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The First-Year Transition of Rural Students at a Highly Selective University

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Title: The First-Year Transition of Rural Students at a Highly Selective University
Language: English
Authors: Ryan Creps (ORCID 0000-0002-8592-5381)
Source: College Student Affairs Journal. 2025 43(1):66-81.
Availability: Southern Association for College Student Affairs. 11935 Abercorn Street, Savannah, GA 31419; e-mail: CSAJreviews@gmail.com; Web site: https://sacsa.org/pages/college-student-affairs-journal
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 16
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: College Freshmen, Rural Colleges, Selective Admission, Colleges, Student Experience, Student Diversity, Inclusion, Rural Population, School Holding Power, Academic Persistence, Peer Relationship, Teacher Student Relationship, Social Integration, Urban Universities
ISSN: 0888-210X
2381-2338
Abstract: Drawing from focus group interviews with rural students at a highly selective university, this article underscores the importance of the notion that the college transition serves as a key moment of rural consciousness. Bringing together the perspectives of Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory and Schlossberg's transition theory, the findings from this study suggest students' academic and social experiences may differ across institutional types. As colleges strive to diversify their student bodies and promote inclusivity, insights from the study of rural students can inform the development of effective retention and support strategies.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2025
Accession Number: EJ1476995
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0186551532;6l901mar.25;2025Jul12.13:16;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0186551532-1">THE FIRST-YEAR TRANSITION OF RURAL STUDENTS AT A HIGHLY SELECTIVE UNIVERSITY </title> <p>Drawing from focus group interviews with rural students at a highly selective university, this article underscores the importance of the notion that the college transition serves as a key moment of rural consciousness. Bringing together the perspectives of Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory and Schlossberg's transition theory, the findings from this study suggest students' academic and social experiences may differ across institutional types. As colleges strive to diversify their student bodies and promote inclusivity, insights from the study of rural students can inform the development of effective retention and support strategies.</p> <p>The National Student Clearinghouse Research Center (NSCRC) (2024) found that students graduating from rural high schools were nine percentage points less likely to go to college than suburban graduates. Despite graduating high school at a rate higher than the national average, rural students are more likely to delay college enrollment and less likely to enroll in college full-time (Byun et al., 2015; NSCRC, 2024). The disparities extend to the highest achieving students, who were less likely to attend a selective college than their non-rural peers (Koricich et al., 2018). In fact, high achievers in rural communities, defined as students scoring in the top 10 percent of the SAT and ACT while earning a grade point average of an A- or higher in high school, were less likely to even apply to selective colleges (Hoxby & Avery, 2013).</p> <p>Rural enrollment is a significant concern for higher education, given the substantial population that rural students represent and the increasing diversity within this population. Rural schools serve 9.3 million students, a fifth of public-school students (Pappano, 2017). In 12 states, at least half of public schools are rural, which does not include the five states with the largest population of rural students: Texas, North Carolina, Georgia, Ohio, and Tennessee (Showalter et al., 2019). The significance of college access for rural students is underscored by demographic shifts. With 83% of rural population growth attributed to racial and ethnic minorities, one in four students identify as a student of color (Johnson, 2012; Showalter et al., 2017). Since rural students of color have historically had lower rates of college attendance and completion (Byun et al., 2012a; Means et al., 2016), the intersection of race and rurality creates compound challenges for these students, who account for a growing share of this population. Studying rural student college enrollment is crucial for developing targeted interventions, promoting educational equity, and ensuring that a significant portion of the nation's talent pool is not overlooked or underserved in higher education.</p> <p>Building upon these demographic trends, it is important to examine how rural students navigate the transition to college. In addition to being less likely to enroll in college, rural students are four percentage points less likely to return to college in their second year and six percentage points less likely to graduate than their suburban peers (NCCR, 2019). These patterns suggest that the transition to college is particularly complex for rural students as they may encounter cultural and academic adjustments when entering a college environment that may differ significantly from their home communities. Rural students may struggle with feelings of displacement, academic preparedness, or financial strain, all of which can impact their persistence and success in higher education (Means et al., 2016; Koricich et al., 2018). Understanding these transition experiences is important for developing effective support systems and interventions that can help rural students successfully adapt to college life.</p> <p>The purpose of this study is to examine the factors influencing the transition of rural students to a highly selective college. These students were selected because they represent the rural high achievers that Hoxby and Avery (2013) found were less likely to apply to highly selective institutions, suggesting that these students are under- represented on their college campus. By focusing on rural students who chose to apply and enroll at elite institutions, this research aims to uncover insights into their decision-making process and experiences with particular attention to how their rural background shapes their academic and social integration into an elite higher education setting. While highly selective colleges often have high retention rates (National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), 2022), it is not known whether this trend extends to students from rural communities. By studying these transition experiences, this research aims to identify key challenges and opportunities for supporting rural students during their first year of college.</p> <hd id="AN0186551532-2">College Access and College Success</hd> <p></p> <p>A systematic review of 134 publications on rural student college access by Sowl and Crain (2021) revealed that most of the research on the college choices of rural students primarily focused on two key factors: the students' habitus and the influence of their school and community context. In this context, habitus refers to the set of internalized skills, dispositions, and habits that rural students have acquired through their lived experiences that shape their perceptions, attitudes, and decision-making process regarding college choices. Strong rural social identities have been associated with stronger anti-intellectual sentiment and skepticism of higher education (Trujillo, 2022). This disposition may explain why only a third of rural Americans consider a four-year degree to be worthwhile (Crain, 2018).</p> <p>In recent years, the National Association of College Admission Counseling (NACAC) formed a rural special interest group to develop programs and services to promote college attendance in rural schools (NACAC, n.d.). NACAC's movement motivated other organizations to pursue initiatives to match rural high achievers with selective institutions. For instance, the College Board established a national recognition program for students from rural areas to help these high achievers stand out in the admission process (College Board, n.d.). Meanwhile, some highly selective colleges added students from rural backgrounds to diversity recruitment agendas and a few even created programs specifically targeting rural students opening opportunities to work with rural community-based organizations that are striving to boost college access (Creps & Harris, 2024; Greenberg, 2023).</p> <p>Despite the momentum to recruit and enroll rural students at highly selective colleges, these efforts often overlook potential challenges rural students may have in their college transition. Rural high schools offer fewer advanced courses, which may cause students to struggle to meet academic expectations (Byun et al., 2012a). In addition to more rigorous academic courses, Ardoin (2018) finds that academic jargon and university terminology can create barriers for rural students pursuing higher education potentially leaving these students feeling unprepared and disconnected from the college environment. Elite institutions, in particular, tend to employ academic jargon, which creates a linguistic barrier for rural students and may likely inadvertently exclude them and exacerbate the gap in cultural capital. The new academic challenges posed to rural students by elite campus should be understood by institutions looking to grow this population to ensure proper support systems are in place.</p> <p>The intersection of rurality with race, social class, sex, gender, and sexuality compounds the disparities in social and cultural capital, as students navigate complex identify landscapes while striving for social acceptance in diverse college environments (Cain & Willis, 2022; Means, 2024; Sorgen et al., 2024). While rural students have many different interests, some research shows that the social transition for rural students is easier when they are involved in Greek life and religious organizations, leading to better college outcomes (Byun et al., 2012a; Byun et al., 2012b). However, Greek life at highly selective colleges has been eliminated by administrations or limited by campus culture (Brown, 2020; Stewart, 2020). Moreover, religious life plays little role on most elite college campuses (Horwitz, 2021; Kamboj, 2023). Therefore, while highly selective institutions may have a newfound interest in rural recruitment, it is not evident that they have considered the possible social challenges that their institutions may pose to rural students.</p> <p>In addition to academic and social adjustments, college is often the first time that most students are away from their families. Research finds that parent engagement can lead to student success. In a study at a selective liberal arts college, Tieken (2020) found that parents of rural students are an important source of social capital, and their support can mitigate the social, cultural, and moral differences between college culture and rural habitus. Similarly, in a case study of rural first-generation college students, McCulloh (2022) found that various forms of parental support, not just a single approach, can provide the type of social capital development in students that leads to first-year retention. Parental ties are not limited to parent-to-student relationships as one study found that rural students are more likely to graduate when their parents connect with the parents of their college peers (Byun et al., 2012b). This may be because these connections create a broader support network that reinforces the value of education and provides additional resources. In rural communities, where strong social ties are common, these parent-to-parent relationships can extend the sense of community support to the college environment.</p> <p>However, these parental connections are difficult when students travel far from home to attend college as is often the case at elite institutions, which draw students from broad geographic backgrounds compared to public and regional institutions. Research has shown that the distance between a student's home and college can be negatively related to social integration and positively associated with homesickness, with implications for higher likelihood of transferring to another college for students who travel farther to college (Mattern et al., 2013; Wilson et al., 2018). Moreover, rural students who attend colleges in rural areas compared to urban areas are more likely to attain their degrees (McCauley, 2022). Thus, the non-rural settings of several elite institutions, including the one in this study, could create an obstacle to student retention. In other words, what determines college success for rural students generally, may not work at highly selective institutions.</p> <p>The unknowns around the first-year experience of rural students at elite institutions motives this study, which seeks to offers practical insights and recommendations for supporting rural students in this environment. By synthesizing Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory with Schlossberg's transition model, this research reveals the unique challenges faced by rural students at an elite private university. The findings contribute to the discourse on the college transition of rural students and offer a nuanced understanding of how environmental factors and personal efficacy interact in these specific institutional contexts.</p> <hd id="AN0186551532-3">Theoretical Framework</hd> <p></p> <p>Understanding the complex dynamics of student transitions, particularly for rural students entering elite universities, requires a comprehensive theoretical foundation. This section explores two key theories that, when combined, offer a framework for analyzing the multifaceted nature of these transitions. Integrating Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory with Schlossberg's transition theory creates a holistic approach that considers both environmental influences and individual coping mechanisms. This integrated perspective allows for a thorough examination of the challenges and opportunities faced by rural students as they navigate the transition to elite institutions.</p> <p>Bronfenbrenner's (2004) ecological systems theory emphasizes that a person's environment affects their development. When examining college students, this model offers a multi-layered framework for understanding the complex interaction between college students and their surroundings. The theory delineates five interconnected levels of environmental influence: the microsystem (individual and immediate family), mesosystems (informal networks), exosystem (local community), and macrosystem (broader social, political, and economic contexts), and chronosystem (changes over time). This model shows how shifts within and across these ecological levels can create both opportunities and challenges for students transitioning to college, specifically highlighting the potential obstacles that arise from environmental changes.</p> <p>While Bronfenbrenner's model illustrates the multi-layered environmental influences, Schlossberg and colleagues (1995) propose a framework that examines how life events precipitate significant changes in an individual's roles, relationships, routines, and assumptions focusing on individual coping mechanisms. This theory is particularly relevant in the context of college transitions, as it reflects the internal mechanisms students employ when navigating new academic and social landscapes. By analyzing the four S's — situation, self, support, and strategies — Schlossberg's model provides insight into how students perceive and manage transitions, offering an understanding of the coping strategies used during significant life changes, such as starting college. Combining these theories connects the macro-environmental factors with the micro-level individual experiences. In other words, Bronfenbrenner's theory contextualizes the external influences shaping a student's transition and Schlossberg's framework explains how individuals interpret and respond to these contextual changes during their first year in college.</p> <p>In combining these two models, I offer a framework that underscores the interplay between individual coping mechanisms and the influences of the surrounding environment. This dual perspective provides an understanding of how rural students navigate college transitions, recognizing both the internal resilience of individuals and the external factors shaping their experiences. By considering the layers of influence in Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems alongside the coping strategies of Schlossberg's transition theory, this framework acknowledges the reciprocal relationship between individuals and their environments, emphasizing the importance of both adaptation and support in facilitating successful transitions.</p> <hd id="AN0186551532-4">Methods</hd> <p></p> <p>This study explores the college transition of first-year students from rural distant and rural remote high schools, as defined by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). Using focus group interviews, this research seeks to uncover the ways in which these students navigate their new academic and social environments. The methods outlined in this section detail the setting and participants, data collection, and data analysis used to answer the following research questions:</p> <olist> <item> How do first-year college students from rural distant and rural remote communities describe their transition experiences at a midsized, urban, highly selective institution?</item> <item> What environmental factors (i.e., academic, social, cultural) do rural students identify as supportive or challenging during their transition to college?</item> <item> How do rural students perceive their preparedness for college and what coping strategies do they employ to navigate unexpected challenges?</item> </olist> <hd id="AN0186551532-5">Setting and Participants</hd> <p></p> <p>The host institution was a mid-sized, urban university with a diverse student body located in New England and focused on undergraduate education. The institution shared the names and college email addresses of 48 first-year students who fit the population parameters of the study. Replicating the parameters of a similar study (Ganss, 2016), the sample was limited to first-year students who had attended high schools classified by NCES as rural distant or rural remote. Rural distant communities are census-defined rural territories between 5 and 25 miles from an urbanized area, or rural territories between 2.5 and 10 miles from an urban cluster; and rural remote communities are more than 25 miles from an urbanized area and more than 10 miles from an urban cluster (Office of Management and Budget, 2000).</p> <p>I sent two recruitment emails to this group of students. Fourteen students agreed via email to participate in a focus group. Only ten students, however, attended the focus groups. Table 1 shows the self-reported sex and home state of the participants as well as their pseudonym and focus group number. All students were at least 18 years old at the start of the fall semester. The participants included four females and six males. They attended high school in ten different states and none of the participants knew each other before enrolling at the university.</p> <p>Data Collection</p> <p>I conducted two 90-minute in-person focus groups with 10 students from one university. I asked the students semi-structured questions based on student development theories, including Astin's (1993) theory of involvement, Schlossberg's (1995) transition theory, and Tinto's (1988) model of student integration. Sample questions included: Are there aspects of your rural upbringing that you feel helped or hindered your adjustment to college? What resources or support systems have been most helpful to you so far? What factors have contributed to feeling included or excluded in the campus community? How has your experience at this university compared to what you expected before arriving? The interviews occurred between the sixth and seventh weeks of the participants' first semester of college, a critical period for college adjustment. Researchers have found that the ability of students to successfully transition to the college environment during the first six weeks on campus is critical to retention and degree completion (Palmer et al., 2009; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005; Woosley, 2003). This timing allowed for immediate reflection of the students' initial experience and challenges as they adapted to their new environment.</p> <p>Data Analysis</p> <p>Following the focus groups, I took a systematic approach to data analysis. First, I transcribed the audio recordings of both focus group sessions, ensuring accuracy and familiarity with the data. The transcriptions were verbatim of all participant responses, including notable non-verbal cues (e.g., nodding head in agreement) and group dynamics. To establish preliminary codes, I drew from my theoretical frameworks and prior research on the rural college students. Some of these initial codes included "academic adjustment," "building relationships," "cultural capital," and "unexpected challenges." I also conducted an inductive analysis to identify common themes that emerged across participants. This process involved reviewing my notes from the focus groups and listening to the audio recording while reading the transcripts multiple times. Themes that appeared consistently in both focus groups were prioritized in subsequent reviews of the transcripts. To ensure the reliability of the coding process, I employed an interrater reliability method with my thesis advisor. We independently coded both transcripts using the initial codes from the theoretical frameworks and prior research. Following this, we met to compare our coding decisions, discussing any discrepancies and emerging themes, and refining coding definitions as needed. Once we agreed on the final coding scheme, I reviewed the transcripts several more times to identify any and all moments related to each code.</p> <hd id="AN0186551532-6">Findings</hd> <p></p> <p>The transition from rural communities to a highly selective urban university presented unique challenges and opportunities for the participants in this study. This section captures the experiences of these rural students as they navigated their new academic and social environments during the first semester of college. Four major themes emerged from the focus group interviews: recognition of a rural identity, adaptation to higher academic standards, formation of relationship with non-rural peers, and collaboration with faculty and peers. These findings offer insights into the acculturation that rural students experience on the campus of an elite institution.</p> <p>Rural Identity Formation in College</p> <p>College was a new environment that exposed these students to peers from different backgrounds. This environment caused the students to confront and examine their backgrounds for the first time, leading to the recognition of their rural identities. As they interacted with peers with different life experiences, these students were forced to critically reflect on how their rural upbringing had fundamentally shaped their worldviews, values, and personal characteristics. Chloe went as far as to say, "I'm not really from the same planet as most of the people here." The contrast in experiences led to awareness and acknowledgement of their rural identities, prompting them to grapple with and define aspects of their identity that they had previously taken for granted. John recalled a class discussion when a classmate described her hometown as "super rural":</p> <p>What they describe as super rural Connecticut meaning that they had to drive 10 minutes to a bus that would take them into [New York City]… if that is what super rural means then what on earth would you call my situation?</p> <p>Although just three participants specifically said they were involved in agricultural activities in high school, all but one student described their hometowns as agricultural. Some expressed surprise that their college peers were oblivious to the food production industry. Chloe recounted a situation in which her entire class of 18 students concluded that "everyone who raises animals for meat is either bad or ignorant." She trailed off as she attempted to explain her reaction, "As someone who raises animals for meat, I was just like… [in disbelief]"</p> <p>These interactions with classmates who had no exposure to rural culture challenged the students to consider how their rural upbringings shaped their identities. Brooke, who shared that her college aspirations were not shared by her high school classmates, admitted that she has "had a ridiculously hard time explaining [her] situation" in college. It was as if she wasn't completely at home in her hometown or in her college community.</p> <p>In all, the most salient finding from analyzing these students' experiences was that they were forming a rural identity as they attempted to place themselves within the context of their high school and college environments. Most students felt they had different desires than their high school peers and wanted to pursue a postsecondary path that wasn't represented by the mentors in their community. At the same time, when they arrived on campus, the participants saw how their upbringing gave them a different perspective on life than their college peers. As Derrick said:</p> <p>There are two different sides to being from a rural area. There are like the mechanics of living in a place with a lot of empty space and you have to drive everywhere, and nothing is convenient and there's farming there and schools don't necessarily have as many opportunities. And then there's the mindset that people in rural areas have… I have the experience of living in a rural area, but I don't necessarily have the mindset of living in a rural area.</p> <p>George added:</p> <p>I didn't really identify with my rural town because I think a lot of the culture of my town was one of complacency… I couldn't really identify with the sense of complacency, but then you come here and it's so much different… I can identify with the rural students here.</p> <p>The process of rural identity recognition in college emerged as a formative and challenging experience for these students. As they reconciled the differences between their rural backgrounds and college environments, they were forced to recognize and, in some cases, defend aspects of their upbringing, even aspects of rural culture that they may not have embraced as they'd taken an uncommon path of attending an elite institution. However, this process also brought to light parts of their own habitus shaped by their rural upbringing that they had previously taken for granted. This process ultimately led them to a deeper understanding, development, and appreciation of their rural roots.</p> <p>Increased Intensity of Academic Rigor</p> <p>These students stood out as academically motivated in high school, which, at times, isolated them from their peers in high school. For three female students, the example set by older students who had enrolled at selective colleges served as a powerful motivator. Interestingly, none of the males shared this motivation. Rather than being inspired by specific role models, they were driven by the prospect of being trailblazers and immersing themselves in a diverse community. These differences could have influenced their response to the increased academic expectations. However, both male and female students, nine in total, indicated that they chose the college because it would challenge them academically. Eight of the students said they had exhausted their high school curriculums while all students described themselves as the highest achievers with respect to grades and standardized test scores in their graduating classes. While some were excited about the academic challenge, others were worried that they would not be able to meet the demands. Brooke, a student from a small town in Montana said:</p> <p>My other expectation coming here was that everyone would be like absolute geniuses… I was just so afraid that I had gotten admitted because of geographic distribution and I've been finding out that I can keep up. Yea, a lot of people here can take harder classes, but I've found what works for me, and I've been able to keep up.</p> <p>Nearly every student commented on the increased academic expectations. Some students were surprised to see how underprepared they felt in their college classes. "I'm not used to actually not getting it," said Isaac, a high school valedictorian. Eric added, "I expected it to be intense academically. I didn't expect to be spending this much time on it." The time to complete assignments surprised Derrick, too, "In high school there was a lack of expectation to do work all of the time. The thing about college is that you're always doing work." Students specifically pointed out significant time commitments to writing-intensive courses and computer science courses. Even the students who had taken college classes in high school felt a difference in rigor, Isaac said, "The classes I was taking at my state school during high school, I was breezing through them."</p> <p>Although it seemed that most students were still finding their academic footings, they remained optimistic. Chloe said, "the work is harder and more rigorous than I expected" but "as time has gone on, I have a better handle on things." Although she had taken more AP courses in high school than others in the group, she said, "I think that my main thing now is — I haven't taken the classes that I needed to take in high school." Other students also felt that their high school classes did not prepare them for rigorous college courses even though they had taken the most demanding curriculum available.</p> <p>Despite the initial shock of increased academic rigor, these students demonstrated resilience and adaptability in facing these new challenges, which were often the first academic challenges that they faced in their career. While acknowledging the gap between the college expectations and their high school preparation, which was outstanding by all accounts within their community, these students remained optimistic and were developing strategies to meet the demands of their new academic environment.</p> <p>Unexpected Levels of Collaboration with Peers and Faculty</p> <p>Although nearly every student felt the weight of higher academic expectations, most were generally surprised at the level of academic collaboration with peers and faculty. Eric, a valedictorian who had never struggled academically before college said, "It was a turning point where I realized it was okay to even ask for help." Derrick, who was used to helping others in high school, admitted he needed the help in college. He said, "the great part is the collaborative working environment outside the classroom… everyone is super willing and able to help." While some students had initial concerns about being able to connect with peers perceived to be intellectual superior, they seemed to have no issues finding peer support for academic challenges.</p> <p>Similar pre-college apprehensions were expressed about working with faculty. Brooke said, "I was concerned…that I wouldn't be able to connect with my professors or students in my class, but it's actually worked out pretty well." Eric, who expected the increased rigor in college, said, "I think a big difference is just the level of advising… There are constantly opportunities for you to get a mentor in certain areas…" Most students were proactive in connecting with faculty. Many had attended office hours or study sessions.</p> <p>Students shared stories of faculty investment in student learning outside of class time. Brooke recalled a time when during a weekly evening study session, a professor stayed until every student understood the material, "there was just too many questions, and he usually ends at nine to catch a bus, and he just said he'd catch the next bus an hour later just because students had so many questions."</p> <p>Isaac saw this type of faculty attention on student learning, too, "There's an understanding that this is a course with a lot of first-year students. They understand that there are going to be a lot of questions and are open to answering and helping students be successful." Chloe, the student who felt as though she had not taken the right classes in high school, thought the faculty were aware of her situation:</p> <p>I feel like both of those professors are like, 'oh this person is not the same as a lot of people in this class.' I would not like to think that they pity me but that they like me and recognize that I'm behind everyone else but I'm trying really hard.</p> <p>This student's perception of the faculty motivated her to work hard and learn the material. No other students thought faculty were aware of their rural background.</p> <p>The unexpected level of collaboration with peers and faculty emerged as a significant source of support for rural students striving to overcome academic challenges. Despite initial apprehensions about their acceptance into the academic community, these students found a welcoming and collaborative environment that not only facilitated their academic adjustment but also boosted their confidence in seeking help and engaging with both peers and professors.</p> <p>Social Integration into the Campus Community</p> <p>Students did not think their rural background hindered their ability to make friends in college. Most students said that being from a rural community was an easy conversation starter with classmates who never experienced small town culture. Faith said whenever she introduces herself, she says, "… I grew up across the street from cows" because it sounds exotic. Henry, a student from Maine, said he plays up his rural hometown telling people, "I live on a lobster boat, which I don't. And also, that I work at a lighthouse, which I don't."</p> <p>The students perceived their ruralness as a fun fact when meeting other people but knew that developing friendships required more engagement. Isaac said, "It's immediately a conversation starter, but if you're actually going to be friends with the person, it needs to be deeper than 'oh you're from a cool state that I've never heard of.'" Derrick observed:</p> <p>My friend group in high school was made up of the people who cared about school and then now that I'm here, everyone cares about school. Probably at least half of the people would be great friends, but I'm not going to be friends with half of the people… It's completely unreasonable and so it'll be interesting to see who I end up being friends with. It'll be because they're either easily accessible or so… that was something I didn't expect coming in, that I would not be making friends with everyone that I found interesting.</p> <p>Other students agreed that the pool of potential friends was larger than their capacity to make and keep friendships. Many students felt their friendships were based on repeatedly seeing another student on campus. John said, "If they're in two of my classes and a club I'm in then I'm like 'okay, we're going to know each other and we're going to be friends.'"</p> <p>Although students perceived their new friendships as a matter of circumstance, many were a result of the students' engagement in at least one meaningful extracurricular activity. Most students continued to participate in an activity in which they participated in high school. Five of the ten students were part of the university band. More than half of the students mentioned participating in intramural sports or other wellness activities in college. Two students said they went to nearly every booth at the student activity fair during orientation. Some of the new activities that the students were trying included a fashion club, student radio, and a poker club. Eric, a politically liberal student from a conversative community, said, "I'm doing the band and also political stuff. There wasn't many opportunities for liberal stuff in my high school."</p> <p>On the topic of politics, it appeared that political ideology didn't shape their social experience, but they were aware of the conflation of rurality and conservativism. Isaac, a student from Mississippi, said, "I've been asked, incredibly a lot, about my political beliefs." George added:</p> <p>I feel like a lot of people might assume that you're conservative or come from a conservative background when you come from a rural area, which isn't always the case. So, I feel like if there was a stigma, that would be the singular thing that people assume.</p> <p>While few students expressed political views, many commented on the difference between their conservative hometowns and the liberal college campus. Many agreed with Derrick who said, "I feel politics is a big thing here, but it's not like you have to be into it or you have to discuss it… You have to listen though." Some students believed an openly conservative student would have a difficult time finding a community on campus. "You'd be very judged for it." Isaac said, "I have a friend who was talking to a friend about some of his political views and the night ended in a very awkward manner."</p> <p>Another part of their social integration into the campus community was their relationship with the party culture. Many students were surprised by the party culture when asked about unexpected parts of college life. Faith said, "A lot more parties and this [college] doesn't really have the reputation of a party school." Brooke said, "It's almost like an odd dynamic because you have the stereotypical partiers and the nerds at other schools, but here it's… everyone." She added that she was shocked to see a "partier" earn the top grade in her class. All the female students in the group and none of the male students expressed a view that attending a party is part of the college experience. Chloe added:</p> <p>For me, it was like a fear of missing out and like we're all college kids. It seems like the stereotype is we're going to get drunk every Friday and Saturday night. I showed up to those things because it was what I thought I needed to do, especially the first couple weeks. It's what I thought I needed to do to make friends and establish a group here. And then I realized that that is not necessarily true.</p> <p>Brooke said she went to a party, "expecting to endure it… because that's just what you do." Abby said, "I felt like I should probably go to a party at some point." None of the female students said they felt pressure to consume alcohol and most of them indicated a thoughtful approach to selecting which parties to attend.</p> <p>These students demonstrated adaptability in forming friendships with peers from non-rural backgrounds, leveraging their rural identities as conversation starters while engaging in diverse campus activities that led to meaningful connections. Despite their initial concerns about political differences and party culture, these students built social networks and found their place within the college community while maintaining, and in many cases embracing their rural identities.</p> <hd id="AN0186551532-7">Discussion</hd> <p></p> <p>The findings of this study present new insights into the experiences of rural students transitioning to a highly selective urban university. The integrated theoretical framework of Bronfenbrenner's ecological system theory and Schlossberg's transition theory offer a new way of understanding the complex dynamics of the college transition for rural students. Using this framework, I highlight four key points in this discussion:</p> <p>Rural Identity Formation, Ecological Systems, and Self Development</p> <p>Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory provides a useful lens to examine the rural student transition. The first year of college represents a significant shift in these students' microsystem and mesosystems, moving from a familiar rural environment surrounded by family and friends, many of whom they have known their whole lives, to a new urban university campus filled with new people, academic jargon, and cultural diversity. The differences between male and female motivations for enrollment at an elite institution — an inspirational role model for females and a desire to be different than complacent peers for males — reflect the microsystem and mesosystem levels, where peer influences play a crucial role in shaping educational aspirations. The trailblazer mentality makes sense for males because previous research found that men in rural communities hold stronger ties to rural economies and are less likely to attend college (Byun et al., 2015). This would imply that the males in this study may have weaker ties to rural economies, opening their postsecondary options beyond that of their high school peers.</p> <p>This environmental change of enrolling at an elite institution catalyzed a process of rural identity formation as students encountered peers from diverse backgrounds and attempted to build upon the novelty of their background, while mitigating any negative assumptions, to develop a social network. The contrast between their home communities and the college environment forced students to critically reflect on their rural upbringings, leading to heightened awareness of how rurality shaped their habitus. This process aligns with Schlossberg's "situation" and "self" components as students reassessed their personal and demographic characteristics in light of their new surroundings. To cope with the transition to the new environment, students had to go through an internal negotiation of what aspects of their background to maintain, what to let go of, and what to share with their peers. Ganss (2016) found rural students at a state university became conscious of their rural identities only after being exposed to diversity. Even though some students in this study wanted to attend a college with a diverse student body, these students had not considered how exposure to different perspectives would initiate reflection on their identity. It appeared that students who made a healthy transition found important ways of embracing and sharing their rural identity without letting it alienate them from non-rural peers.</p> <p>Academic Adaptation and Coping Strategies'</p> <p>Entering a new academic environment to find increased expectations can be understood through Bronfenbrenner's exosystem. The university upheld academic standards that differed significantly from those of their rural public high schools. The change in academic environment challenge students' perceptions of their academic abilities, as many had been top performers in their high schools. This challenge created an 'imposter syndrome' causing the students to question whether their admission had been a mistake. Research has demonstrated that feelings of not belonging are common among students from underrepresented backgrounds, including women, racial and ethnic minorities, low-income, and first-generation students (Clance & Imes, 1978; Holden et al., 2024; Peteet et al., 2015). It is important to consider how the underrepresented identities of rural students at elite institutions can also lead to stress and imposter syndrome.</p> <p>However, in order for students to develop coping "strategies", the final component of Schlossberg's transition theory, they must build social "support" in their new environment. To adapt to the increased workload, these students sought help from peers and professors when needed. The unexpected level of collaboration with peers and faculty emerged as a key support system in their academic and social transitions. Peer collaboration has been found to have a significant positive effect on students' academic motivation (Loes, 2022). Meanwhile, a study on rural students transition to a flagship university found that on-campus resources, including faculty support, were important factors for student persistence (Goldman, 2019).</p> <p>Social Integration and Environmental Influence</p> <p>The social integration of rural students into the campus community reflects the integrated approach of using Bronfenbrenner and Schlossberg's model demonstrating the interplay between the former's mesosystem and the latter's "strategy" component. Being in a new situation was a trigger for students to form new social relationships. These students found that their rural background served as a conversation starter, facilitating initial icebreakers, however, they recognized that the need for deeper engagement to form lasting friendships meant finding shared interests and common ground with their peers. The students' participation in extracurricular activities demonstrates their effort to develop their mesosystem with the new college environment. This finding aligns with previous research that highly involved high school students tend to maintain high involvement in college (Berger & Milem, 1999), while also contradicting some earlier findings about rural students' college involvement at a public, less selective university (Ganss, 2016). This indicates possible student-level and institutional-level influences on social integration.</p> <p>Limitations</p> <p>One of the limitations of the study is that the students who volunteered to participate may be disproportionately highly involved students which would misrepresent the community engagement of rural students. Even though focus group interviews allow participants to build upon others' comments, some students may have been more comfortable sharing their feelings, especially vulnerable moments, in individual interviews than in a group setting. The results of this study are not intended to be generalized for a larger population, but rather offer direction for future research on the diversity of rural student experiences across the postsecondary landscape.</p> <hd id="AN0186551532-8">Implications</hd> <p></p> <p>By applying the integrated theoretical framework, this study offers an understanding of rural students' transition to elite institutions. The interaction between environmental factors (Bronfenbrenner) and individual coping mechanisms (Schlossberg) highlights the complex process of adaptation these rural students undergo during their first year of college. This analysis demonstrates the importance of considering both systemic influences and personal agency in supporting rural students transition at elite universities resulting in implication for both practitioners and researchers.</p> <p>Implications for Practice</p> <p>For practitioners, the findings suggest the need for tailored support systems that address the unique challenges faced by rural students at elite universities. These programs should consider both the environmental and individual factors identified in this study. Implementing peer mentoring programs that pair incoming rural students with upperclassmen from similar background can provide valuable support and guidance during the transition period. The mentor could also encourage their mentees to engage in extracurricular activities that will introduce them to students with similar interests from other geographic backgrounds.</p> <p>Implications for Research</p> <p>For researchers, this study underscores the importance of further investigation into rural identity development. The findings, along with previous research (Cain, 2020), indicate that rurality plays a significant role in how students perceive themselves within their college community. There is a clear need for the development of a formal theory on rural identity development and Ardoin and Koon (2024) have started the process by engaging rural students as co-researchers in creating this definition.</p> <p>Furthermore, this study suggests that the transition experience of rural students is different depending on the type of institution attended. For instance, the social integration of the students in this study was quite high. It is entirely possible that the admission process at a selective institution is more likely to select students who demonstrate a higher likelihood of getting involved in college. It could also be true that academically motivated students who are willing to travel far for college are also motivated to be involved in college. Further research is necessary to develop a better understanding of differences in rural student engagement at different types of institutions.</p> <hd id="AN0186551532-9">Conclusion</hd> <p></p> <p>As colleges continue efforts to recruit more rural students to campus, student affairs must be prepared to support them. The literature on rural student college transition and their experience in college is limited. This study adds another perspective to that conversation, but more comprehensive studies are important to uncovering rural student identity development and creating generalized knowledge that can inform the work of student affairs professionals at a variety of higher education institutions.</p> <p> <ephtml> <div class="table-size-normal table-border"><table border="1"><tr><td>Table 1</td></tr><tr><td>Focus Group Participants by Sex and Home State</td></tr><tr><td>Student Pseudonym</td><td>Sex</td><td>Home State</td><td>Focus Group</td></tr><tr><td>Abby</td><td>Female</td><td>Minnesota</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Brooke</td><td>Female</td><td>Montana</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Chloe</td><td>Female</td><td>West Virgina</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Derrick</td><td>Male</td><td>New York</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Eric</td><td>Male</td><td>Wyoming</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Faith</td><td>Female</td><td>Michigan</td><td>2</td></tr><tr><td>George</td><td>Male</td><td>Kansas</td><td>2</td></tr><tr><td>Henry</td><td>Male</td><td>Maine</td><td>2</td></tr><tr><td>Isaac</td><td>Male</td><td>Mississippi</td><td>2</td></tr><tr><td>John</td><td>Male</td><td>Wisconsin</td><td>2</td></tr></table></div> </ephtml> </p> <ref id="AN0186551532-10"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Ardoin, S. 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  Data: The First-Year Transition of Rural Students at a Highly Selective University
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  Data: Drawing from focus group interviews with rural students at a highly selective university, this article underscores the importance of the notion that the college transition serves as a key moment of rural consciousness. Bringing together the perspectives of Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory and Schlossberg's transition theory, the findings from this study suggest students' academic and social experiences may differ across institutional types. As colleges strive to diversify their student bodies and promote inclusivity, insights from the study of rural students can inform the development of effective retention and support strategies.
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        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Student Experience
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Student Diversity
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Inclusion
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Rural Population
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: School Holding Power
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Academic Persistence
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Peer Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Teacher Student Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Social Integration
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Urban Universities
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: The First-Year Transition of Rural Students at a Highly Selective University
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Ryan Creps
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2025
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0888-210X
            – Type: issn-electronic
              Value: 2381-2338
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 43
            – Type: issue
              Value: 1
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: College Student Affairs Journal
              Type: main
ResultId 1