]; Law & Schober, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref20">38</reflink>]). While boys tend to aspire to occupations in direct imitation of their fathers, girls' aspirations are shaped both by direct imitation of their mothers and by broader gender-role learning which also aligns with their mothers' occupational gender orientation (Hu & Coulter, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref21">31</reflink>]). Girls whose mothers engage in male-dominated professions are more likely to aspire to gender-atypical occupations, an indication of the critical role of gender in intergenerational occupational reproduction (Ibid). This suggests that while parental influence remains important, gender dynamics make the reproduction process more complex, especially for girls.</p> <p>In the STEM field, parents and their occupational involvement have a significant impact on shaping their children's early interest in science and later on their educational and career choices (Lissitsa & Chachashvili-Bolotin, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref22">43</reflink>]; Moakler & Kim, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref23">47</reflink>]). STEM professional parents may influence their sons' and daughters' interest in STEM during childhood, provide them with support and cognitive skills and serve as a role model to influence their future aspirations (Dorie et al., [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref24">24</reflink>]). Children who see their parent(s) in a STEM field internalize the possibility of such a career as a possible and realistic option (Hutton, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref25">32</reflink>]). When one parent's profession is related to science, his or her children are 1.6 times more likely to make a passive educational choice for a STEM field (Moakler & Kim, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref26">47</reflink>]). However, as discussed above, gender can moderate this influence, with broader societal and gender-role factors affecting girls' career choices in STEM. These findings are important for examining the mechanisms underlying an active non-STEM educational choice, despite the endeavors of family members and the close environment.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-5">Underrepresentation of women in STEM fields</hd> <p>In Israel, as in the rest of the world, even though women account for a majority of academic students, they integrate significantly less in the STEM fields (Cazarez, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref27">15</reflink>]). Likewise, in OECD countries, women make up most college graduates. And yet, women constitute less than half of the graduates in science or engineering, except in Italy (Card & Payne, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref28">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>Women's underrepresentation in STEM fields is influenced by many diverse factors. Statistically insignificant differences in absolute ability fail to explain the gender gap (Wang et al., [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref29">63</reflink>]). Alternatively, women may possess higher relative abilities in non-STEM domains, particularly in verbal skills, which allow them to gravitate toward fields aligning with familial norms and avoiding gender biases. Personal preferences play a role, as individuals tend to choose careers reflecting their characteristics; women, who value community contribution, may avoid STEM roles which are perceived as divergent from societal goals (Su & Rounds, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref30">58</reflink>]). Those who prioritize family often view STEM careers as potentially conflicting with motherhood (Lissitsa et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref31">41</reflink>]). This effectively steers women toward part-time or flexible roles, impacting even those exceptionally talented in STEM (Ceci et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref32">16</reflink>]).</p> <p>Additionally, lower self-belief in STEM abilities among girls hinders their interest and aspirations in that field (Chan, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref33">17</reflink>]). The pervasive impact of stereotypes and gender biases induces anxiety and fear (Aronson et al., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref34">3</reflink>]), contributing to decreased performance and discriminatory treatment, with teachers favoring male students (Hand et al., [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref35">29</reflink>]). Despite initial success, girls' long-term achievements in STEM decline, influenced by experiences of inequality and discrimination (Brotman & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref36">9</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-6">Facing diversity in adolescence</hd> <p>During adolescence, the brain undergoes a significant burst of development, growth and reorganization (Silbereis et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref37">57</reflink>]). The physical, social and cultural changes of this period (Worthman & Trang, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref38">66</reflink>]) may be metaphorically defined as a storm of biological, sociological, and cultural forces created by the interaction of a significant period of learning and sex hormone activity (Koolschijn & Crone, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref39">36</reflink>]). At the same time, adolescents must clarify their self-identity, both in terms of how they perceive themselves and how they are perceived by the environment (Deater-Deckard, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref40">22</reflink>]). In short, this period represents a significant challenge for all adolescents and especially those whose gender, physique and behavior do not conform to accepted standards and thus challenge society.</p> <p>Belonging to a group whose features diverge from the norm may engender stigmas (Link & Phelan, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref41">40</reflink>]) that lead to negative stereotypes and eventually to discrimination. Labeling adolescents as deviant while they are working to establish their social identity impacts their developmental process. Such negative experiences may impair adolescents' self-esteem (Link & Phelan, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref42">40</reflink>]), with lasting effects. The importance of one's body and identity makes them more vulnerable to labeling and judgment (Mustillo et al., [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref43">49</reflink>]). For example, because of the many negative stereotypes connected to obesity in contemporary culture, obese adolescents may be subjected to criticism and vilification that cause them to feel shame and alienation from their bodies (Farrell, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref44">28</reflink>]). Young students bearing such stigmas may channel their energies into efforts to be accepted by their peers and teachers, leaving them less motivation, time, and effort to invest in academic learning. They may try to learn, but without the intellectual eagerness, investment, and enthusiasm (Brewis, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref45">8</reflink>]) required for persistence and success in STEM education.</p> <p>However, it is precisely this diversity that can serve as a unique asset, bringing fresh perspectives, creativity, and innovative problem-solving approaches to the STEM fields (Blackie, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref46">6</reflink>]). Embracing diversity within STEM may offer strategic advantages, as it has the potential to promote the field by fostering a richer array of ideas and solutions. This perspective aligns with broader research emphasizing that women's achievements in STEM are a substantial societal asset (Bystydzienski & Bird, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref47">11</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-7">The education system and adolescent diversity</hd> <p>Although the education system is becoming more diverse, stigmatized groups (targets of negative stereotypes, prejudices and discrimination) still face barriers to education (Alon, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref48">1</reflink>]). The barriers may result from how they are treated and the inability of educators to employ different teaching styles and content (Ruggs & Hebl, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref49">54</reflink>]).</p> <p>Exploring the impact of labeling on academic choices, prior research reveals that students diagnosed with learning disabilities often face lowered expectations, negatively affecting their outcomes (Shifrer, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref50">56</reflink>]). Similarly, in this study, diagnoses may not only influence outcomes but actively guide young women toward non-STEM paths, even if it means deviating from familial expectations. This sets the stage for our research question:</p> <p>RQ What are the primary reasons that motivate young women from STEM family backgrounds to actively choose non-STEM educational path, and how did these reasons influence young women's career choice?</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-8">Method</hd> <p>This is a qualitative study based on narrative inquiry, an approach that sees the stories told by people as a way to interpret real-life experiences and memories (Clandinin & Connelly, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref51">19</reflink>]). The meaning and context of the parental narrative enables a broad understanding of the actions, thoughts, and social and cultural perceptions of their adolescent daughters, as well as the influence of these factors on them (Moen, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref52">48</reflink>]).</p> <p>Utilizing a narrative approach provides insights into the upbringing and environment of young women who, despite a scientific home background, actively opted for divergent educational paths. This methodology facilitates comprehension of the educational impact, nuances within family dynamics, and the circumstances influencing their distinctive choices.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-9">Participants and sampling</hd> <p>Most studies of educational choice have traditionally focused on young people, usually from the age of 16 and up (Quinlan & Renninger, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref53">52</reflink>]; Reay et al., [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref54">53</reflink>]). To minimize bias due to a lack of early childhood memories and to enrich the research perspective, our study presents parental narratives for the educational choice process of their daughters (Nelson & Fivush, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref55">50</reflink>]).</p> <p>To locate suitable interviewees, social media and forums were utilized, combined with personal connections and academic acquaintances. Each interviewee provided additional referrals to potential interviewees with appropriate profiles. Participants were not compensated for their involvement, as the study aimed to engage them in a voluntary and meaningful discussion of their experiences.</p> <p>The analysis is based on 20 unstructured interviews with families from a medium–high socio-economic background, in which at least one of the parents has an education in a STEM field (Natural Sciences, Health Sciences, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) and at least one daughter made an active choice, enrolled in a non-STEM education and career, and graduated in the last three years. In 11 of the families, both parents are from STEM fields. In 18 of the 20 families, other siblings chose an education and career in the STEM field.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-10">Data collection and analysis</hd> <p>The study was approved by the academic ethics committee of Ariel University. The call for participants included an explanation of the research, required profile, duration of the interview, and the need for a face-to-face meeting, to be coordinated at the convenience of the interviewee, and a commitment to confidentiality. A detailed written explanation was sent to interviewees who expressed willingness to participate, about the research topic, the required profile of interviewees (parents in the STEM field whose daughter chose another field), and the conduct of the interview. Phone calls and written messages before the final coordination were used to answer questions, provide further explanations and coordinate the meeting.</p> <p>Although the interviews were unstructured, a general guiding framework was used to maintain consistency. This framework included broad topics like early educational experiences, family dynamics, and decision-making processes, ensuring that all interviews addressed similar themes while allowing storytelling flexibility. The focus was on understanding the reasons behind the daughters' non-STEM choices, the influence of family dynamics, and the challenges or diverse experiences involved, aiming to capture not just the decisions but the contexts and stories behind them. For example, interviewees were asked, "Can you walk me through the process or turning points that led her to choose a different career path?" and "What were the key challenges your daughter faced during her schooling, and how did she cope with them?".</p> <p>During the interviews, it was noticed that mothers knew, remembered, and shared more about past events, including their daughters' difficulties, social situation and choice processes than did the fathers. Therefore, even in cases where only the fathers engaged in STEM careers, the mothers were involved as much as possible in the interview process. To minimize potential recall bias, interview questions were designed to prompt specific examples and concrete memories, helping parents focus on particular events rather than general recollections from the distant past. Interviews lasted 60–80 min. Most of them were conducted face-to-face in the family home, except for two interviews which were conducted online, using Zoom.</p> <p>The interviews were conducted, recorded, transcribed, read, and analyzed by two researchers. The results obtained were discussed and analyzed for common content that came up frequently during the interviews, to identify the main topics. Each interview was read as a single unit, looking for central themes and topics. Texts from the interviews were classified into categories by comparing the data and identifying common meanings and recurring patterns (Corbin & Strauss, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref56">20</reflink>]). Several themes were repeated to explain why a large number of young female students, whose families were in STEM fields, did not follow their families' path. Many of them saw themselves as different, and even used the same metaphor—"black sheep"—to describe their feelings within their family tribe. Interview topics ranged from early childhood to education and career choices and the reasons behind them. As a result of space limitations and the purpose of this study, we can only present a small part of the findings.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-11">Research integrity and ethic</hd> <p>Data analysis and identification of central themes entailed a collaborative process involving both authors. The first author, drawing on her 15 years of extensive experience as a journalist, conducted all the interviews. Her professional background helped to create a trusting and open atmosphere, in which participants willingly shared detailed personal narratives about family history, values, and educational choices. The first author's positionality as a mother of children at a similar stage of life contributed to rapport-building and elicited deeper reflections on family dynamics and parenting practices.</p> <p>Because the interviews were unstructured, the interviewer allowed conversations to flow naturally, encouraging participants to explore topics beyond the immediate research focus. This approach provided rich insights into hidden mechanisms underlying educational choices and family interactions. The senior researcher, who has extensive experience in narrative research, provided supervisory guidance and support during the analysis phase. Although not involved in conducting the interviews, the second author played a critical role in ensuring analytical rigor, conducting independent reviews of the data, and contributing to the validation of emergent themes through regular consultations.</p> <p>Follow-up communication was conducted in some cases to clarify unclear topics and confirm specific themes that emerged during the analysis, further strengthening the reliability of the findings. While many rich examples supported the themes, the scope of the article did not allow for inclusion of all relevant quotes.</p> <p>Ethical considerations and the reflexivity of the research team were central to maintaining the integrity and depth of the study. Both researchers ensured that the interview process and subsequent analysis were conducted with sensitivity and respect for the participants' personal experiences. The collaborative efforts of the two authors enhanced the robustness and validity of the study's conclusions.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-12">Findings</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0181978166-13">"Black sheep" as a central theme</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0181978166-14">Mental diversity—ADHD disorder</hd> <p>Adolescents with ADHD may encounter difficulties in social integration due to difficulty in understanding social situations and objective reality, as is described in the following example. Competition between siblings in the family is a well-known phenomenon and may even increase motivation for achievements (Badger & Reddy, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref57">4</reflink>]; Thye, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref58">60</reflink>]). But in many cases, as seen in the findings, comparison and competition between siblings can damage self-image and provoke a feeling of incompetence. Despite the same family setting and the same parents, siblings are different and have different abilities. The attempt to equal goals of excellence and success set by their siblings often causes less successful siblings to label themselves "the black sheep".</p> <p>In the case below, the comparison with academically and socially successful siblings was accompanied by the parents' distrust of their daughter's efforts to succeed. In addition, a diagnosis of ADHD was made only later, and belatedly provided an explanation for the daughter's objective difficulty in meeting the family's high standards.</p> <p>NG decided to study political science and Latin American studies. Her mother, who holds a master's degree in life sciences and an MBA, is the director of a medical equipment company. Her father, born to illiterate parents with no financial resources, bootstrapped himself through higher education by earning honors scholarships. With a PhD in neurobiology, he works with complex research systems. NG's younger sister graduated with multiple degrees in mechanical engineering, computer science and math. Her older brother is studying engineering and the younger sister studied advanced level math, physics and science in high school. NG's mother relates:... NG was diagnosed with ADHD in 11th grade. For many years she felt she was the "black sheep" of the house... she was trying hard and it didn't help ... and only after she was diagnosed and treated then suddenly she started improving her grades... ... All these years my husband said that she had untapped talent.. she played Mind games ...very talented in languages... she has a very high IQ.... the teacher said she can be very successful but she forgets to bring pencils.. notebooks.. We thought she did not study hard enough. Sometimes when she studied hard and succeeded ... we told her: "you just have to try harder" ... She remembers that to this day.</p> <p>Students with ADHD who face academic difficulties without supportive care, must make tremendous efforts. These efforts do not necessarily lead to high achievements and students like NG are even accused of laziness despite their hard work. Her mother adds:My husband studied for a PhD. He broke all possible glass ceilings.. and graduated with honors, went directly for a PhD degree ... This is a mythological story in our family, ... he came with no money... received scholarships because he constantly excelled ...</p> <p>In this case, we are dealing with a larger-than-life success story, of success against all odds. Against this background mythology, NG's difficulties are interpreted as an indulgence, and her efforts are not appreciated. Her mother continues:The message was ... studying is the key to success, ... The ethos of excellence was very much present at home. In retrospect ... I'm not sure how good it was ... After she was diagnosed we had a very heartbreaking talk, ... to apologize for all those years, that I gave her the feeling she was not good enough ... she didn't try hard enough ... and she perceived herself as a "black sheep" in the family.</p> <p>Those young women with ability whose ADHD was not diagnosed in time suffer from underachievement and disappointment, especially when the family environment provides multiple examples of success and self-fulfillment, projects high expectations, and strives for excellence. NG's mother concluded, "She was not a bad student ... but she got grades of 7–8 in a family where everyone got 9–10, so she also felt inferior ... She was learning and learning with no success, and that made her frustrated." The parental narratives revealed the daughter's status in relation to her family and social environment, and how she labeled herself, according to her parents' testimony, as less qualified to succeed in STEM fields than other family members. The narratives expose reduced appreciation for these daughters compared to the siblings. These young female students perceive themselves as excluded and face a constant lack of acceptance from their family, siblings, peers, and educators. Hence, their self-image leads them to active choices different from their family, prevents them from choosing STEM studies and strengthens feelings of relative deprivation. Relative Deprivation theory argues that evaluations of personal life circumstances depend on the available comparisons we make (Walker & Smith, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref59">62</reflink>]). In line with this theory, the findings show that the comparison between siblings, as well as with successful and accomplished parents among female students with ADHD is an impossible challenge for the latter. They feel that their abilities and skills are below the "family standard", and as a result their self-esteem may be impaired (Chen, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref60">18</reflink>]) while their stress increases (Olson et al., [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref61">51</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-15">Physical diversity</hd> <p>Physical diversity during adolescence, such as deviations from socially idealized body types, can pose significant obstacles to social integration and acceptance. Overweight individuals, for example, experience stigmatization and discrimination based on their body size. These can cause profound psychological and emotional disruptions to their sense of belonging and self-efficacy, which are critical for academic engagement and success.</p> <p>NP comes from a very strong STEM background: her mother is a math and science teacher, her father is a practical mechanics engineer who teaches technology, mechanics, mathematics and physics in high school, and her brother has a PhD in nanotechnology. NP was severely bullied due to her physical size. This bullying did more than isolate her socially. It generated a sense of inadequacy that disturbed her academic self-concept. Unlike others in her family who pursued advanced STEM studies, NP chose to study communications, a path her mother believes deviated from NP's innate potential:Until the fifth grade she really succeeded in math, teaching instead of the teacher ... and then social problems began ... that made her life difficult. [Others] harassed and humiliated and cursed her ... for being fat ... tall ... her friends turned against her. ... and it compromised her studies ... When they started studying geometry, I remember her full and beautiful proofs ... when she got to ninth grade she said: "Mom, I do not know math ... geometry, it does not interest me" ... she did not want to go to school at all ... it impaired her desire to study ... 'I do not have the strength for this school.' 'Oh I do not want to get up ...</p> <p>This narrative illustrates how the conjoining of physical diversity and social exclusion can disrupt the academic trajectories of young women with strong STEM potential. As with the impact of mental diversity described in the previous section, NP's physical stigmatization reshaped her academic identity and diminished her confidence in STEM, not from a lack of capability, but rather from feelings of exclusion and low self-worth engendered by bullying and social rejection. These challenges were compounded by her family's high academic standards, where deviation from STEM was perceived as underachievement. This misalignment between her physical identity and her family's expectations led NP to distance herself from STEM and choose a different academic path.</p> <p>Just as daughters with ADHD felt "less than" their high-achieving siblings, NP's social exclusion created a similar sense of inadequacy and alienation. Such constant comparisons, coupled with her stigmatized physical appearance, damaged her self-concept and drove her to seek validation outside of STEM. Such findings highlight how identity-based exclusion, especially physical stigmatization, can compel young women to choose non-STEM fields to protect their self-esteem and redefine their academic identities.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-16">Cultural diversity</hd> <p>Parents from the STEM field are often required to relocate for periods of time outside their country for study and work purposes. For their adolescent children, this transition becomes an additional challenge to their normal age-related tasks: building identity, independence from parents, social belonging, and a sense of efficacy.</p> <p>EL chose education studies, while her sister chose science and works as an oncology researcher like her father—a doctor of biochemistry at the Center for Cancer Research. EL often told her parents that the moves from one country to another occurred at a crucial developmental period and impacted her ability to flourish academically and socially. These are her mother's reflections:Back to Israel in 10th-11th grade ... straight to matriculation, she had a very hard time in math, in all the natural sciences. Because of ... the transition ... and her personality, also socially it was very hard for her, she was very upset with us for taking her at the ages that were most important for her to be in Israel ...I think maybe it had an effect, because she has a good head ...</p> <p>Despite her capabilities, EL struggled to catch up academically and integrate socially. Ultimately these efforts influenced her decision to choose education studies rather than STEM. Meanwhile, her sister, who did not experience such disruptions, followed in her father's footsteps and became an oncology researcher.</p> <p>In the case of OH, her academic achievements were adversely affected by social adjustment difficulties when she moved to middle school in 7th grade. Her parents have degrees in mathematics and physics and her brother studied computer science and works in high-tech. Despite her high mathematical abilities, according to her mother, she did not choose a STEM path.... she was very unconfident... it took her years to appreciate herself ...and believe in her abilities .... socially in terms of self-image.... She had unequivocally all the potential to study math and sciences, but she was lost, socially ... All her friends were new, and very different from those she had in elementary school... which was her second home ... from a similar socio-economic background, ... She got a bit lost there, did not know what the new rules were ... she had to redefine herself.</p> <p>OH's difficulties in adjusting to the new school environment, with new and socioeconomically different peers, led her to grapple with her self-image and self-worth. Despite her high mathematical abilities, she felt disconnected from the STEM path that her family valued.</p> <p>These narratives demonstrate that the challenges of migration and transitions are more than abstract concepts; they are deeply personal experiences that can significantly shape academic choices. The cases of both EL and OH reveal how the social difficulties inherent in relocation and cultural transitions, combined with the need to establish new peer relationships, hampered their sense of belonging and academic success in STEM. The language and culture gaps, and the disrupted social networks made it difficult for them to maintain high academic performance in subjects like math and science.</p> <p>Additionally, the STEM curriculum requires a steady and systematic accumulation of knowledge, which can be particularly problematic for students undergoing such transitions. Relocation and integration issues that disrupt mathematics and science studies may cause these young women to turn to non-STEM fields as a proactive choice. There, success is achievable without the constant pressure to catch up on lost content. They have the opportunity to redefine themselves in areas where they feel more competent and accepted.</p> <p>Therefore, decisions to pursue non-STEM fields may not be connected solely to academic preference. They may be deeply rooted in the quotidian experiences of these young women. Their narratives reflect how social and academic challenges sparked by cultural transitions can shape and, in some cases, constrain their perception of the range of viable academic paths open to them.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-17">Sexual diversity</hd> <p>The formation of one's sexual identity is a complex task during adolescence, especially for individuals whose identities diverge from socially accepted norms (Young & Bond, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref62">67</reflink>]). This process can become even more challenging in environments where deviations in sexual orientation are perceived as aberrations (D'Augelli, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref63">21</reflink>]).</p> <p>In YN's case the transitions between countries were compounded by a non-binary sexual orientation and cognitive abnormalities (diagnosed as a genius, promotion to a grade above her peers). YN.'s mother has a PhD in biology and works in drug development and clinical experiments. Her father is an economist and businessman, and the brother followed in the father's footsteps. YN. returned to Israel as a teenager after living in the US for six years and was promoted to a grade level above her age peers. As her mother says:... Y. was busy with her sexuality ... She was a good student but she did not make much effort ... She did not speak about it and was ashamed, there was no openness to it...When we returned from the US ... she was 10 ...The return to Israel was more problematic, she had to ... complete all the study material that she missed ... she had a hard period of adolescence, finding her sexual identity. I do not think she had academic difficulty, she had social difficulty, because children of this kind... it is not easy for them ...</p> <p>Despite her academic potential, YN's focus shifted from her studies to grappling with her sexual identity and social integration. With her high abilities, YN could have excelled in STEM or any other field of her choosing. However, the psychological and emotional demands of exploring and coming to terms with her identity took precedence over academic aspirations. As her mother further elaborates:.... she went through difficult years, I do not know how much because of immigration and how much because she was looking for her own identity. Apparently it was both ... Sexual identity, that was the source of her frustration and what occupied her mind ... The studies were not an intellectual challenge for her ... the sexual identity bothered her ... how to tell us ... and first of all how to tell herself ... She had outbursts of anger ... I tie everything to the search for sexual identity. I believe this prevented her from going deeper elsewhere.</p> <p>YN's experience demonstrates how navigating a non-binary sexual identity during adolescence can divert emotional and cognitive resources from academic pursuits. Her parents had set high standards of achievement in STEM. Unlike them, YN chose a less demanding field so that she could cope with her internal struggles. Her selection of a career path requiring less investment freed up the emotional energies she needed to grapple with her sexual identity and the challenges of adapting to a new educational system. While this was seen as a deviation from the family's STEM tradition, it was a logical response to her circumstances, which included the conservative society in which she lived.</p> <p>YN's story highlights the unique difficulties faced by adolescents exploring non-binary sexual identities, such as social exclusion and shame. When combined with other challenges like immigration, these experiences can create a sense of disconnection from both social and academic realms, making demanding fields like STEM feel unattainable.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-18">Religious diversity</hd> <p>During adolescence, individuals undergo significant changes that impact their social identity and worldview. Exploring personal beliefs and values can lead to conflicts with families and communities, with concomitant feelings of isolation, disconnection, and a negative impact on self-esteem. To navigate these challenges, adolescents must reintegrate into different social groups, establish new friendships, and adapt to varying social norms. The adaptation process can affect their ability to cope with the demands of high school studies and make crucial decisions that will impact their future.</p> <p>AK is the eldest of three daughters whose father is an electronics engineer working in recruiting high-tech investments. Her mother works as a simultaneous translator, with a bachelor's degree in English literature and linguistics. AK has exceptional abilities, and participated in a program for gifted students from several schools in the area. AK's family is religious. She attended a religious school with extremely modest dress norms and extensive religious studies. Even after deciding to leave the religious lifestyle, she continued to study in the religious framework because of her parents' objections to her leaving it. She experienced both socially- and environmentally- instigated crises and wanted to move to a <emph>secular</emph> school for gifted students, but her parents did not allow it. Only in the last year of high school did they accept her request. Despite her high abilities, in mathematics as well as other subjects, she registered for the minimum level of STEM courses during high school. Eventually, she chose to study art and she is now working in digital media:AK. experienced a crisis during high school, she became non-religious, while attending a religious high school. We did not let her go to another high school for gifted ... until the end, in the twelfth grade... In high school she had a terrible crisis ... there were subjects she decided she was not going to study ...</p> <p>A student like AK who attends a religious school but has no faith in religion, will obviously find it hard to connect with peers and teachers. This is especially true for a gifted girl with high abilities. She had to hide her lack of faith for years in a traditional and intolerant community. Her mother concludes:In the end, we did not understand why we had not removed her before... she was 'allergic' to the school. She already knew her gifted classmates ... from the gifted afternoon class, and they were her best friends. Yes, it was hard for her in the religious school ... she stopped going to the religious youth movement... but the difficulty was her choice ... She is a bit of the rebellious type, she always has to go her own way...</p> <p>She exhibits a strongly rebellious personality, not necessarily in a positive way, and is often accused of deliberately creating challenges in her life. Coping with the stark discrepancies between her beliefs and those in her family and school environment becomes an integral part of her identity. The complexity of her experience intensifies as she actively distances herself from the religious community, forgoing religious obligations both at home and in public. This convoluted journey unfolds in a religious setting that typically views such departures as rebellious and misguided. Navigating this demanding process proves challenging, particularly for a young adolescent, and undeniably influences crucial decisions about her education. Paradoxically, having already taken an active stance in altering her core values, opting for a different academic path might appear comparatively straightforward in this context.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-19">Passion for another field</hd> <p>In addition to different types of diversity, which was presented by the parents as overpowering challenges that prevented the girls from making a passive STEM choice, another important reason for an active non-STEM choice was passion for another field. This pattern appeared in about 30 percent of the cases (6 out of 20) of families with a STEM background. This pattern included high ability and exceptional talent in other fields at an early age. For example, S., the daughter of parents who studied computer science and worked in high-tech, showed extremely high art and verbal abilities and chose to study communications. YB, the girl's mother says:...she was a painter ... and she's very verbal. From a young age she had notebooks full of stories she wrote... she had a psychometric test that really allowed her basically to learn anything. Her heart was in communications....</p> <p>YP, a science teacher, says that her daughter A., who chose Middle East studies, was always interested in that field although she was gifted and successful in science studies. The mother did not push her to science because it never excited her daughter:...A. was interested in current affairs, the Middle East, Israel's wars. So, this was her direction... why should I push her to something she does not like, she was never enthusiastic about ... including chemistry, which she studied at an advanced level...</p> <p>This pattern underscores how passion and innate talent in diverse fields can act as compelling forces that steer young women away from conventional STEM pathways.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-20">Discussion</hd> <p>The current study focused on <emph>active non-STEM choice</emph> and revealed its reasons and mechanisms among young women from a STEM family background. The girls grew up and were socialized in a STEM occupational <emph>habitus</emph> in Bourdieu ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref64">7</reflink>]) terms and were expected to follow in the footsteps of their parents according to the Microclass Mobility Model (Jonsson et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref65">33</reflink>]). According to these theoretical constructs, and studies on active vs. passive choice (Kahneman & Tversky, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref66">34</reflink>]), reduced resources are required to preserve these population segments which can transmit appropriate background and educational goals from generation to generation in accordance with class reproduction, then to overcome barriers to mobility among groups that lack this background. The study aimed to explore how these models and concepts may entail limitations or further nuance in their application.</p> <p>Two key narratives emerged from the data that help to explain the participants' non-STEM educational choices. "Passion for another field" was presented by the parents as a legitimate voluntary choice based on skills, abilities, and the perception "that from a young age she always dreamed of such a career". Such an active choice is supported by the family and is not perceived as a failure. Moreover, educational success in non-STEM fields, as well as flowing with the passion expressed in these narratives, was presented as a cause for pride and respect. This aligns with studies showing that individuals who choose careers aligned with their passion report higher levels of satisfaction, fulfillment, and meaningfulness in their professional lives, in contrast to those who pursue other paths and often experience frustration and dissatisfaction (DePalma, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref67">23</reflink>]; Marathe & Wagani, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref68">45</reflink>]).</p> <p>In contrast, the "black sheep" narrative revealed a completely different parental perspective. It includes two compulsory components: high abilities and success in STEM subjects in elementary or even middle school and, then, the revelation or creation of different types of <emph>diversity</emph> which pose an overpowering challenge. In this narrative, parents often highlighted their daughters' high STEM abilities and, in most cases, perceived their non-STEM choice as a deviation from expected norms.</p> <p>Research on diversity and exclusion has shown that individuals who experience social exclusion due to various characteristics often face identity changes and labeling (Lakhani et al., [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref69">37</reflink>]), which may distance them from certain career paths, such as STEM. In our study, their diversity is not a choice but rather the result of behavioral problems, diversity of body structure, sexual orientation and/or religious choice, or migration and relocation with their concomitant cultural diversity. Thus, the ostensibly "active choice" of these young women, was in fact affected by how the environment treats their diversity, lack of acceptance, and lack of support from the education system, classmates, and family. Their active choice may also reflect gaps in the support and encouragement provided by families and educational institutions, particularly regarding success in non-STEM fields, that nevertheless have an occupational and economic horizon in contemporary society. The inability of society to deal with diversity promotes social inequality despite the high socio-economic background of the families from which these girls come.</p> <p>The findings suggest that young women may experience a relative deprivation process (Walker & Smith, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref70">62</reflink>]), where constant comparisons within their family lead to feelings of inadequacy despite their talent. They evaluate their own paths relative to those of their siblings and parents, who have succeeded in STEM, and perceive their choices as lesser or disappointing. The reference group, in this case, is their family, which represents a high-achieving STEM occupational habitus (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref71">7</reflink>]). As a result, the young women feel "deprived" of the success and approval that seem more readily available to their STEM-oriented relatives. This sense of deprivation is intensified by the fact that their diversity, whether mental, physical, or cultural, makes it more challenging to meet these expectations, leading to the negative label of the "black sheep".</p> <p>In line with Relative Deprivation Theory (Walker & Smith, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref72">62</reflink>]), the psychological toll of constantly comparing themselves to more successful siblings or peers while expending the effort required to meet STEM expectations, pushes them toward a path in which they can preserve their sense of self-worth. The perceived injustice of constantly being compared and found lacking (Martin, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref73">46</reflink>]) underlies their decision to diverge from the family norm. Rather than passively conforming to their family's high standards, these young women make an active choice to pursue non-STEM fields. In this way, the decision to pursue non-STEM fields is an adaptive response to the cognitive and emotional strain (Bandura, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref74">5</reflink>]) of perceived deprivation. By choosing a path that is less demanding and more aligned with their individual identities, they assert their agency in defining success on their own terms, despite familial and societal pressures. Their decisions reflect an effort to resolve the internal conflict caused by relative deprivation by seeking careers that allow them to escape the negative labels and expectations associated with being the "black sheep".</p> <p>As an explanation for the underrepresentation of women in STEM studies and careers, the literature often refers to the metaphor of the leaky STEM pipeline (Alper, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref75">2</reflink>]), where various factors create holes at multiple junctions, leading to dropout from STEM, particularly among women. According to our findings, physical, behavioral, cultural, and gender-related forms of diversity among female students with the potential to succeed in STEM contribute to this leakage. To truly harness the potential of diverse female talent, it is essential to design initiatives that address not only structural barriers but also the hidden social and psychological dimensions of exclusion that persist even in seemingly supportive settings. By valuing and integrating diverse identities and backgrounds, STEM fields can benefit from the unique contributions that these women bring to the table, ultimately enhancing innovation and global competitiveness.</p> <p>A broader reflection reveals that the relationship between social exclusion, diversity, and non-STEM career choices is not unique to the Israeli context or medium–high socio-economic backgrounds. In lower socio-economic settings or within more rigid educational systems, young women may encounter even greater obstacles due to limited institutional support and fewer opportunities to reconcile their diverse identities with academic and career aspirations (Lissitsa et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref76">41</reflink>]). These findings emphasize the universal need to address the often-overlooked social and psychological dimensions of exclusion, in order to create more inclusive pathways into STEM, regardless of geographic or socio-economic context.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-21">Practical implications</hd> <p>Our findings allow us to suggest practical implications to pave the way for a more equitable and diverse landscape within STEM disciplines. The implementation of a person-centered approach in this study reveals crucial insights into specific subgroups of female students and sheds light on areas where targeted support and encouragement can significantly impact their decision-making process about STEM studies. Our findings emphasize the importance of early diagnosis and continuous support for challenges such as learning disabilities, social difficulties, transitions, and identity issues. To prevent "leaking in the STEM pipeline," efforts must extend beyond the family level, engaging educational institutions, policymakers, and workplace initiatives. Developing targeted programs that emphasize diversity and inclusion within STEM education can create a more welcoming environment, reduce stereotypes and biases, and foster a culture of support. Additionally, recognizing and addressing emotional challenges, such as social alienation and difficulties in defining identity, is crucial for building a comprehensive support system that empowers girls and young women aspiring to STEM careers.</p> <p>In order to integrate more capable women into STEM we suggest initiating programs that involve families in supporting their daughters' STEM aspirations. Designing programs tailored to STEM parents, highlighting the potential consequences of imposing personal expectations on their children, refraining from detrimental comparison practices within the family can positively influence career choices and reduce resentment, discontent and tension. Initiating programs that educate parents about the potential drawbacks of comparing their children in areas of their own expertise, emphasizing the importance of allowing each child to discover and pursue their unique interests. These implications collectively aim to enhance the accessibility, inclusivity, and support structures within STEM education, facilitating greater participation and success for women.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-22">Study limitations and recommendations for further research</hd> <p>One of the primary limitations of this study is the reliance on parents' reports to understand their daughters' educational choices. While parents generally have an accurate understanding of their children's educational and career aspirations, especially in contexts where parents play an active role in shaping these decisions (Hou & Leung, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref77">30</reflink>]), their perceptions may be influenced by biases or misinterpretations, which could affect the accuracy of the reported information. To address this issue, we encouraged parents to provide specific, factual descriptions of their daughters' educational and career choices rather than offering interpretative opinions. Additionally, the retrospective nature of the interviews may result in recall bias, as parents may not fully remember or accurately report events that influenced their daughters' decisions.</p> <p>Future research could expand the scope by including the perspectives of the daughters themselves to gain a more complete understanding of their educational and career decisions. Triangulation of the parental narratives with those of the daughters could provide deeper insights into the interplay between family expectations and personal aspirations.</p> <p>Furthermore, exploring similar research questions with families from non-STEM occupational backgrounds could reveal whether the mechanisms identified in this study are specific to STEM families or reflect broader patterns in educational decision-making. Such comparative studies could contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how different family contexts influence the pursuit of STEM versus non-STEM careers.</p> <p>While this study focused on young women, the challenges identified, such as different types of diversity and family expectations, are likely to be relevant to men and to underrepresented groups in general. Future research should explore how these themes impact men and underrepresented groups in STEM to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the barriers and opportunities faced by all students in these fields.</p> <p>Furthermore, the qualitative findings of this study could serve as a foundation for designing quantitative research to assess the prevalence and impact of these identified mechanisms in larger, more diverse populations. Quantitative studies could help quantify the influence of specific factors, such as family expectations and social dynamics, on educational and career choices, and establish broader causal relationships.</p> <p>Finally, longitudinal studies following the educational and career trajectories of daughters from STEM families over time would provide valuable insights into how these decisions evolve and the long-term impacts of making non-STEM choices. This approach could reveal critical junctures where interventions or support might encourage greater STEM participation among young women with strong STEM family backgrounds.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-23">Author contributions</hd> <p>Merav Kalik Lerner: methodology, tools development, validation, formal analysis, investigation, writing the original draft. Sabina Lissitsa: conceptualization, resources, data curation, supervision, writing the original draft.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-24">Funding</hd> <p>Open access funding provided by Ariel University. This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-25">Availability of data and materials</hd> <p>The data and materials used in this research are primarily in Hebrew and may be made available upon reasonable request, subject to compliance with our research protocol and privacy regulations.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-26">Declarations</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0181978166-27">Competing interests</hd> <p>The authors declare that they have no competing interests in conducting this research.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-28">Ethical approval</hd> <p>This study has been conducted in accordance with ethical standards and has received formal ethical approval, as evidenced by approval number [AU-ENG-IA-20220919].</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-29">Consent to participate</hd> <p>All participants in this study voluntarily agreed to participate. Written informed consent to participate in the study was obtained from each participant.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-30">Consent for publication</hd> <p>Consent for publication of the research findings has been obtained from all participants. They have been informed that the results may be published in a scientific journal, though their personal identities will remain confidential.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-31">Informed consent</hd> <p>Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants involved in the study. Each participant was fully informed about the study's purpose, procedures, and potential risks before their participation and signed a consent form.</p> <hd id="AN0181978166-32">Statement regarding research involving human participants</hd> <p>This research involved human participants. 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Her research explores gender and its impact on career choices in STEM fields.</p> <p>Sabina Lissitsa, PhD Sabina Lissitsa is an Associate Professor, Dean of the School of Communication, and Head of the Communication, Information and Governance MA Program at Ariel University. Her research interests are STEM education, lifelong learning, social stratification, and media studies.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib61" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib59" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib64" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib65" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib63" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib58" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib66" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref39"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref40"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref43"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref44"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib54" firstref="ref49"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib56" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref51"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref52"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref55"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl48" bibid="bib60" firstref="ref58"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl49" bibid="bib62" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl50" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl51" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl52" bibid="bib67" firstref="ref62"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl53" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl54" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref67"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl55" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl56" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref69"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl57" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref73"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl58" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref77"></nolink>
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  Data: 'Black Sheep'--Physical, Social, and Behavioral Diversity as a Barrier to STEM Educational Choice
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Merav+Kalik+Lerner%22">Merav Kalik Lerner</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Sabina+Lissitsa%22">Sabina Lissitsa</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2468-2619">0000-0003-2468-2619</externalLink>)
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Social+Psychology+of+Education%3A+An+International+Journal%22"><i>Social Psychology of Education: An International Journal</i></searchLink>. 2025 28(1).
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  Data: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/
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  Data: 23
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  Data: 2025
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1007/s11218-024-10012-6
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  Data: 1381-2890<br />1573-1928
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  Data: This study explores the active non-STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) educational choices made by young women who grew up in a STEM occupational habitus, yet deviated from the expected trajectory exemplified by their parents. Employing Bourdieu's concept of occupational habitus and the Microclass Mobility Model, the study investigates possible limitations these models and concepts may face or further nuances they may require in their application. This qualitative study is based on interviews conducted with parents from STEM occupational backgrounds, whose daughters chose a non-STEM academic path. The investigation encompasses narratives from 20 families, revealing two distinct themes. The first theme, "the black sheep", reflects challenges pitting daughters' high STEM abilities against sibling comparisons, and diverse experiences such as ADHD, social difficulties, physical diversity, cultural transitions, diverse sexual orientations, and religious transformations. The second theme is characterized by a "passion for another field", emphasizing positive, passion-driven non-STEM choices. The study underscores the significance of recognizing and supporting daughters who face diverse challenges. It advocates early diagnosis, continuous assistance, and addressing societal gaps that hinder diversity in STEM. The findings stress the pivotal role of societal investment in promoting female participation in STEM fields, which aligns with economic interests and the need to foster global competitiveness.
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      – SubjectFull: College Students
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      – SubjectFull: Decision Making
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      – TitleFull: 'Black Sheep'--Physical, Social, and Behavioral Diversity as a Barrier to STEM Educational Choice
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              Value: 1573-1928
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 28
            – Type: issue
              Value: 1
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Social Psychology of Education: An International Journal
              Type: main
ResultId 1