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Maternal Scaffolding of Iranian Children's Extramural Informal Digital Learning of English (IDLE): A Qualitative Study

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Title: Maternal Scaffolding of Iranian Children's Extramural Informal Digital Learning of English (IDLE): A Qualitative Study
Language: English
Authors: Ali Soyoof, Barry Lee Reynolds (ORCID 0000-0002-3984-2059), Michelle M. Neumann, Boris Vazquez-Calvo
Source: Early Childhood Education Journal. 2025 53(5):1865-1881.
Availability: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 17
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Mothers, Scaffolding (Teaching Technique), Foreign Countries, Parents as Teachers, Informal Education, Electronic Learning, Second Language Instruction, Second Language Learning, English (Second Language), Parent Child Relationship, Young Children, Interaction, Childhood Interests, Popular Culture, Games, Narration, Role Models, Music, Art, Parent Role
Geographic Terms: Iran
DOI: 10.1007/s10643-024-01675-z
ISSN: 1082-3301
1573-1707
Abstract: Previous research has acknowledged that informal digital learning of English (IDLE) between parents and children can play an important role in children's first and second language (L1 and L2) learning. However, most previous parent-child studies have been conducted in Western countries where English is the child's first language. This study aimed to understand how Iranian children learn English as an L2 in a home context through mother-child home digital experiences. Five Iranian families which included six children, aged 6 to 7 years old, and their mothers were recruited as participants to explore mother-child IDLE experiences. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews and observations of mother-child L2 English interactions with popular culture using Video-Stimulated Recall (VSR) methods. The overall findings revealed children are interested in popular culture (e.g., playing "Lego Jurassic World" as a digital game, watching "Princess Mononoke" as an animation, and engaging with "Drawing for Kids" applications in English) and their dominant Discourses at home were gaming, narration, female role-modeling, music, and artistic experiences. Moreover, the findings showed that the role of mothers as scaffolders is essential for enhancing their children's learning at home, whether by asking questions or helping children discuss their favorite popular culture. However, maternal scaffolding can be improved by providing mothers with guidance to effectively support their children's IDLE which can further enhance their children's learning outcomes.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2025
Accession Number: EJ1470605
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0185036386;5mx01jun.25;2025May12.06:06;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0185036386-1">Maternal Scaffolding of Iranian Children's Extramural Informal Digital Learning of English (IDLE): A Qualitative Study </title> <p>Previous research has acknowledged that informal digital learning of English (IDLE) between parents and children can play an important role in children's first and second language (L1 and L2) learning. However, most previous parent–child studies have been conducted in Western countries where English is the child's first language. This study aimed to understand how Iranian children learn English as an L2 in a home context through mother–child home digital experiences. Five Iranian families which included six children, aged 6 to 7 years old, and their mothers were recruited as participants to explore mother–child IDLE experiences. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews and observations of mother–child L2 English interactions with popular culture using Video-Stimulated Recall (VSR) methods. The overall findings revealed children are interested in popular culture (e.g., playing Lego Jurassic World as a digital game, watching Princess Mononoke as an animation, and engaging with Drawing for Kids applications in English) and their dominant Discourses at home were gaming, narration, female role-modeling, music, and artistic experiences. Moreover, the findings showed that the role of mothers as scaffolders is essential for enhancing their children's learning at home, whether by asking questions or helping children discuss their favorite popular culture. However, maternal scaffolding can be improved by providing mothers with guidance to effectively support their children's IDLE which can further enhance their children's learning outcomes.</p> <p>Keywords: IDLE; Iranian Mothers; Scaffolding; Iranian Children; Qualitative Study</p> <p>The original online version of this article was revised: the typo in author name Boris Vazquez‑Calvo has been corrected.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Due to the pervasiveness of digital technologies in human lives, how people communicate and learn is changing (Lee, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref1">34</reflink>]; Soyoof et al., [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref2">67</reflink>]). In alignment with these changes in people's lives, the field of English language teaching and learning has witnessed a dramatic shift during the past four decades (Lee, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref3">34</reflink>]; Soyoof et al., [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref4">67</reflink>]). For example, students' language learning outside the classroom is not limited to notebooks or using hard-copy dictionaries; instead, they communicate about various topics with other English speakers on social media platforms worldwide (Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref5">62</reflink>]). One of the concepts that has gained popularity over the past decade, due to the ever-growing attention to digital technologies outside classrooms, is informal digital learning of English (IDLE). According to Lee ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref6">33</reflink>], p. 2), IDLE is defined as "self-directed, informal English learning using a range of different digital devices (e.g., smartphones, desktop computers) and resources (e.g., web apps, social media) independent of formal contexts". IDLE is broadly categorized as extramural and extracurricular (Sylvén & Sundqvist, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref7">68</reflink>]). Extracurricular IDLE activities are typically initiated by English teachers, such as encouraging students to create an online website in English to earn extra credit at home. For instance, Soltovets et al. ([<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref8">60</reflink>]) designed an e-course (i.e., a website) to explore the digital literacy practices of their students beyond their English classrooms. The students accessed the e-course at home to complete their course activities in English. However, extramural IDLE activities are always student-initiated, without any intervention from English teachers, such as playing online games to improve English communication (Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref9">62</reflink>]; Sylvén & Sundqvist, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref10">68</reflink>]). Given the limited knowledge about IDLE in Iranian homes, we focused on the extramural IDLE activities of Iranian children. These activities were home-based and chosen either by the children themselves or under the guidance of their mothers, without the involvement of their language teachers. In particular, through shared experiences with various digital devices (e.g., mobile phones, tablets, gaming consoles, and computers) and digital resources (e.g., digital games, mobile applications, and animations) children learn to interact in English, guided by feedback from their mothers (Soyoof et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref11">66</reflink>]). Previous studies showed that Iranian mothers encourage their children to learn English for various reasons such as migration, higher education, and securing a better job (Jafari et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref12">28</reflink>]; Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref13">63</reflink>]). Therefore, it is crucial to understand how mothers support their children's learning at home as co-users of digital technologies. Drawing on the role of mothers (i.e., scaffolders) in this context, we adopted sociocultural theory as our theoretical framework.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-3">Theoretical Framework (Sociocultural Theory)</hd> <p>Vygotsky ([<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref14">72</reflink>]) proposed the idea of a sociocultural theory of human development which later was extended to the field of second language learning (Ellis, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref15">17</reflink>]; Lantolf & Thorne, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref16">31</reflink>]). Central to this theory is the notion that interaction is pivotal for cognitive growth and learning (Lantolf et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref17">32</reflink>]), and social interactions and collaborative efforts with other L2 speakers bear potential to enhance L2 learning and development. To structure interaction and collaboration, scaffolding may be used, a notion that subsumes "the steps taken to reduce the degrees of freedom in carrying out some tasks so that the child can concentrate on the difficult skill she is in the process of acquiring" (Bruner, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref18">9</reflink>], p. 19). Scaffolding is also related to the zone of proximal development (ZPD or ZOPED), another one of the key concepts in the sociocultural theory. ZPD can be broadly defined as the difference between a child's "actual developmental level as determined by independent problem solving" and the child's "potential development as determined through problem-solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers" (Vygotsky, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref19">73</reflink>], p. 13). For instance, while children play a video game, they may struggle to understand some segment in English. To overcome that obstacle, they may seek assistance from close-by peers, friends, or relatives, such as their mothers. The mothers may help children understand the L2 through a form of scaffolding (Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref20">64</reflink>]). Aligned with sociocultural theory, the understanding of the English language in this study is framed as a social practice.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-4">English Language as a Social Practice</hd> <p>English is conceptualized as a social concept that is "something fluid, complex, and dynamic" (Zavala, [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref21">76</reflink>], p. 1318) rather than "a discrete object towards language use" that constricts language as four discrete language skills (i.e., speaking, writing, reading, and listening). In the context of Iran, English is typically understood from an isolated-skill-based perspective only (Sadeghi & Richards, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref22">54</reflink>]; Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref23">62</reflink>]), neglecting its social nature. While the study presented here is conducted in Iran, it adopts a broader social understanding where the primary focus is communication rather than representation (Searle, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref24">57</reflink>]). Language is constructed through the social interactions of people in varying historical, cultural, political, and economic contexts (Searle, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref25">58</reflink>]). Therefore, the goal of learning English or any language is not to master the entire system (something that even L1 speakers cannot do), but to become "resourceful speakers" (Pennycook, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref26">51</reflink>], p. 170). As resourceful speakers, learners develop rich repertoires of context-contingent semiotic resources to use purposefully (Pitkänen-Huhta & Rothoni, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref27">52</reflink>]). An example in line with the scope of this study is learning how to communicate in English with other digital game players on social media platforms to enhance their gaming abilities, or any other social purposes they need fulfilled (Vazquez-Calvo, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref28">70</reflink>]; Vazquez-Calvo & Thorne, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref29">71</reflink>]). Furthermore, previous studies in the context of the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and Turkey showed that social interactions between parents and children play a crucial role in their English language learning (Chen et al., [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref30">10</reflink>]; Flewitt & Clark, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref31">18</reflink>]; Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref32">45</reflink>]; Ozturk & Ohi, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref33">49</reflink>]; Teichert, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref34">69</reflink>]). Specifically, in these studies it was reported that mothers guided the social interactions of their children by asking them questions to extend conversations or administer corrections which resulted in English language learning as a first or second language.</p> <p>As a social practice, language is created and shaped within societies, and people might use different repertoires for meaning-making based on their prior cultural, historical, political, and economic backgrounds (Pitkänen-Huhta & Rothoni, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref35">52</reflink>]). While not negating the cognitive aspects of language and language development, it should be noted that languages are conventional systems created by communities of speakers; these systems are updated and revised over time by different generations of language users (Port, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref36">53</reflink>]). Such an interpretation of language can be seen as part of what Gee ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref37">22</reflink>]) refers to as Discourse (2015). "Discourses are ways of being 'people like us.' They are 'ways of being in the world'. They are 'forms of life'. They are socially situated identities. They are, thus, always and everywhere social products of social histories" (Gee, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref38">22</reflink>], p. 4). Gee's Discourse conceptualization can be explicated as the sense of belonging, of being part and parcel of particular ethnolinguistic communities. Language and literacy are inherently associated with Discourse, with belonging and using language to belong, to exert social agency in different contexts. For Gee, within languages, "there are many different 'social languages' (different styles of language used for different purposes and occasions) connected in complex ways with different Discourses" (2015, p. 4), which is a way of putting worth to the diverse languages in the world and varieties of a same language, as they serve their own social purposes.</p> <p>As people become members of different social groups, they gain different Discourses in their lives. For instance, students may join a group of gamers and act, interact, and believe like the social group of gamers commonly does (Gee, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref39">23</reflink>]). Similarly, other individuals might join a religious group and act, interact, and believe like the religious people in that religious group (Gee, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref40">21</reflink>]). The appropriation of different Discourses give people insight, which is called "meta-knowledge" (Gee, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref41">22</reflink>], p. 198). Meta-knowledge is the power and ability of manipulating, analyzing, criticizing, and/or resisting different Discourses in society (Gee, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref42">22</reflink>]). In sanctioned countries, where trade is restricted or halted by other nations, students approach the learning of English differently (Aloosh et al., [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref43">2</reflink>]). Rather than being mere passive users of English, these students employ the language as a tool to articulate their perspectives and concerns (Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref44">62</reflink>]). For instance, in Iran, students use English not just to highlight the scarcity of vital medications but also to question and challenge the power dynamics internally and externally, and the motives behind the sanctions imposed upon their nation by economically powerful countries.</p> <p>From Gee's perspective ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref45">22</reflink>]), the concept of Discourse is never neutral and can be obtained by an apprenticeship as a member of a social group. Thus, Discourse emerges as a social practice through membership in a group situated within a specific social, cultural, political, and economic context. The notion of Discourse hence is consistent with effective English language learning in the fourth stage of Computer Assisted Language Learning (CALL) which involves (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref46">1</reflink>) multimodal interactions with individuals in socially situated practices, and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref47">2</reflink>) the agentic use of language for expressing identities as global citizens (Chun, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref48">11</reflink>]). Accordingly, Chun ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref49">11</reflink>]) argues that digital literacies are never neutral and people use digital literacies for different purposes to articulate their ideas. Digital literacies are defined as "the practices of reading, writing, and communication made possible by digital media" (Hafner et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref50">25</reflink>], p.1). For example, children might obtain the Discourse of "unboxing" on YouTube by joining the community of unboxers as they imitate and interact with them (Marsh, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref51">40</reflink>], p. 369). These children might critically review toys on YouTube based on different social and cultural influences such as their tastes, genders, and races (Marsh, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref52">40</reflink>]). Having explained how the English language is conceptualized as a social practice (i.e., Discourse) in this study, in the next section, we have synthesized the literature on the empirical studies concerning the role of mothers in children's first and second language learning.</p> <p>The examples above represent mostly experiences of adults or teenagers who may socialize their L2 language use and learning more publicly. However, as we shift from the global perspective of English as a social practice to more personal domains, which remain within a social understanding of language, one cannot underestimate the power of immediate caregivers in shaping language perceptions and proficiency. Within the family unit, mothers frequently emerge as key figures guiding the linguistic journey of their children. A mother's role, especially in the context of their children's first and second language learning, is both intricate and multifaceted. As such, the family environment, with its daily routines and interactions, plays an indispensable role in introducing and reinforcing English as a social practice, especially for young learners.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-5">Empirical Studies on the Role of Mothers in Children's First and Second Language Learning</hd> <p>Mothers, as primary caregivers, often become the initial touchpoints for children's language experiences. Their daily interactions, stories, corrections, and encouragements shape a child's linguistic worldview. While parents at large play an integral role in nurturing a child's first language, the dynamics change and complexities arise when introducing or promoting a second language in the household or the learning program for the child.</p> <p>The essential role of mothers in facilitating children's first and second language learning has been widely acknowledged in literature (Becker, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref53">4</reflink>]; Soyoof et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref54">66</reflink>]). Although parents play a pivotal role in the development of the child's first language, guiding a child's learning of a second language becomes complex, especially if parents themselves are not proficient in it (Becker, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref55">4</reflink>]; De Houwer, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref56">15</reflink>]; Soyoof et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref57">66</reflink>]). In many cases, it is challenging for mothers to maintain consistent language exposure and active engagement, more so in households that are predominantly monolingual. To navigate this, resources like bilingual books and online language programs can be utilized. Yet, the challenge for mothers remains in balancing screen time and choosing culturally appropriate materials (Soyoof et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref58">66</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the literature on first language learning (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref59">45</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref60">46</reflink>]; Yelland & Masters, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref61">75</reflink>]), researchers have classified scaffolding mediation into three types: namely, affective, technical, and cognitive scaffolding. In affective scaffolding, parents turn the attention of their children to specific digital practices using encouragement or reward (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref62">45</reflink>]; Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref63">64</reflink>] Yelland & Masters, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref64">75</reflink>]). For instance, parents might encourage their children to use tablets to solve puzzles, resulting in higher-level thinking in children (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref65">45</reflink>]; Neumann & Merchant, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref66">48</reflink>]). The purpose of technical scaffolding is to instruct children on how to use digital technologies properly (Neumann & Merchant, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref67">48</reflink>]). As an example, parents can support their children through interaction to understand how to use applications on smartphones or tablets (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref68">45</reflink>]). Cognitive scaffolding involves giving directions, asking questions, and supporting children to achieve deeper conceptual and procedural understandings. This type of scaffolding influences children's extramural IDLE at home, encompassing their digital literacy practices (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref69">45</reflink>]; Neumann et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref70">47</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the domain of first language learning and technology use, research emphasizes the importance of mediation through scaffolding, which is often classified into affective, technical, and cognitive categories (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref71">45</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref72">46</reflink>]; Yelland & Masters, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref73">75</reflink>]). Affective scaffolding revolves around guiding children's focus towards specific digital activities, often with rewards or encouragement (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref74">45</reflink>]; Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref75">64</reflink>]). Technical scaffolding, on the other hand, imparts the know-how of using digital tools (Neumann & Merchant, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref76">48</reflink>]). Cognitive scaffolding stands as the intricate guidance leading to deeper conceptual understandings, having profound implications for extramural IDLE – the digital literacy practices outside formal learning (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref77">45</reflink>]; Neumann et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref78">47</reflink>]).</p> <p>Across studies on both first and second language learning, the significance of cognitive scaffolding, particularly in the realm of language acquisition, has been well-highlighted (Marsh, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref79">39</reflink>]; Marsh et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref80">41</reflink>]; Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref81">45</reflink>]; Ozturk & Ohi, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref82">49</reflink>]; Song, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref83">61</reflink>]; Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref84">64</reflink>]; Zhao & Flewitt, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref85">77</reflink>]). With the rise of digital media such as games and animation, numerous interactions arise between mothers and children that serve as platforms for language enhancement (Liu et al., [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref86">37</reflink>]; Marsh, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref87">39</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref88">40</reflink>]; Scott, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref89">56</reflink>]). The interactions between mothers and children in the United Kingdom and Australia revolve around various digital literacy practices, such as word-matching games and reading English books (Marsh et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref90">41</reflink>]; Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref91">45</reflink>]). Within these digital literacy practices, cognitive scaffolding has emerged as a significant factor that enhances children's English language acquisition at home.</p> <p>Numerous studies highlight the extensive use of cognitive scaffolding techniques like code-switching and translanguaging in home-based second language learning, both digitally and otherwise (Kuzyk et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref92">30</reflink>]; Lee et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref93">35</reflink>]; Song, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref94">61</reflink>]; Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref95">64</reflink>]; Zhao & Flewitt, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref96">77</reflink>]). According to Kuzyk et al. ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref97">30</reflink>], p. 543), "code-switching represents a unique lexical experience that permits switching between languages within a single conversation". Code-switching can be contrasted with translanguaging, "the act performed by bilinguals of accessing different linguistic features or various modes of what are described as autonomous languages, in order to maximize [the] communicative potential" (García, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref98">20</reflink>], p. 140). For instance, Song ([<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref99">61</reflink>]) observed a Korean family in the USA using code-switching to enhance their child's bilingualism. Kuzyk et al. ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref100">30</reflink>]) noted Canadian parents' increased use of French–English code-switching based on their child's language proficiency. Similarly, Zhao and Flewitt ([<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref101">77</reflink>]) discovered that translanguaging, particularly in English and Chinese, enriched the digital literacy practices of two siblings. Lee et al. ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref102">35</reflink>]) and Soyoof ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref103">64</reflink>]) respectively reported Korean mothers' use of translanguaging and various strategies by Iranian mothers, including translanguaging, to support their children's English learning at home. These diverse studies underscore the pivotal role of mothers and home-based strategies, especially cognitive scaffolding, in enriching children's bilingual language development across various cultural contexts.</p> <p>Despite the importance of maternal involvement in children's extramural IDLE activities, limited qualitative research has delved into this domain, with notable exceptions like Soyoof ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref104">64</reflink>]) and Zhao and Flewitt ([<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref105">77</reflink>]). While Zhao and Flewitt ([<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref106">77</reflink>]) utilized the analytical framework by Halliday and Alexander ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref107">26</reflink>]), other research such as Soyoof ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref108">64</reflink>]) superficially explored mother–child conversational nuances. Gaining a deeper understanding of mother–child interactions prompted by the use of digital resources to learn English can offer invaluable insights for Iranian English Language Teaching (ELT) stakeholders and the language learning and teaching community at large. This knowledge can guide the enhancement of IDLE experiences to benefit future English learning contexts, potentially aiding educators in tailoring classroom activities. Consequently, we posed the following research questions to guide the investigation:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> <bold> RQ1. </bold> How do Iranian children learn English through extramural IDLE activities at home?</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> RQ2 </bold> . How do Iranian mothers scaffold children's second language learning during extramural IDLE activities at home?</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0185036386-6">Methodology</hd> <p>The aim of this section is to describe the participants and detail the methods employed for data collection in this study.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-7">Context and Participants</hd> <p>In this study, five Iranian families were selected using purposive sampling, where participants are chosen based on specific criteria (Merriam & Tisdell, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref109">42</reflink>]). The criteria targeted Iranian bilingual students, aged 6 to 7, who are native speakers of Persian as a first language, from an urban area in Shiraz city, Fars state. These students enrolled in private English language institutes to learn English as a second language. To gather participants, a <emph>WhatsApp</emph> group administrator, who teaches English to parents and children, shared the study's flyer detailing its objectives and data collection methods. Once the ethics committee of Monash University approved (project ID 27085), parents and children provided their consent to participate.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-8">Data Collection</hd> <p>Due to travel restrictions from the COVID-19 pandemic, data collection for this study was conducted online via <emph>WhatsApp</emph>. We employed a multiple case study approach:A case study is a qualitative approach in which the investigator explores a bounded system (a case) or multiple bounded systems (cases) over time, through detailed, in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of information (e.g., observations, interviews, audio-visual material, and documents and reports), and reports a case description and case-based themes (Creswell, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref110">13</reflink>], p. 97)</p> <p>Multiple case studies, examining several cases, are often seen as more robust than a single case study due to their breadth and depth, offering more convincing evidence (Merriam & Tisdell, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref111">42</reflink>]). In our research, we studied five distinct cases to gather detailed insights into the extramural IDLE activities of Iranian children at home. To ensure comprehensive results, we employed triangulation—using varied data collection methods like demographic profiles, semi-structured interviews, and video recordings. Each of the five cases (families) underwent a 7-day data collection process, summing up to a total of thirty-five days.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-9">Demographic Profiles</hd> <p>Demographic profiles serve not only to gather insights about participants but also to ensure they effectively represent the target population of the study (Salkind, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref112">55</reflink>]). Such profiles can yield crucial data, including age, gender, education, and socioeconomic status (Altun, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref113">3</reflink>]). For this study, we employed a detailed demographic profile (see Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref114">63</reflink>], p. 4).</p> <p>The participating families, summarized with pseudonyms to maintain confidentiality, are as follows:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> <bold> Shiraz family </bold> : Twin sons, Hamed and Hamid, both aged 6. Mother's educational background: Master's in early childhood education.</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> Parsi family </bold> : One son, Mohsen, aged 7. Mother's educational background: Master's in environmental engineering.</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> Tehrani family </bold> : One daughter, Sarah, aged 7. Mother holds a diploma in Business.</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> Karaji family </bold> : One daughter, Sima, aged 7. Mother holds a diploma in Business.</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> Farsi family </bold> : One daughter, Mobina, aged 6. Mother's educational background: Master's in microbiology.</item> </ulist> <p>All families are of middle socio-economic standing. The mothers of the children spent approximately thirty minutes engaging in discussion with their children to complete the demographic profiles. We utilized open-ended questions within the profile, streamlining our subsequent observations and interviews for better clarity and focus.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-10">Video Recording of Young Children's IDLE Activities</hd> <p>Video recording is a qualitative method which involves "capturing moving images, with or without sound, to study the visual details of interaction and behavior" (Given, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref115">24</reflink>], p. 916). As Bloor and Wood ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref116">5</reflink>], p. 180) indicate, "video-recording is seen to be more reliable than real-time observation and note-taking, as it allows for repeated examination of the data and consequently data are not limited by the problems of selective attention or recollection". Furthermore, video recordings offer "a dense source of data that includes the fine details of conduct, talk, interaction, and comportment as well as the features of a place, bodily adornment, and material objects" (Given, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref117">24</reflink>], p. 917). Using these insights, we requested mothers to record their children's daily IDLE activities over one intensive week. Activities included English-based digital games, animations, and applications, frequently used by the mothers and the children concomitantly. This yielded 50 video clips, spanning 2492 s. For a breakdown, see Table 1:</p> <p>Table 1 The time and number of video recordings in visual data collection</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left"><p>Method</p></th><th align="left"><p>Recordings</p></th><th align="left"><p>Duration (in seconds)</p></th><th align="left"><p>Family</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left" rowspan="5"><p>Video recording (observation)</p></td><td align="left"><p>12</p></td><td align="left"><p>467 s</p></td><td align="left"><p>Shirazi family</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>8</p></td><td align="left"><p>529 s</p></td><td align="left"><p>Parsi family</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>12</p></td><td align="left"><p>304 s</p></td><td align="left"><p>Tehrani family</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>8</p></td><td align="left"><p>596 s</p></td><td align="left"><p>Karaji family</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>10</p></td><td align="left"><p>596 s</p></td><td align="left"><p>Farsi family</p></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0185036386-11">Interviews</hd> <p>Interviews provide a platform for obtaining detailed information from participants (Denzin & Lincoln, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref118">16</reflink>]). Specifically, this study utilized semi-structured interviews, which, compared to structured or unstructured formats, are better at eliciting richer data (Denzin & Lincoln, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref119">16</reflink>]). Such interviews can "generate unexpected complexities and highlight broader research dilemmas including interactional constraints and the interplay between power and powerlessness" (Brown & Danaher, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref120">8</reflink>], p.1). To enhance the recall and interpretation during children's interviews, Video-Stimulated Recall (VSR) was employed. VSR, described as "a method whereby researchers show research participants a video of their behavior to prompt and enhance their recall and interpretation after the event" (Paskins et al., [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref121">50</reflink>], p. 1), is widely recognized in educational research (Malva et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref122">38</reflink>]) and particularly valuable for child-focused studies (Lewis, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref123">36</reflink>]). For our interviews, children were shown selected video segments, eliciting their perceptions on video gaming as an English learning tool. Three two-minute videos, chosen based on discourse analysis (Gee, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref124">21</reflink>]), were used for each student interview.</p> <p>For VSR and to further explore the richest English interactions between the children and their mothers during extramural IDLE activities, we selected three video recordings for each participant based on their English content using Gee's ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref125">21</reflink>]) discourse analysis. First, Gee differentiated between content words (major parts of speech like nouns, verbs, adjectives) and function words (smaller categories like determiners, pronouns, prepositions, and quantifiers). He further classified texts into lines (a grouping of words conveying information) and stanzas (groups of lines centered around a single topic).</p> <p>VSR based on the chosen video segments aligns with Gee's ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref126">22</reflink>]) perspective of language as a social practice, or Discourse. Gee suggested that specific exposures, such as to popular culture, influence how students interact with language. For instance, gamers may feature distinct patterns of speaking, reading, and listening related to their gaming experiences. Using this lens, we examined the Iranian students' language interactions, noting unique patterns.</p> <p>Each VSR-based interview lasted about 30 min and was conducted online due to the COVID-19 pandemic restrictions. Primarily conducted in Persian via <emph>WhatsApp</emph> voice calls, certain sections featured the children speaking English, demonstrating their learning from digital exposures such as watching animations and playing video games. Their mothers sometimes joined in, using English to support their children's language learning. These interactions not only showcased the children's linguistic progress but also emphasized the pivotal role mothers played in this process. All interviews with their corresponding VSR sections were recorded for subsequent analysis.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-12">Data Analysis</hd> <p>For the analysis of collected data in this study, we employed thematic analysis, a method suitable for dissecting data within a qualitative framework. Using the NVivo 20 software, the interviews and video recordings were examined. The raw interview data, initially transcribed in Persian, were translated into English to facilitate analysis. These transcripts were then subjected to coding through an inductive approach inherent, where emergent codes are derived directly from the data (Braun et al., [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref127">7</reflink>]). Video recordings were similarly inspected, and the resultant notes were also coded via thematic analysis. Thematic analysis is especially apt for scrutinizing vast amounts of data from interviews, observations, and artifacts (Denzin & Lincoln, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref128">16</reflink>]). Wiebe et al. ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref129">74</reflink>]) highlighted its efficacy, describing it as a method that lets researchers manage expansive data without forgoing context, enables immersion into the data, and streamlines organization and interpretation (p. 927). As outlined by Braun and Clarke ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref130">6</reflink>]), thematic analysis seeks to "identify, analyze, and report patterns (themes) within data" (p. 79). To methodically navigate this process, we adhered to Braun et al.'s six-stage approach to thematic analysis, encompassing: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref131">1</reflink>) data familiarization, (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref132">2</reflink>) code generation, (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref133">3</reflink>) theme construction, (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref134">4</reflink>) theme revision, (<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref135">5</reflink>) theme definition, and (<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref136">6</reflink>) report creation ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref137">7</reflink>], pp. 852–857).</p> <p>In this study, the first author coded 100% of the data by following the six stages of thematic analysis described by Braun and Clarke ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref138">6</reflink>]). Subsequently, two expert researchers were engaged to help identify key points and codes from the interview dataset. These experts meticulously employed the six-phase method suggested by Braun et al. ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref139">7</reflink>]) to distill the raw data into coherent themes. These experts individually coded about 70% of the entire dataset due to time constraints. Furthermore, they double-checked the remaining coding of the dataset that was undertaken by the first author. The coding consistency between these two researchers was verified using SPSS, which yielded a commendable inter-rater reliability score of 92% (Cohen's κ = 0.92), a metric often utilized to establish reliability in qualitative research (Kraemer, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref140">29</reflink>]). To resolve any discrepancies or ambiguities in coding, a collaborative discussion was convened among the coders. We unearthed five dominant Discourses present in the children's extramural IDLE activities at their residences: gaming, narration, female role-modeling, music, and arts. The gaming Discourse encompasses the characteristic behaviors and interactions typical of gamers. Conversely, the narration, music, female role-modeling, and artistic Discourses epitomize the distinct modalities of narrators, musicians, female role models, and artists respectively (Forchtner, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref141">19</reflink>]; Gee, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref142">22</reflink>]; Ilqar, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref143">27</reflink>]; Muir et al., [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref144">43</reflink>]; Nærland, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref145">44</reflink>]; Sevier & Ashcraft, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref146">59</reflink>]). As an illustration, the nuanced behaviors and interactions of female role models often diverge from their male counterparts (Sevier & Ashcraft, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref147">59</reflink>]).</p> <p>For the sake of participant confidentiality, pseudonyms replaced real names in the study. To succinctly embody the essence of each theme, merely two excerpts, which had the highest frequency of references in NVivo 20, were chosen for each theme.</p> <p>For conversational analysis in this study, we employed three distinct units of analysis.</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> The first unit of analysis, which measured the students' length of conversation, was based on discourse analysis as defined by Gee ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref148">21</reflink>]).</item> <p></p> <item> The second unit focused on sentence structures. Using the grammar book, Oxford Modern English (Aarts, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref149">1</reflink>]), we categorized sentences into simple, complex, and compound structures.</item> <p></p> <item> We chose CEF (Council of Europe, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref150">12</reflink>], https://www.englishprofile.org/wordlists) as our third unit for two main reasons (see Fig. 1). Firstly, although Gee's discourse analysis ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref151">21</reflink>]) is invaluable, it does not distinguish the proficiency level of language learners based on content words. For example, in Gee's approach, the words "offside" and "goal" are both classified as content words. However, the application of these words can indicate varied proficiency levels. Secondly, CEF is a unique language test to our knowledge that assesses language learners' content words within their context of use. It is essential, for instance, to determine if the word "corner" relates to a sporting context or everyday conversation giving directions. The CEF is applied when the student's stretch of language aligns with the content word level or for repeated content words. Conversely, when students' language stretch matches lines, we resort to Gee's ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref152">21</reflink>]) discourse analysis. We believe that while Gee ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref153">21</reflink>]) considers students' language stretch as a unit of analysis, the complexity of sentences and content words can offer significant insights.</item> </ulist> <p>Graph: Fig. 1 The six levels of the Common European Framework (CEF) (Council of Europe, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref154">12</reflink>])</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-13">Results</hd> <p>In this section, we have analyzed the conversation between the mothers and children to better understand how mothers support their children's conversations in English during co-using extramural IDLE at home.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-14">Gaming Discourses in the Shirazi Family</hd> <p>The Discourse of digital games was dominant in Hamed and Hamid's conversations in English with their mother. An example can be noticed in a transcript of their video recordings. In this example, the twin sons were co-using an online game, <emph>Lego Jurassic World,</emph> with their mother on their gaming consoles, <emph>Xbox One</emph>. The following conversation was originally in English:</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>Table 2 describes an analysis of field note 1, the conversations between the mother and her children were originally in English.</p> <p>Table 2 The analysis of Hamed's field note 1</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left"><p>Gee's discourse analysis (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr21">2014</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>English grammar (Aarts, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr1">2011</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>Content words (CEF, Council of Europe, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr12">2001</xref>)</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left"><p>We are playing. [Line 1]</p></td><td align="left"><p>We are playing. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" rowspan="2"><p>Together (<bold>A1</bold>)</p><p>Games <bold>(A1)</bold></p><p>Change (<bold>A2</bold>)</p><p>Cool <bold>(A2)</bold></p><p>Play <bold>(B2)</bold></p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>We gonna play Lego Jurassic World</p><p>[Line 2]</p><p>, and it is so cool [Line 3]</p></td><td align="left"><p>We gonna play Lego Jurassic World, and it is so cool</p><p><bold>[Compound sentence]</bold></p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>We gonna change the corpus and MOCA, [Line 4]</p><p>and I am gonna change the custom [Line 5]</p></td><td align="left"><p>We gonna change the corpus and MOCA, and I am gonna change the custom <bold>[Compound sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Jurassic World [Line 6]</p></td><td align="left"><p>–––––––––––––––––</p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Look, when it starts, it says it is Lego Jurassic world. [Line 7]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Look, when it starts, it says it is Lego Jurassic world</p><p><bold>[Complex sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Please press the button. [Line 8]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Please press the button</p><p><bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>It is the coolest game. [Line 9]</p></td><td align="left"><p>It is the coolest game</p><p><bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Yes, it has dinosaurs, [Line 10]</p><p>but more of my games have dinosaurs. [Line 11]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Yes, it has dinosaurs, but more of my games have dinosaurs</p><p><bold>[Compound sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Jurassic World. [Line 12]</p></td><td align="left"><p>––––––––––––––</p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>The one that is walking, [Line 13]</p><p>and I generally see out [Line 14]</p><p>It's me, Hamed [Line 15]</p></td><td align="left"><p>The one that is walking and I generally see out it's me, Hamed</p><p><bold>[Compound sentence including complex sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 3 provides an analysis of field note 1.</p> <p>Table 3 The analysis of Hamid's field note 1</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left"><p>Gee's discourse analysis (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr21">2014</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>English grammar (Aarts, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr1">2011</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>Content words (CEF, Council of Europe, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr12">2001</xref>)</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left"><p>Hello, this is J. [Line 1]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Hello, this is J. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left"><p>Together (<bold>A1</bold>)</p><p>Games <bold>(A1)</bold></p><p>Dinosaur<bold> (A2)</bold></p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Jurassic World [Line 2]</p></td><td align="left"><p>–––––––––––––––––-</p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Lego, games, games, games, games [Line 3]</p></td><td align="left"><p>–––––––––––––––––-</p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Jurassic World [Line 4]</p></td><td align="left"><p>–––––––––––––––––-</p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>We can run, mash, shake, attack, [Line 5]</p><p>, and I have guns</p><p>[Line 6]</p></td><td align="left"><p>We can run, mash, shake, attack, and I have guns <bold>[Compound sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>I am jumping, [Line 7] and you see the Velocir after me. [Line 8]</p></td><td align="left"><p>I am jumping, and you see the Velocir after me. <bold>[Compound sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>That's me, Hamid [Line 9]</p></td><td align="left"><p>That's me, Hamid <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Yes, the dinosaur is after me [Line 10]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Yes, the dinosaur is after me<bold> [Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Oh, soccer, my favorite [Line 11]</p></td><td align="left"><p>––––––––––––––––––</p></td><td align="left" /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Field note 1, Tables 2, and 3 revealed that Hamed and Hamid used the Discourse of their games to communicate with their mother at the stanza level. As shown in Table 2, Hamed has used fifteen lines or four compound, two complex, three simple sentences, and five content words ranging from A1 to B2 levels, whereas Table 3 shows Hamid has used eleven lines or three simple, two compound sentences, and three content words at the A1 to A2 levels. In Table 2, the phrase "Jurassic World" was repeated four times, whereas words such as "play", "change", "cool", "game" and "dinosaurs" were used twice. In Table 3, the phrases "Jurassic World" and "after me" were used twice. Further, the word "games" was repeated four times.</p> <p>As <emph>Lego Jurassic World</emph> gamers, Hamed, and Hamid used a specific Discourse to express their interactions, feelings, and beliefs. For instance, Hamed in his interaction has used words such as "corpus," "MOCA," and "custom" which are terms that are specific to <emph>Lego Jurassic World</emph>. These terms refer to changing the avatar of the game and level of the game in Lego Jurassic World. Hamid also mentioned that "We can run, mash, shake, attack, and I have a gun" which are terms in the Discourse of <emph>Lego Jurassic World</emph>. Additionally, Hamid said <emph>"Velocir"</emph> which is a common abbreviation in the Discourse of <emph>Lego Jurassic World</emph> standing for Velociraptor. More importantly, Hamed expressed his feelings and beliefs toward <emph>Lego Jurassic World</emph> as "the coolest game", he also mentioned that since this game has <emph>"dinosaurs",</emph> he loves the game. The words "cool", and "dinosaurs" are common among the community of <emph>Lego Jurassic World</emph> gamers. Additionally, Hamed saw a soccer ball in his favorite game, <emph>Pro Evolution Soccer</emph>, and said "Oh, soccer, my favorite", further revealing his preferences. Thus, the game becomes a point of connection and shared experiences for the children.</p> <p>They associated the games with fun times spent with their sibling, their mother, and with learning English, creating a positive emotional bond towards English through their gaming, play, and socialization experiences. The statement, "Jurassic World is the coolest game," shows their emotional bond, which reinforces the idea of this affinity being key in shaping their identities. This is a rich example of how contextualization matters for effective language learning. The games provide tangible contexts, making language learning more relatable and easier to digest. The dual abilities of the twins in not only navigating the game but also in articulating their experiences as L2 speakers show a progression towards competent levels of linguistic proficiency.</p> <p>The mother used metalinguistic discussion (correcting her children's sentences for clarity and meaning) and ask her children questions to scaffold and direct their conversations in English. For example, when Hamid said "I am jumping, and you see the Velocir after me. That's me, Hamid", his mother corrected him by saying "You mean the dinosaurs?". Also, the mother asked a number of "yes/no" and "wh" questions to guide the conversations of her children and urge them to explain their digital game in English. For instance, she said "What is the name of your digital game?".</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-15">Narration Discourses in the Parsi Family</hd> <p>The narration Discourse shaped Mohsen's conversations in English. For instance, in his semi-structured interview, he showed a video on his mother's phone and mentioned:<bold>Mohsen:</bold><emph>I like this part of the animation. Forest guards can use a gun to shoot others in the animation. Forest guards can use a gun and shoot others to protect the animal.</emph><bold>Mother:</bold><emph>Why do you like animals?</emph><bold>Mohsen:</bold><emph>I like animals. Animals are kind. The animation said that.</emph><bold> [Semi-structured interview, transcript 8, lines 152 to 155].</bold><bold>Mother:</bold> Animals are kind, but you should not shoot others.<bold>Mohsen:</bold> Okay, I protect the animals.</p> <p>Table 4 offers an analysis of the semi-structured interview, transcript 8, lines 152 to 155.</p> <p>Table 4 The analysis of semi-structured interview, transcript 8, lines 152 to 155</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left"><p>Gee's discourse analysis (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr21">2014</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>English grammar (Aarts, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr1">2011</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>Content words (CEF, Council of Europe, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr12">2001</xref>)</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left"><p>I like this part of the animation. [Line 1]</p><p>Forest guards can use a gun to shoot others in the animation. [Line 2]</p></td><td align="left"><p>I like this part of the animation. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p><p>Forest guards can use gun to shoot others in the animation. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left"><p>Animal (<bold>A1</bold>)</p><p>Forest (<bold>A2</bold>)</p><p>Shoot <bold>(B1)</bold></p><p>Gun<bold> (B1)</bold></p><p>Animation (<bold>B1</bold>)</p><p>Guards (<bold>B1</bold>)</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Forest guards can use a gun and shoot others to protect the animals. [Line 3]</p><p>I like animals. [Line 4]</p><p>Animals are kind. [Line 5]</p><p>The animation said that. [Line 6]</p><p>Animals are kind, but you should not shoot others. [Line 7]</p><p>Okay, I protect the animals. [Line 8]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Forest guards can use the gun and shoot others to protect the animal. <bold>[Compound sentence]</bold></p><p>I like animals. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p><p>Animals are kind. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p><p>The animation said that. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p><p>Animals are kind, but you should not shoot others. <bold>[Compound sentence]</bold></p><p>Okay, I protect the animals.<bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>As noted in Table 4, Mohsen's conversation in English with his mother was at the stanza level, involving eight lines, or two compound, six simple sentences, and six content words ranging from A1 to B1 levels. The word "animal" was repeated five times, whereas the words "shoot" and "animation" were repeated three times by Mohsen. He also used the words "forest guards" and "gun" twice. Probably influenced by the narration in the animation, <emph>Princess Mononoke,</emph> Mohsen shared his belief by mentioning that <emph>"Animals are kind."</emph> Furthermore, it seems that Mohsen was interacting with his mother somewhat mimicking the narrator by underscoring the point that <emph>"Forest guards can use the gun and shot others to protect the animal."</emph> Thus, Mohsen's Discourse was shaped in a way similar to the community of narrators who favor animal rights and use words such as "forest guards" and "gun" to protect animals. The animation here was also effective in creating the belief of children, as reflected by the repeated mention of "forest guards" using guns to protect animals. In the example below, it serves another motive, a gendered motive. The influence of media is a key aspect. The fact that Mohsen's most repeated word was "animal" underscores his central belief. Not the guards, not the forest, but the wellbeing of animals. The mother offers linguistic scaffolding and also steers Mohsen's belief toward the more ethical aspect of the aggression and protection challenge raised in this conversation; she promotes the idea of "not shooting others". She instills beliefs while maintaining the focus on language learning. This might be an instance of developing a more critical understanding of life through the use of language. With the statement "Okay, I protect the animals," Mohsen's mimicry of the narration and his alignment with the forest guards suggest that he is adopting a role and that the narration has impacted his belief. This is an example of identity formation. Further, Mohsen's mother scaffolded his conversation in English by asking him questions and guiding his conversation. In particular, she adopted cognitive scaffolding by asking "why" questions: "Why do you like animals<emph>?".</emph></p> <hd id="AN0185036386-16">Music Discourses in the Tehrani Family</hd> <p>Sarah engages in music Discourse in English. For instance, she showed a video of herself as she was listening to music on her mother's phone, as follows:</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>Table 5 offers an analysis of field note 21.</p> <p>Table 5 The analysis of field note 21</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left"><p>Gee's discourse analysis (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr21">2014</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>English grammar (Aarts, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr1">2011</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>Content words (CEF, Council of Europe, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr12">2001</xref>)</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left"><p>Twinkle, twinkle, little star how I wonder what you are. [Line 1]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Twinkle, twinkle, little star how I wonder what you are. <bold>[Complex sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left"><p>Sky (<bold>A2</bold>)</p><p>Star (<bold>A2)</bold></p><p>Twinkle (<bold>C1</bold>)</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Up above the world so high. [Line 2]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Up above the world so high. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Like a diamond in a sky<italic>.</italic> [Line 3]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Like a diamond in a sky. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Twinkle, twinkle, little star how I wonder what you are. [Line 4]</p><p>Stars are shining stones in the sky. [Line 5]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Twinkle, twinkle, little star how I wonder what you are. <bold>[Complex sentence]</bold></p><p>Stars are shining stones in the sky. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>As noted in Table 5, Sarah's conversation in English involves five lines or two complex sentences, three simple sentences, and three content words ranging from A2 to C1 levels. The word "twinkle" was repeated four times, while the words "star" and "sky" were repeated three and two times, respectively. Sarah is inspired by the Discourse of music in English for children, so she performed like the singer of the music for children. As an example, Sarah used the same body language that the singer of the music used in the animation for children used. In line with the observation of Sarah's body language, Gee ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref155">22</reflink>]) argued that an indicator of a particular Discourse is his or her body language. Furthermore, Sarah has learned to raise and lower her voice like the singer in the children's music Discourse. In this way, Sarah paid close attention to how the singer pronounced words and raised or lowered her voice accordingly. Music did not only impact Sarah's language learning but also some instance of embodied learning, where rhythm, melody, and movement coalesce. Musical learning transcends linguistic barriers, impacting learners' physically, emotionally, and cognitively. That is an argument for the integration of music and other popular culture aspects close to the experiences of learners. Additionally, Sara was interacting with the body language of the music Discourse (singers) for children to translate the song from English into Persian. Sarah's mother adopted metalinguistic discussion as the primary method of explanations and L1 translation to scaffolded her child's conversation in English. As for metalinguistic discussion, she explained in English "Twinkle means to shine with a light", and then she translated the song in L1 (Persian) for her child.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-17">Female Role Modeling Discourses in the Karaji Family</hd> <p>Female role modeling Discourses in English were the dominant Discourse in Sima's conversation in English. For example, in the interview she shared a video of an animation called Baby DoLi using her mother's phone that she watched on <emph>Apara</emph>t (i.e., an Iranian made equivalent of <emph>YouTube</emph>) and explained:<bold>Sima:</bold><emph>One of my favorite children's shows is Baby DoLi</emph> [In Persian].<bold>The Interviewer:</bold><emph>That's very interesting. Could you please tell me what you learned from Baby DoLi?</emph> [In Persian].<bold>Mother:</bold><emph>What Babydoll is doing here in the video?</emph> [In English].<bold>Sima:</bold><emph>Babydoll cut fruits. Babydoll cooks.</emph> [In English].<bold>Sima:</bold><emph>I like to cook like Babydoll.</emph> [In English].<bold>Mother:</bold> What do you like to cook? [In English].<bold>Sima:</bold> I cook some soup. [In English].<bold>[Semi-structured interview, transcript 11, lines 115 to 119]</bold></p> <p>Table 6 presents the analysis of the semi-structured interview, transcript 11, lines 155 to 119.</p> <p>Table 6 The analysis of semi-structured interview, transcript 11, lines 115 to 119</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left"><p>Gee's discourse analysis (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr21">2014</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>English grammar (Aarts, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr1">2011</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>Content words (CEF, Council of Europe, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr12">2001</xref>)</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left"><p>Babydoll cut fruits. [Line 1]</p><p>Babydoll cook. [Line 2]</p><p>I like to cook like Babydoll. [Line 3]</p><p>What do you like to cook? [Line 4]</p><p>I cook some soup. [Line 5]</p></td><td align="left"><p>Babydoll cut fruits. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p><p>Babydoll cook. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p><p>I like to cook like Babydoll. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p><p>What do you like to cook? <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p><p>I cook some soup. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left"><p>Cook (<bold>A1</bold>)</p><p>Fruits (<bold>A1</bold>)</p><p>Soup (<bold>A1</bold>)</p></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 6 shows that Sima's conversation in English was at the stanza level involving five lines or three simple sentences. Sima repeated the word "cook" three times, whereas as she repeated words "fruits" and "soup" once. Inspired by Babydoll as a role model, Sima is following the female role modeling Discourses in English. Sima tried to follow the interactions of Babydoll. For instance, Sima learned to mention "cut fruits" and "cook" in English similar to Babydoll's pronunciation and Discourses for children. More importantly, Sima is following the thoughts of Babydoll. As an example, similar to Babydoll, Sima cuts, and cooks fruit. The role of female role modeling Discourses in reinforcing gender norms and gendered activities: cooking like Babydoll.</p> <p>The choice of <emph>Aparat</emph> might produce an intriguing blend of cultural transactions between the family, their approach including English in their children's digital practices, and the cultural norms and conventions within and outside Iran. Overall, this example spotlights the power of female role modeling Discourses in shaping not only language learning but also behavior. Furthermore, Sima was inspired by the feelings of Babydoll as a female role model. For instance, Sima likes cooking since Babydoll is passionate about cooking. It is evident that Sima's mother adopted cognitive scaffolding such as asking "wh" questions in English to both guide her conversation and urge her to explain her animation in English. For example, the mother mentioned "What Babydoll is doing here in the video?".</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-18">Artistic Discourses in the Farsi Family</hd> <p>Artistic Discourse has shaped Mobina's conversation in English. As an example, in her semi-structured interview, she shared a photo using her tablet, and then a conversation took place between Mobina and her mother in English originally as provided below:<bold>Mother:</bold><emph>What is the name of your application?</emph><bold>Mobina:</bold><emph>My application?</emph><bold>Mobina:</bold><emph>I color animals here.</emph><bold>Mobina:</bold><emph> I follow the application.</emph><bold>Mobina:</bold><emph>This is so good, and I took a photo.</emph><bold>Mother:</bold> Why do you like this application?<bold>Mobina:</bold> I can learn English words like pink and green.<bold>[Semi-structured interview, transcript 10, lines 88 to 91]</bold></p> <p>Table 7 offers the analysis of the semi-structured interview, transcript 11, lines 46 to 47.</p> <p>Table 7 The analysis of semi-structured interview, transcript 11, lines 46 to 47</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left"><p>Gee's discourse analysis (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr21">2014</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>English grammar (Aarts, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr1">2011</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>Content words (CEF, Council of Europe, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr12">2001</xref>)</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left"><p>My application? [Line 1]</p><p>I color animals here. [Line 2]</p></td><td align="left"><p>My application?</p><p>I color animals here. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left"><p>Application (<bold>B2</bold>)</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>I follow the application. [Line 3]</p></td><td align="left"><p>I follow the application. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>This is so good, and I took a photo. [Line 4]</p></td><td align="left"><p>This is so good, and I took a photo. <bold>[Compound sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>I can learn English words like pink and green. [Line 5]</p></td><td align="left"><p>I can learn English words like pink and green. <bold>[Simple sentence]</bold></p></td><td align="left" /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>As noted in Table 7, Mobina's conversation in English is at the stanza level involving five lines, or one compound, and four simple sentences. The word "application" was used three times by Mobina. Being influenced by the artistic Discourse in English for children has shaped Mobina's actions. As an example, Mobina followed the instructions of her application to color animals. The repetition of the word "application" may warrant additional readings: Mobina reflects the emblematic symbiotic relationship of the younger generations with app-based technologies; she positions herself as knowledgeable as she knows how to 'follow' or use the application while at the same time shows linguistic comfort in using the word solidifying its meaning and context in her mind.</p> <p>Furthermore, Mobina has obtained the skills to interact similar to the community of children using drawing applications. For instance, she acquired several words such as "drawing", "color", and "animal" which frequently occur in her mobile application. In addition, Mobina's mother scaffolded her communication in English by asking questions and giving her daughter a direction for further conversations. For example, Mobina's mother asked her "wh" questions, a form of cognitive scaffolding the mothers in the study use to animate conversation in English with their children. Mobina spoke at the stanza level, which highlighted the role of her mother in fostering her interactions in English. It seems that Mobina's mother adopted cognitive scaffolding by asking "wh" questions in English to guide and urge Mobina's conversations in English. For instance, she said "Why do you like this application?". Overall Table 8 provides the summary of the six children's conversation in this study based on discourse analysis, sentence structures, and content word level in accordance with CEF (Council of Europe, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref156">12</reflink>]).</p> <p>Table 8 The summary of the children's conversational analysis</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left"><p>Children (family)</p></th><th align="left"><p>Gee's discourse analysis (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr21">2014</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>English grammar (Aarts, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr1">2011</xref>)</p></th><th align="left"><p>Content words (CEF, Council of Europe, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr12">2001</xref>)</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left"><p>Hamed (the Shirazi family)</p></td><td align="left"><p>Fifteen lines</p></td><td align="left"><p>Four compound, two complex, and three simple sentences</p></td><td align="left"><p>Five content words ranging from <bold>A1</bold> to <bold>B2</bold> levels</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Hamid (the Shirazi family)</p></td><td align="left"><p>Eleven lines</p></td><td align="left"><p>Three simple and two compound sentences</p></td><td align="left"><p>Three content words ranging from <bold>A1</bold> to <bold>A2</bold> levels</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Mohsen (the Parsi family)</p></td><td align="left"><p>Eight lines</p></td><td align="left"><p>Two compound and six simple sentences</p></td><td align="left"><p>Six content words ranging from <bold>A1</bold> to <bold>B1</bold> levels</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Sarah (the Tehrani family)</p></td><td align="left"><p>Five lines</p></td><td align="left"><p>Two complex and three simple sentences</p></td><td align="left"><p>Three contents words ranging from <bold>A2</bold> to <bold>C1</bold> levels</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Sima (the Karaji family)</p></td><td align="left"><p>Five lines</p></td><td align="left"><p>Three simple sentences</p></td><td align="left"><p>Three contents words which are at A1 level</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Mobina (the Farsi family)</p></td><td align="left"><p>Five lines</p></td><td align="left"><p>One compound and three simple sentences</p></td><td align="left"><p>One content word which is at B2 level</p></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0185036386-19">Discussion</hd> <p>With the rapid adoption of digital technologies by young children in the home environment, it is essential to explore how Iranian children experience extramural IDLE activities at home. Additionally, understanding the role of their parents in facilitating these activities during the shared use of digital resources, such as digital games, applications, and English animations, is crucial. This understanding is pivotal as it can offer vital insights into children's future learning patterns. It can also inform strategies for effective second-language scaffolding in formal contexts, taking into account interests, social dynamics, and cultural behaviors. The current case study employed demographic profiles, semi-structured interviews, and video recordings to delve deeper into how mothers, with diverse demographic profiles, scaffold their children's conversations during extramural IDLE activities at home. This study stands as a unique contribution to the literature, particularly within the Iranian context, exploring how popular culture influences the actions, interactions, emotions, and beliefs of children. In this study, we examined shared IDLE activities among children. These included co-playing online games on an Xbox One within the Farsi family, co-watching English animations on mothers' phones among the Tehrani, Karaji, and Parsi families, and co-playing a mobile application on a tablet within the Farsi family. Mothers utilized these extramural IDLE activities as tools for socialization to enhance their children's learning experiences. Through these shared activities, children's actions, interactions, feelings, and beliefs were influenced by English popular culture. For instance, regarding actions and interactions, the children in the Shirazi family used terms like "corpus," "MOCA," and "custom," and phrases such as "We can run, mash, shake, attack, and I have a gun." This illustrates how they engage with the Discourse of <emph>Lego Jurassic World</emph>, a digital game, when interacting with their mother.</p> <p>Regarding feelings, Sima from the Karaji family exhibited affection towards cooking, reminiscent of <emph>Babydoll</emph> in her English animations. Furthermore, the children's beliefs were influenced by the Discourses of popular culture. For instance, Mohsen from the Parsi family's frequent use of the word "animal" underscores his primary belief. His focus was not on "the guards" or "the forest" but on the wellbeing of "animals". In this context, the role of the mother was pivotal in reshaping his belief that he should protect animals without harming others. This instance underscores that mothers can significantly influence their children's beliefs through socialization during extramural IDLE activities. Overall, we similarly found that children's actions, interactions, feelings, and beliefs were influenced by popular culture in English. These findings align with several previous studies (Gee, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref157">22</reflink>]; Marsh, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref158">39</reflink>]; Marsh et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref159">41</reflink>]) that highlight the critical role of popular culture's Discourses in shaping children's behaviors and beliefs. The study further emphasizes that the role of mothers is central in guiding children's extramural IDLE activities as socialization experiences. Thus, it would be beneficial for mothers to guide and refine their children's actions, interactions, feelings, and beliefs as needed. An illustrative example is the mother in the Parsi family, who encouraged her child to protect animals without causing harm to others.</p> <p>The mothers employed various cognitive scaffolding strategies, such as verbal exchanges, questioning, and occasionally word repetition, to support their children's second language and literacy conversations during extramural IDLE activities. For example, all of the mothers in this study have asked their children "wh" or "yes/no" questions to use cognitive scaffolding to urge their children to engage more in conversation in English. While asking these questions are valuable to help children's second language, it would be more worthwhile if mothers use more questions in general and increase their use of wh-style questions, especially the "why" and "how" questions. These types of questions urge children to think and offer longer answers which can combine more complex content words and sentences. For example, mothers can offer instances for their children which explain how to answer "why" questions. In this way, they can teach their children that they should use a combination of complex and compound sentences to answer a question. Overall, while it takes time for children to move from simpler sentences and content words to more complex ones, the role of mothers is central to engage in routine conversation in English with their children during extramural IDLE activities at home.</p> <p>The findings of this study are consistent with previous studies which highlighted the role of mothers in using cognitive mediation strategies (i.e., translanguaging, code-switching, metalinguistic discussion, and L1 translation) to scaffold their children's second language in matters of length and complexity (Kuzyk et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref160">30</reflink>]; Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref161">45</reflink>]; Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref162">46</reflink>]; Ozturk & Ohi, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref163">49</reflink>]; Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref164">64</reflink>]; Zhao & Flewitt, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref165">77</reflink>]). Similar to the findings of Kuzyk et al. ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref166">30</reflink>]), we found that code-switching especially using L1 was more popular in families whose children had a lower level of language proficiency, in particular the Karaji family. Also, both mothers in the Shirazi and Tehrani families adopted metalinguistic discussion to explain words to their children or urge them to correct their conversations. The mother of the Tehrani family also used L1 translation as a last resort to help her daughter understand the meaning of her favourite song. These findings demonstrated that the role of mothers is critical in fostering young students' second language learning at home. Hence, it would be valuable for ELT stakeholders to pay more attention to the digital experiences of young students at home, especially their dominant Discourses to better foster their English language learning in and outside classroom contexts. For example, English teachers can guide mothers to urge their children to engage in a combination of form-focused (e.g., finding the grammatical issue of their sentences under their mother's supervision using ChatGPT (i.e., an artificial large language model that can communicate similar to humans) and meaning-focused (texting their friends in English on social media platforms) IDLE which can promote both their accuracy and fluency in English communications.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-20">Limitations and Suggestions for Further Studies</hd> <p>The findings of this study offered valuable insights to Iranian ELT stakeholders about using IDLE activities for children. However, this study has several limitations. First, the IDLE activities of children in each family in this study were mapped based on an intensive week of data collection. Therefore, the extramural IDLE activities of Iranian children in English can be captured more broadly and deeply by extending the process of data collection. For example, it is suggested that future studies explore the extramural IDLE activities of Iranian children in English using longitudinal emic ethnographic studies (i.e., studying a particular community by living among them) across months of data collection. In this way, the nature of young children's extramural IDLE activities in English can be mapped across time. Moreover, despite the authors' efforts to accurately convey the study's context, participants' information, and conversations through the translation of the original Persian transcripts into English, certain contextual nuances may not have been fully captured by the English translations. Finally, the findings of this study are concentrated on children's extramural IDLE activities in the home context during the COVID-19 pandemic, which might be different before and after the pandemic. Hence, it is crucial to examine the extramural IDLE activities of Iranian children in English after the COVID-19 pandemic restrictions have eased, to compare how the pandemic has affected children's extramural IDLE activities at home. For instance, since children spend most of their time at home during the COVID-19 pandemic, their parents might become stricter, more lenient, or even more supportive of the young children's IDLE at home.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-21">Conclusions and Implications</hd> <p>This study offers valuable insights to the literature on the significant role of mothers in supporting the English conversation of their children. The mothers provide support by asking questions, offering instructions, providing further explanations through interactions with their children. Hence, the importance of digital language learning experiences that offer effective interaction and peer-to-peer feedback, both in classrooms and outside classrooms, should be noted. Concentrating on these extramural IDLE activities can address the productive language skills of students in Iran, which is a serious concern based on language learning practices and evaluations in public schools (Dastgahian, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref167">14</reflink>]; Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref168">62</reflink>]). As an example, digital games can be regarded as an instance of IDLE activities, in and outside classrooms, where students can express their voices through interaction and receive peer-to-peer feedback from more proficient English speakers (Soyoof et al., [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref169">65</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref170">66</reflink>]; Soyoof, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref171">62</reflink>]). This was evident in the Shirazi family, whose children improved their conversations in English by playing with their mother. Thus, it would be worthwhile if Iranian ELT stakeholders offer workshops on maternal scaffolding to empower mothers in facilitating their children's English learning. However, integrating form-focused IDLE activities in students' IDLE activities both in and out of classrooms seems essential to improve Iranian young students' accuracy in English. Above all, establishing a discussion between mothers and ELT stakeholders would be worthwhile, since it leads to using IDLE activities more effectively at home and schools based on not only students' prior experiences of IDLE but their English learning needs and interests.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-22">Acknowledgements</hd> <p>This study was supported by the research project Definers: Digital language learning of preservice and junior language teachers (TED2021-129984A-I00, funded by Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities, MICIU/AEI/10.13039/501100011033, and by the European Union, NextGenerationEU/PRTR).</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-23">Author Contributions</hd> <p>Ali Soyoof: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal Analysis, Investigation, Data Curation, Writing—Original Draft. Barry Lee Reynolds: Validation, Writing – Review & Editing, Supervision. Michelle M. Neumann: Conceptualization, Writing – Review & Editing. Boris Vazquez-Calvo: Writing – Review & Editing.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-24">Data Availability</hd> <p>The data that support the findings of the study are available on request from the first author.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-25">Declarations</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0185036386-26">Conflict of Interest</hd> <p>None.</p> <hd id="AN0185036386-27">Publisher's Note</hd> <p>Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.</p> <ref id="AN0185036386-28"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref46" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Aarts B. Oxford modern English grammar. 2011; Oxford University Press</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref43" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Aloosh M, Salavati A, Aloosh A. Economic sanctions threaten population health: The case of Iran. 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  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Previous research has acknowledged that informal digital learning of English (IDLE) between parents and children can play an important role in children's first and second language (L1 and L2) learning. However, most previous parent-child studies have been conducted in Western countries where English is the child's first language. This study aimed to understand how Iranian children learn English as an L2 in a home context through mother-child home digital experiences. Five Iranian families which included six children, aged 6 to 7 years old, and their mothers were recruited as participants to explore mother-child IDLE experiences. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews and observations of mother-child L2 English interactions with popular culture using Video-Stimulated Recall (VSR) methods. The overall findings revealed children are interested in popular culture (e.g., playing "Lego Jurassic World" as a digital game, watching "Princess Mononoke" as an animation, and engaging with "Drawing for Kids" applications in English) and their dominant Discourses at home were gaming, narration, female role-modeling, music, and artistic experiences. Moreover, the findings showed that the role of mothers as scaffolders is essential for enhancing their children's learning at home, whether by asking questions or helping children discuss their favorite popular culture. However, maternal scaffolding can be improved by providing mothers with guidance to effectively support their children's IDLE which can further enhance their children's learning outcomes.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1470605
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1470605
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1007/s10643-024-01675-z
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 17
        StartPage: 1865
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Mothers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Scaffolding (Teaching Technique)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parents as Teachers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Informal Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Electronic Learning
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Second Language Instruction
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Second Language Learning
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: English (Second Language)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Child Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Young Children
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Interaction
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Childhood Interests
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Popular Culture
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Games
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Narration
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Role Models
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Music
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Art
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Role
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Iran
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Maternal Scaffolding of Iranian Children's Extramural Informal Digital Learning of English (IDLE): A Qualitative Study
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Ali Soyoof
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Barry Lee Reynolds
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Michelle M. Neumann
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Boris Vazquez-Calvo
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 06
              Type: published
              Y: 2025
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 1082-3301
            – Type: issn-electronic
              Value: 1573-1707
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 53
            – Type: issue
              Value: 5
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Early Childhood Education Journal
              Type: main
ResultId 1