Undocumented Community College Students: Understanding How Social Support Facilitates Their College Persistence
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| Title: | Undocumented Community College Students: Understanding How Social Support Facilitates Their College Persistence |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Cinthya Salazar (ORCID |
| Source: | Community College Review. 2025 53(4):478-501. |
| Availability: | SAGE Publications. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks, CA 91320. Tel: 800-818-7243; Tel: 805-499-9774; Fax: 800-583-2665; e-mail: journals@sagepub.com; Web site: https://sagepub.com |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 24 |
| Publication Date: | 2025 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Education Level: | Higher Education Postsecondary Education Two Year Colleges |
| Descriptors: | Community College Students, Undocumented Immigrants, Social Support Groups, Resources, Influences, Academic Persistence, Student Attitudes, Community Colleges, College Environment |
| Geographic Terms: | Virginia |
| DOI: | 10.1177/00915521251340067 |
| ISSN: | 0091-5521 1940-2325 |
| Abstract: | Objective: Most undocumented students enter higher education through community colleges, yet these institutions typically offer less support than four-year universities. Using Shumaker and Brownell's theory of social support, we aimed to understand how resources at community colleges influenced undocumented students' persistence. Specifically, we sought to answer the following research questions: (a) What social support is available to undocumented community college students? (b) What specific resources do undocumented community college students receive from providers of social support? and (c) How does the social support undocumented community college students receive, if any, influence their college persistence? Methodology: We used a participatory action research (PAR) approach and qualitative case study methodology. Findings: We found that undocumented community college students relied on emotional sustenance from family and friends. Furthermore, they piecemealed material support and information in the absence of institutional assistance. Our data showed that only a select few undocumented students earned social support within the community college setting due to their campus involvement. Contributions: Our findings have implications for higher education practice, including opportunities to provide social support through peer mentoring programs, more engagement with faculty, and the community college engaging students' families. Finally, our findings also have implications for research, including recruiting a more diverse student population, exploring the experiences of undocumented student leaders at community colleges, and conducting research in varying state contexts. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2025 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1481915 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwE3lflYJyBPiB7g1R34CQCwAAAA4jCB3wYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHRMIHOAgEAMIHIBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDE_YBcaxaPdLtWWgbgIBEICBmuuEVlU8GD6ouLIAzL6OX1_IsyDGidE3ZkuTU0K5vKLcRf3MOa2jlU5sg6KjHdE4kGFZCsK58VQ3oqFhWoFcA6uFVMCuyVwkRxKPL8pJDBJRkaiCHIaNezd_Cly3MxR_J1kByX_HU0zALND2uBrS4aTv7hH7vcBxqE0RJ9IOBodvZeHmKUYG43lIvQN-wB4Zj65aeSb3dscf5wE= Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0187457164;ccr01oct.25;2025Aug25.03:11;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0187457164-1">Undocumented Community College Students: Understanding How Social Support Facilitates Their College Persistence </title> <p>Objective: Most undocumented students enter higher education through community colleges, yet these institutions typically offer less support than four-year universities. Using Shumaker and Brownell's theory of social support, we aimed to understand how resources at community colleges influenced undocumented students' persistence. Specifically, we sought to answer the following research questions: (a) What social support is available to undocumented community college students? (b) What specific resources do undocumented community college students receive from providers of social support? and (c) How does the social support undocumented community college students receive, if any, influence their college persistence? Methodology: We used a participatory action research (PAR) approach and qualitative case study methodology. Findings: We found that undocumented community college students relied on emotional sustenance from family and friends. Furthermore, they piecemealed material support and information in the absence of institutional assistance. Our data showed that only a select few undocumented students earned social support within the community college setting due to their campus involvement. Contributions: Our findings have implications for higher education practice, including opportunities to provide social support through peer mentoring programs, more engagement with faculty, and the community college engaging students' families. Finally, our findings also have implications for research, including recruiting a more diverse student population, exploring the experiences of undocumented student leaders at community colleges, and conducting research in varying state contexts.</p> <p>Keywords: undocumented students; community college; social support</p> <p>Over 400,000 undocumented students[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref1">4</reflink>] attend postsecondary education, most of whom are enrolled at public colleges and universities ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref2">14</reflink>]). Researchers estimate that the majority of undocumented students enter higher education through community colleges ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref3">1</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref4">33</reflink>]). Community colleges' lower tuition costs compared to four-year institutions facilitate undocumented students' access to higher education ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref5">21</reflink>]). When undocumented students enroll at community colleges, they often avoid extra costs associated with a degree, such as room and board fees. In addition, by attending community colleges, undocumented students can also continue fulfilling family responsibilities, like caring for siblings, while pursuing higher education ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref6">4</reflink>]).</p> <p>Research shows that undocumented students often find motivation and support in their families as they seek higher education opportunities ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref7">23</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref8">24</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref9">34</reflink>]). But apart from their families, what social support is available to undocumented students attending community college? Knowing that community colleges typically offer fewer support structures to their student body than four-year universities ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref10">22</reflink>]), we are interested in understanding how the resources available at community colleges, if any, may influence undocumented students' college persistence. In particular, we aim to answer the following research questions: (a) What social support is available to undocumented community college students? (b) What specific resources do undocumented community college students receive from providers of social support? and (c) How does the social support undocumented community college students receive, if any, influence their college persistence? Uncovering this information can result in a greater understanding of the undocumented community college experience and shed light on how resources within campus environments play a role in their college persistence.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-2">Review of Relevant Literature</hd> <p>In this section, we review relevant literature on the experiences of undocumented community college students. We focus on the barriers they encounter and then illuminate the persistence strategies they implement through their community college journeys.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-3">Barriers to Degree Completion at Community Colleges</hd> <p>Undocumented students enrolling at community colleges typically experience financial difficulties that thwart their persistence ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref11">1</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref12">33</reflink>]). Half the states do not offer undocumented students access to in-state resident tuition (ISRT) rates. Also, the federal government denies them access to federal financial aid, and only about 18 states provide them access to state aid ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref13">14</reflink>]). Undocumented students, sometimes from lower-income families, have financial hardships further exacerbated by needing to support relatives who may also be undocumented and find their wages negatively affected ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref14">33</reflink>]). Even when they do not financially support their family, undocumented students commonly work to pay for tuition and personal expenses ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref15">28</reflink>]).</p> <p>Furthermore, undocumented students can face unfriendly and unaccommodating community college campus climates, negatively impacting them emotionally and socially ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref16">2</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref17">19</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref18">20</reflink>]). Even at community colleges in states perceived to be more welcoming to undocumented students, like California, they can feel unsafe on campus after befriending peers who later express anti-immigrant views ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref19">19</reflink>]). Moreover, although some institutional climates might be friendly, a shortage of services for undocumented students at community colleges may contribute to unsupportive campus environments ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref20">32</reflink>]). For example, while 4-year institutions may offer access to a healthcare center, this is not typically true at 2-year institutions ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref21">22</reflink>]). Accessibility to a health center could help with the stress undocumented students often feel due to their precarious immigration status and alleviate the negative impact of a lack of access to medical and mental health resources. Without these stressors, undocumented students at community colleges may have more capacity to focus on their higher education pursuits.</p> <p>Research also shows undocumented students at community colleges often feel discouraged from completing their degrees through unhelpful interactions with staff trained improperly to answer questions about their unique needs ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref22">20</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref23">36</reflink>]). Sometimes, they pay more than necessary because staff on their campuses never inform them that financial assistance is available to them as undocumented students in states with access to state aid ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref24">19</reflink>]). Also, experiencing intentional and unintentional microaggressions through interactions with campus personnel is unfortunately common among undocumented students at community colleges ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref25">20</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref26">23</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref27">36</reflink>]). These pervasive negative exchanges do not promote degree completion; on the contrary, they can result in undocumented students' attrition within the community college setting. Despite these obstacles, research shows that undocumented students at community colleges have found several ways to persist.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-4">Persistence Strategies and Support</hd> <p>While undocumented students are systematically blocked from numerous higher education opportunities ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref28">22</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref29">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref30">33</reflink>]), civic engagement, like volunteering and marching, is one of the many mechanisms they use to navigate barriers and persist through their time in community college ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref31">4</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref32">10</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref33">34</reflink>]). For example, following Donald Trump's first election, protesting and marching on and off campus helped undocumented students at an urban community college feel affirmed and vent negative emotions ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref34">4</reflink>]). Also, assisting fellow immigrants through community service helps restore undocumented community college students' sense of purpose ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref35">34</reflink>]). Collectively, these civic engagement efforts can often relieve the feelings of distress caused by their immigration status and offer them opportunities to build supportive peer and community networks ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref36">23</reflink>]).</p> <p>While less common, some literature shows that certain undocumented students at community colleges find support before and during their college years, helping them persist ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref37">10</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref38">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref39">34</reflink>]). This limited body of work shows how family and peers can positively guide undocumented students through the community college experience ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref40">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref41">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref42">23</reflink>]). Also, receiving mentorship from high school staff and nonprofit personnel when enrolling at community colleges is beneficial to undocumented students who are unsure of their options for postsecondary opportunities ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref43">19</reflink>]). A few studies show that once at a community college, a few faculty and advisors may be able to help undocumented students, particularly when they seek financial aid information ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref44">5</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref45">23</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref46">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref47">34</reflink>]); however, this help is not often readily accessible. When these resources are available, undocumented students actively use them, applying for assistance and engaging in professional and personal development programs ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref48">5</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref49">10</reflink>]).</p> <p>Our review of relevant literature revealed that few studies directly illuminate the support and resources available to undocumented students at community colleges. Most of this research has implicitly uncovered these data (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref50">2</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref51">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref52">34</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref53">36</reflink>]), suggesting that fewer support services may be available at community college settings for undocumented students. Furthermore, most of the available research on this topic centers the experiences of undocumented students at community colleges in states that provide them access to ISRT and state financial aid, like California (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref54">10</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref55">19</reflink>]), which can theoretically result in greater access to institutional support structures. Thus, questions remain about what social support undocumented students at community colleges have and how available resources, if any, influence their college persistence across diverse state contexts.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-5">Theoretical Framework</hd> <p>The theoretical framework guiding this study is [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref56">30</reflink>] theory of social support derived from the field of psychology. Shumaker and Brownell define social support as "an exchange of resources between two individuals perceived by the provider or the recipient to be intended to enhance the well-being of the recipient" (p. 11). Social support benefits people in three significant ways. First, it provides resources such as "emotional sustenance," "material or tangible assistance," and "information" ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref57">30</reflink>], p. 22). Emotional sustenance can manifest in expressing care, love, understanding, and concern, which can consequently enhance the recipient's sense of belonging. Material or tangible examples of social support a provider offers include money, skills, services, and task sharing. Examples of information include potential coping strategies and referral to others.</p> <p>Second, access to social support helps the recipient sustain health through increased interconnectedness, "self-identity maintenance" and development, and "self-esteem enhancement" ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref58">30</reflink>], p. 23). Interconnectedness results from feelings of belonging with a person or group, providing the social support recipient with a strong sense of closeness. Social support can increase their self-worth and awareness ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref59">30</reflink>]). Consequently, the well-being of the recipient of social support is positively affected.</p> <p>The third way social support benefits recipients, according to [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref60">30</reflink>], is through stress-reducing functions connected to the processes of "cognitive appraisal" and "cognitive adaptation" (p. 24). Cognitive appraisal refers to how an individual interprets a potential stressor and assesses the available resources for managing the situation. Cognitive adaptation is a method used to manage stressful events with which an individual can gain a sense of control after making meaning of a stressful incident. Social support can play a positive role in these two processes and alleviate the tensions individuals experience.</p> <p>[<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref61">30</reflink>] emphasize how receiving social support can create a feeling of indebtedness toward providers. To relieve these pressures, recipients of social support can directly reciprocate with providers. Also, recipients can help someone other than the provider of their social support or think of the support as motivated by somebody else, like a supervisor of the provider, to avoid feeling burdened. When the pressures of seeking help are not alleviated, a person may choose not to ask for assistance, reject support, or perceive social support as negative.</p> <p>The handful of studies that have indirectly illuminated the support and resources available to undocumented community college students (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref62">2</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref63">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref64">34</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref65">36</reflink>]) show the positive role of peers and family in guiding undocumented students through the community college experience ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref66">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref67">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref68">23</reflink>]). For example, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref69">23</reflink>] described how undocumented community college participants relied on friends for finding jobs, which provided income for paying tuition. [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref70">8</reflink>] found that undocumented community college students in urban and suburban areas credited their parents' encouragement to pursue higher education. While this scholarship has implicitly exposed some external support available for undocumented students, questions remain about what social support helps undocumented students persist in their community college studies. Thus, we use [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref71">30</reflink>] social support theory as an analytical lens to explore how, if at all, resources influence undocumented students' persistence in the community college environment.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-6">Methodology</hd> <p>We used a participatory action research (PAR) approach and a qualitative case study methodology to investigate how the social support available, if any, to undocumented students enrolled at a community college in the Commonwealth of Virginia influenced their persistence. A PAR methodology seeks to engage community members impacted by the phenomenon as co-researchers through multiple investigation phases ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref72">7</reflink>]). During the design and data collection phases of the study, a research collective of current and former undocumented community members generated all data to honor the essence of PAR.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref73">5</reflink>] Most members of the research collective continued their engagement in the study, analyzing data and writing this paper. However, during the data analysis phase, our group expanded and included second-generation immigrants committed to supporting undocumented students through their roles as educators. Because PAR centers action toward social justice and transformation, several members of the research collective shared the findings and practice implications with administrators at the research site because they had the power to improve undocumented students' conditions and foster positive change within the institution.</p> <p>A PAR process facilitates the use of additional research methodologies and methods; thus, based on the purpose of our study, we selected a qualitative case study approach. Qualitative case study research examines a bounded system to understand a phenomenon through multiple data sources ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref74">17</reflink>]). It requires selecting a site to study the phenomenon of interest and delineating the boundaries of the case or cases based on the study's aims ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref75">17</reflink>]). Our research site was Virginia Community College (VCC; a pseudonym), a public multi-campus community college in the Commonwealth of Virginia. We considered each participant a bounded case and examined how each experienced the phenomenon under study, accounting for multiple contextual factors affecting their experiences.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-7">Research Site and Context</hd> <p>We selected VCC as our research site because, with approximately 700 undocumented students enrolled, it was the community college in Virginia with the greatest number of undocumented students in 2018 when we collected data ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref76">13</reflink>]). At the time of data collection, a policy interpretation by the Commonwealth's Attorney General ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref77">31</reflink>]) had only allowed DACA recipients access to ISRT. Furthermore, the state did not allow undocumented students to access state aid.[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref78">6</reflink>] These combined factors significantly affected undocumented students' access to and experience of higher education ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref79">25</reflink>]).</p> <p>At the time of data collection, the VCC multi-campus structure allowed students to take classes in six locations. However, not all VCC campuses offered the same support to undocumented students. In 2018, only one campus offered a student organization to advocate for undocumented students, VCC DREAMers (pseudonym), facilitating relationships between students and allies. Also, VCC DREAMers partnered with student organizations throughout the Commonwealth to help students transfer to four-year institutions, if desired, and lobbied at the state level for immigration policies. Other than this student-led organization, no other specific institutional resources were available to undocumented students at any VCC campus in 2018.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-8">Recruitment and Sample</hd> <p>Participants eligible for this study had to (a) be undergraduate students attending VCC or have graduated or transferred from VCC in the 2017 to 2018 academic year, (b) have persisted at least one academic year at VCC, (c) identify as an undocumented student with or without DACA, and (d) be at least 18 years old. We recruited all participants through on-campus student groups, nonprofit organizations, and snowball sampling techniques ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref80">12</reflink>]). Twelve students participated. Most participants' pronouns were she/her/hers (<emph>n</emph> = 9); the rest were he/him/his (<emph>n</emph> = 3). All participants were born in Latin American countries, including Bolivia (<emph>n</emph> = 5), El Salvador (<emph>n</emph> = 4), Ecuador (<emph>n</emph> = 1), Guatemala (<emph>n</emph> = 1), and Peru (<emph>n</emph> = 1). Most participants arrived in the United States before they were 11 years old (<emph>n</emph> = 10), and all were between the age of 18 and 26 at the time of the study. Ten were DACA recipients. All participants intended to transfer to a four-year institution. See Table A1 for the table of participants.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-9">Data Sources</hd> <p>As part of this study, we collected data through a demographics questionnaire, a focus group, and individual interviews. As we recruited participants, we asked them to complete the demographics questionnaire that included questions related race, ethnicity, and age. We also asked open-ended questions, such as how students financed their education. We engaged five participants in a focus group to stimulate collective discussions and foster an in-depth conversation ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref81">16</reflink>]). The focus group occurred in July 2018, prior to individual interviews. It involved a semi-structured protocol in which we asked students to discuss the barriers they encountered as undocumented students at VCC and they actions they had taken to navigate those barriers. We also asked focus group participants to share information and knowledge about resources and strategies to persist. Conducting focus groups prior to individual interviews helped us gain a collective perspective on the phenomenon and refer to such data as needed during the interviews.</p> <p>We engaged 11 participants in interviews to understand individual perspectives and to involve each participant in the knowledge-production process. Interviews lasted 75 min on average. One of the students in the focus group did not complete an interview, and seven students who completed interviews did not attend the focus group. Thus, we had 12 unique participants.</p> <p>We conducted the individual interviews in late July and early August 2018 and included questions such as the following: (a) can you share how your immigration status affects your college experiences? (b) think about the people or organizations that have supported you as a college student; can you share who or what comes to mind? All participants received a $10 Starbucks gift card per session. Some received two gift cards.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-10">Data Analysis</hd> <p>Focus groups and interviews were transcribed verbatim by an external provider. The transcripts were verified for accuracy by a research team member. To analyze the data, we developed a codebook with deductive codes connected to the theoretical framework ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref82">27</reflink>]). Then we began open-coding transcripts to identify inductive codes. The final codebook included 78 codes associated with the theoretical framework and phenomenon under study. Examples of deductive codes include (a) receiving feedback about behaviors, attitudes, or both; (b) referrals to others who can help; and (c) enhancing self-esteem. Examples of inductive codes include (a) stress-inducing effects, (b) joining undocumented communities, and (c) sticking to trusted people.</p> <p>After finalizing the codebook, two team members coded each transcript line-by-line and wrote analytical memos highlighting connections between the theory and the data. Also, two other team members read all transcripts and submitted reflective memos emphasizing general considerations of the phenomenon under study. Four team members examined each transcript in detail, allowing us to engage in triangulation throughout the analysis process ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref83">17</reflink>]). Due to IRB-approved procedures that included a waiver of signed consent from participants, we were unable to engage in member checking because we could not initiate contact with participants beyond the data generation steps. Yet, in addition to triangulation, we engaged in peer debriefing to further bolster the trustworthiness of the study ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref84">17</reflink>]). As a research team, we met bi-weekly to discuss our analysis and to collectively identify emerging themes related to the study's research questions. During our peer debriefing sessions, we also contrasted the data generated via the focus groups and interviews to ensure a deeper understanding of the phenomenon.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-11">Reflexivity Statement</hd> <p>Qualitative inquiry involves deeply examining the researcher's positionality, epistemologies, feelings, and assumptions about the research topic and participants ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref85">12</reflink>]). Practicing reflexivity can reduce biases throughout the research process and strengthen trustworthiness. It allows researchers to be aware of their philosophical and epistemic orientations and recognize how those may influence the design of investigations ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref86">12</reflink>]). Engaging in reflexivity was essential for us, particularly as several of us can relate to the topic under study, and all have an immigrant background. Each of us is a first- or second-generation immigrant with an understanding of migration experiences. Yet, since a few of us were born in the United States, we acknowledge the different privileges we carry and recognize our limited understanding of what it means to be undocumented. Though we all have navigated diverse challenges through higher education, only one of us has experienced navigating community college. Thus, we are conscious of our outsider positionalities as none of us is currently an undocumented community college student, and we know we cannot fully understand the experiences of participants who are navigating VCC with precarious immigration statuses. Although our positionalities diverge, we all share a commitment to undocumented students. We all entered this study to advocate for inclusive education practices. Because of our immigrant backgrounds, we know that systemic oppression plays a role in how participants access and persist in higher education, and we sought to understand their stories critically. We reflected on how systemic inequities affected participants' ability to gain resources. Without this reflexivity, our analysis would have been limited and potentially contributed to deficit narratives about undocumented community college students.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-12">Findings</hd> <p>Our analysis suggests that undocumented students attending VCC received all three types of social support represented in the theoretical framework, including (a) emotional, (b) tangible or material, and (c) information from various individuals. Most participants spoke extensively about receiving valuable emotional resources, such as guidance and comfort from family and peers before and during their community college years. Also, several participants obtained information and material support, such as money, from relatives, friends, and community organizations. Fewer participants relied on VCC institutional agents like faculty and administrators for general assistance and information. However, when VCC institutional agents were available to serve as social support, they provided crucial resources that foster undocumented students' persistence. In this section, we expand on these themes.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-13">Emotional Sustenance to Navigate Community College</hd> <p>In discussing the social support participants received throughout their community college journeys, we found that all participants identified at least one individual who provided emotional sustenance before and during their time at VCC. Participants spoke about family, peers, significant others, and a few high school educators whose words of encouragement, affection, and other expressions of care helped them navigate their pathways to and through community college. Unfortunately, participants did not describe receiving emotional sustenance from community college faculty and administrators.</p> <p>Receiving emotional support before college was crucial as it was a stepping stone for some participants to consider higher education. Veronica, a nontraditional college-aged student who had completed between 30 and 60 credits at the time of the interview, explained how her U.S. education journey began with encouragement and guidance from her cousin. She said,</p> <p>She [cousin]... says, "What are you going to do?" I say, "I don't know, my mom just wants me to work." And she says, "No, you're [in your twenties]."[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref87">7</reflink>] And I tell her, "But we don't have documents, how am I going to get into school?" And she tells me, "No, I'm studying... at the high school. I will help you get in." So I said "Okay." And she [cousin] goes to talk to my mom, and my mom says, "No, she already studied, she's not going to keep studying." So, I just said, "Okay, well." But my cousin got into an argument with my mom. She told her, "No, Vero has to study, she's smart."</p> <p>Veronica detailed that she was concerned about not having proper documentation to attend high school and that she felt pressure from her mom to work. Yet, her cousin provided reassurance and advocated on Veronica's behalf so she could continue her studies in the United States. The emotional support Veronica received from her cousin gave her the confidence to prioritize her education. Without her cousin's care and encouragement, Veronica would not have decided to attend high school and acquire the necessary credentials to enroll at community college.</p> <p>While less widespread across the data, participants spoke about receiving emotional support from trustworthy K-12 educators. When available, this resource was significant for participants. Debbie, who had completed less than 30 credits at the time of the interview due to reduced courseloads throughout her time in community college, described how her high school counselor was of great help during and after high school. She said, "My high school counselor. Even after high school... she continued to hold my hand throughout my first two years of college. And... whatever I need, she's always there." Debbie's high school counselor provided care, understanding, and encouragement. Counselors often provide support in the form of information and tangible resources, but Debbie's counselor gave her emotional support beyond her K-12 years, enabling her to pursue college. Debbie may not have been able to transition to higher education without this caring relationship; thus, she continued to rely on her counselor once she enrolled at VCC.</p> <p>Emotional support was also crucial for participants once at community college. Most participants spoke about how their families provided comfort when they experienced challenges. José, who had completed all required credits at VCC, talked about his parents' validation when he felt uncertain about his pathway. He shared, "[W]hatever happens [with DACA], I won't stop pursuing what I want.... My parents [say]... 'Whatever happens, we're going to keep working hard. We're going to keep being a united family.'" José's parents affirmed that their family was the biggest priority, helping him focus on the bigger picture. For José, his parents' example was vital in moments of despair. The words of encouragement José received from his parents promoted his internal motivation and persistence.</p> <p>Like José, Francisco, who had completed all required credits at VCC, could count on his mother's emotional support as he navigated challenges. Francisco started college before DACA recipients qualified for ISRT in Virginia, so he experienced significant difficulties paying tuition. He said, "I had DACA but they [VCC] were treating me as an international student. So, the rates there were three times as much... It's a lot. So that held me back almost a year." Because Francisco had a vision impairment, his mother helped him find a scholarship for people with disabilities. He shared, "My mom and I one day we were off, and we were looking for things [resources] and we were fortunate we came across it. We read up on it and then I just applied for it." With the newly found funding, Francisco re-enrolled at VCC. He continued, "Until I was able to get the resources, I only took about two classes... I was also putting aside money for me, for my family, my mom, who wanted to help me pay for college." Francisco's mom could not provide him with tangible resources to pay for college. Nonetheless, she emotionally supported him during his distress, motivating him to continue and "finish school."</p> <p>In addition to relatives, participants mentioned how their peers and friends served as sources of encouragement and motivation. For example, Nelcy, who was transferring to a four-year institution after completing all VCC credits, detailed the emotional encouragement and reassurance she received from peers who were part of the VCC DREAMers student organization. She stated,</p> <p>So first, I wasn't very open about my story until last year when I joined [VCC DREAMers] in [VCC] and that's when basically, I was inspired by all their stories. Just them being so brave and telling them to like deans or people who were working for the deans, high people that work for the school or anywhere else. I just got inspired like, "Wow. If they could do it, I could do it." We did this UndocuAlly [training] and then, that's when one of my friends, [name], he basically put me on the spot of telling my story and I felt comfortable telling it and then, ever since then I just want to tell everyone.</p> <p>For Nelcy, finding a community of individuals who shared similar experiences and identities allowed her to feel included. Her peers accepted her and encouraged her to share her story. The emotional support that VCC DREAMers provided to Nelcy allowed her to gain confidence, establish a community of support, and feel a sense of belonging at VCC.</p> <p>Our analysis suggests that the experiences of participants within the community college setting were tied to how they had entered higher education. In particular, emotional support facilitated both college access and persistence. Words of affirmation and encouragement from relatives, friends, and K-12 educators before and during participants' time at VCC allowed them to feel cared for, motivated, and seen, helping them gain the confidence they needed to navigate community college and pursue their aspirations.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-14">Piecemealed Material Support and Information</hd> <p>Our analysis suggests that tangible resources and information were rarely provided by VCC. Consequently, undocumented students either had to seek out these resources on their own, or attain them from family, peers, community organizations, or external mentors. It was evident that participants did not count on one support system to provide them with all the assistance they needed, and that the community college was not prepared to support them as undocumented students.</p> <p>When speaking about her need for financial assistance to cover her cost of attendance at VCC, Lilly, who had completed all required VCC credits at the time of the interview and was transferring to a 4-year university, talked about her parents helping her pay for tuition despite encountering economic concerns. She said,</p> <p>My parents actually pay for my tuition... I get really stressed-out during exams, or if I think I'm going to get a C in a class, I'm just like, "Oh, my God. My parents paid for my classes, and I'm receiving a C." You know, I don't want to let them down.</p> <p>Financial help from her parents helped Lilly enroll in college and persist. Because her parents were helping her financially, Lilly did not want to disappoint them and felt pressure to excel academically. Unfortunately, she had to rely on them for financial support because VCC did not offer any scholarships to undocumented students and her overall financial aid options were limited due to her immigration status.</p> <p>Because participants were unable to find tangible support from VCC, they relied on other sources, such as peers. This support was indispensable to participants' persistence. Yeimy, a part-time student who had earned less than 30 credits, said her friends helped her find employment and suitable housing:</p> <p>Then I had to move to [area]. My friend... her parents had this painting company, and she was like, "You can come work with us. I know you want to go to [VCC]. You can pay your tuition out of it." I took the opportunity, and within a week I had moved out of the house without officially moving. I was like, "Mom, you know it's getting hard for me to commute from [area] to here. Although this family is willing to help me and drive me back and forth, I feel like it's unfair for them to do that." She was like, "Okay."</p> <p>For Yeimy, having an alternative place to live allowed her to continue her education because it reduced the stress of life complications. She later expressed that she could not have continued attending college without the material support of her friend and the scholarships she subsequently received from a local nonprofit organization.</p> <p>Receiving tangible support from various local and national community organizations, mainly through financial assistance, was crucial to participants' persistence in community college. Participants reported that, due to the lack of financial support at VCC, they spent numerous hours engaging with community organizations that offered competitive scholarships. Nelcy talked about the moment she received a reputable scholarship from a national immigrant rights organization and how she felt. She said: "The [national organization] emailed me saying, 'Hey, you got this scholarship.' That was such a huge accomplishment. I told my parents. They were crying. They don't have to worry about anything." For Nelcy, receiving a competitive national scholarship helped her feel proud and recognized as a student leader in immigrant rights advocacy. Material support in the form of a full tuition scholarship helped alleviate her and her parents' financial concerns. Additionally, it boosted her self-esteem and validated her efforts.</p> <p>Not all participants found tangible aid through family, friends, or community organizations. Carmen, who had completed less than 30 credits due to several breaks during her college journey, found financial help through a missionary community with whom she had strong connections. When she only had enough funds to take one class per semester, the missionaries pushed her to take more courses. She said,</p> <p>The director for the missionaries. He has a wife and a kid... They knew I was struggling. I was only going to enroll for one class again. They were like, "No, come on, you can do more." I was like, "No, you haven't seen my bank account. I really can't." [They said], "Why don't we pay for your school, and you can baby sit for us?" I was like, "What?" "Well, yeah, we'll just pay you now for your school tuition and you can just baby sit for us throughout the whole school year."</p> <p>Without receiving material resources from the missionaries, Carmen would have taken much longer to complete course requirements. This financial support allowed Carmen to enroll in more credits each semester, which not only reduced her time in college but also reduced her attrition risk.</p> <p>Undocumented community college students gradually and unsystematically acquired the resources they needed to persist in higher education. Sadly, the majority of participants spoke about receiving material support and information from sources external to VCC. While these external sources could not meet all of participants' on-campus needs, they were a critical support system nonetheless. Only a few participants mentioned finding resources within the community college setting. When available, the support offered at VCC was essential to promote students' persistence.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-15">Social Support Within the Community College Setting</hd> <p>Upon analyzing the various types of social support participants received, we considered the few students who acquired help within the VCC environment to be "special cases." These participants received social support, mostly in the form of tangible resources and information, from VCC administrators and faculty. This support played an integral part in participants' college journey and fostered their persistence during critical times. Brenda, who had completed between 30 and 60 credits, was one of the special cases who received social support from VCC institutional agents. She was a highly involved student at VCC, engaging in undocumented students' advocacy work and student government. After disclosing her undocumented status, she gained the support of peers, faculty, and administrators in top-ranking roles. She said that when meeting new people, she would mention: "I'm undocumented. And I want you to know.... I ended up telling a lot of the faculty and staff.... They were so overwhelmingly supportive." When Brenda experienced homelessness, her campus engagement diminished. Administrators noticed and questioned her, so Brenda disclosed she was displaced. This prompted top-ranking administrators, like the vice president of student life, to act. Brenda stated, "All the administrators... reached out to the director of financial stability. They were all like, 'You really need to help her'... It was just overwhelming support." Receiving social support from administrators without asking for it helped Brenda "find a place," reduce college barriers, and persist. She gained crucial resources to continue her education and felt cared for by institutional agents. Brenda's dedication to campus allowed her to form a strong social support network at VCC that supported her and gave her a sense of belonging on campus.</p> <p>Nelcy is another participant who felt supported by VCC faculty and administrators due to her campus involvement with VCC DREAMers. She mentioned,</p> <p>The professors were so supportive... I noticed a lot of people who have a higher position in VCC... They help us [undocumented students] with anything, especially... when Trump... tried to end DACA. Two hours later... the president sent an email to everyone and it made me feel like, "Okay. At least I'm going to feel safe on campus."</p> <p>For Nelcy, it was impactful to be recognized and supported as an undocumented student by faculty and top-ranking administrators. The general messages of safety and campus policy information she received from institutional agents validated her presence on campus and made her feel protected, which was particularly important when the Trump administration announced the end of DACA. Fortunately, this support enhanced Nelcy's VCC experiences and motivated her to persist in college during challenging sociopolitical times.</p> <p>While Brenda and Nelcy found social support at VCC, most participants did not. Unfortunately, the majority of participants only found resources outside the community college environment, for example, through their families and friends. Brenda's and Nelcy's campus involvement promoted their ability to receive assistance and persist through special relationships they had formed with VCC administrators and faculty. Yet, we suggest that their experiences were not conventional and that the community college did not systematically offer supportive structures to help undocumented students navigate their unique higher education barriers.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-16">Discussion</hd> <p>Our findings illuminate the lack of social support undocumented community college students experience within the campus setting. They also demonstrate how undocumented students continue to encounter persistent inequalities when pursuing higher education. Using [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref88">30</reflink>] theory to study what emotional, material, or information support was available to undocumented community college students allowed us to foreground how the scarcity of resources at two-year institutions can negatively influence student persistence, particularly in states with ISRT and state aid restraints. Irregular state tuition and financial assistance policies may leave undocumented students unable to pursue their educational aspirations at four-year institutions. As such, it is critical for community colleges to offer more social support to undocumented students within the campus environment.</p> <p>Our analysis also suggests that participants piecemealed social support to navigate systemic challenges because they did not have access to a supportive structure that systematically offered them all they needed to persist in higher education. Most participants received emotional sustenance, material assistance, and information—all important resources according to [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref89">30</reflink>]–from sources external to the college. All participants received at least one type of social support to help them cope ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref90">30</reflink>]). The support available to undocumented community college students included family, peers, K-12 educators, community organizations, and immigrant rights groups. Sadly, only a few students received social support from faculty and administrators at the institution. These findings demonstrate that undocumented students' college persistence was at risk without outside social support.</p> <p>Current research on undocumented community college students has revealed factors that promote access and retention, such as support from school personnel ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref91">19</reflink>]), financial aid availability ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref92">21</reflink>]), and state tuition policies ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref93">19</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref94">20</reflink>]). Our findings add to this literature by emphasizing how receiving emotional nourishment and tangible resources ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref95">30</reflink>]) from family catalyzes undocumented students' enrollment and persistence. Relatives' motivating words and expressions of care encouraged most participants to pursue college. Accompanying participants to events where they accessed concrete resources, such as scholarships, was another affirmation undocumented students received from family, helping them persist. Although some researchers have described the family's role in undocumented students' college access and persistence ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref96">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref97">24</reflink>]), they have not centered community college participants. Our findings expand scholarly conversations on how the family is a critical support for undocumented students at community colleges, where most start their postsecondary pursuits ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref98">1</reflink>]).</p> <p>Our study also shows how undocumented students at community colleges find social support through peer interactions and volunteering activities for student-led immigrant rights groups. This adds to current research centering undocumented community college students, which demonstrates they often seek to engage civically, promoting their persistence ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref99">4</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref100">10</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref101">23</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref102">34</reflink>]). Numerous participants in our study received emotional support and information from peers, which may not have otherwise been available at their community college. Participants also received guidance from friends when seeking jobs. During critical moments, they even acquired material support through peers, such as financial help and housing. Through friends' social support, undocumented community college students felt a sense of belonging, enhancing their self-esteem and potentially reducing attrition risks.</p> <p>Additionally, our data illustrates how various participants felt indebted when receiving social support. Participants expressed appreciation and obligation when receiving a scholarship or financial help. Although these participants did not see how they could have persisted without the support, they could not evade feeling in debt. To alleviate feelings of obligation, some participants found creative ways to reciprocate, such as babysitting the children of the social support providers, as in the case of Carmen. Others strived to excel academically or pay it forward in exchange for the social support received. These findings confirm [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref103">30</reflink>] discussion on how receiving social support can create varying tension levels among recipients. Our analysis also affirms Shumaker and Brownell's argument that recipients can directly reciprocate to relieve such pressures. Through these findings, our study grows the empirical body of work guided by Shumaker and Brownell's social support theory and extends their framework from psychology into the higher education field.</p> <p>Strikingly, the few participants who received social support from within the community college were highly involved. Administrators or faculty provided vast social support for these few participants, sometimes without participants seeking it directly. Existing research on undocumented students at community colleges shows that one administrator or professor often becomes the recurring source of assistance because students feel safe with them ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref104">19</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref105">22</reflink>]). Our study adds to this body of scholarship and expands conversations on the benefits of student involvement ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref106">6</reflink>]). Our analysis demonstrates that campus involvement among undocumented students at community colleges can result in access to otherwise unavailable networks. Campus involvement may provide unique opportunities for undocumented students to connect with supportive institutional agents, who will feel compelled to provide them with tangible support and information due to their close relationships.</p> <p>Lastly, our analysis implies that undocumented community college students may be unable to obtain the necessary social support to continue their education without getting involved on campus. The few participants who uniquely found social support in the community college setting were heavily involved in conventional student activities like student government. Therefore, this study reveals a more profound disparity for undocumented community college students. Many cannot get involved on campus because they must work to provide for their basic needs or contribute to their households ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref107">28</reflink>]). Others may not be interested in getting involved due to unfamiliarity with campus activities culture and/or as a result of their nontraditional student experiences. Undocumented community college students should not have to be involved at the institution to be noticed by administrators or faculty and consequently receive standard benefits. While this support became essential in helping undocumented students persist, it is unsustainable because of the unrealistic expectations it places on the student.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-17">Implications for Practice</hd> <p>The findings of our research have several implications for practice. Our study shows that undocumented community college students experience significant social support in the form of emotional sustenance, tangible assistance, and information through peer networks. However, participants did not have access to institutional support structures that facilitated peer-mentoring relations among undocumented students within the community college setting. Administrators and faculty at community colleges can use the research on peer mentoring to develop programs tailored explicitly for undocumented students. Undocumented students are likely to benefit from these relationships but can more effectively use them with the help of institutional agents and funding. Providing funding for undocumented peer mentors can foster campus involvement and offset college costs. By engaging in this capacity, peer mentors may develop stronger connections with institutional agents and indirectly facilitate connections between their mentees and faculty and administrators overseeing the program. Institutionalized peer-mentoring programs will signal to undocumented community college students that the campus cares about them, helping them access social support to enhance persistence.</p> <p>Most participants in our study did not receive social support from within the community college setting. This must change, as community colleges have a responsibility to develop mechanisms to serve undocumented students who are investing their time and financial resources in the institution. Positive relationships with faculty and administrators help undocumented college students persist ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref108">4</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref109">5</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref110">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref111">26</reflink>]). These relationships can be even more crucial at community colleges because undocumented students can find in them the support they need to transfer to 4-year institutions, if that is their aspiration. To create connections in a way that is not taxing for undocumented students, community colleges could offer culturally relevant programs, such as networking socials, community service events, academic workshops, and professional development seminars. Research shows that undocumented community college students often face time and financial constraints ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref112">4</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref113">19</reflink>]). However, they seek opportunities to engage on campus and use the few resources available ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref114">10</reflink>]). Our findings imply that undocumented community college students will welcome programming with intentional and culturally competent institutional agents.</p> <p>Lastly, given the prevalence of receiving social support from family, community colleges have opportunities to be more proactive in engaging students' relatives in the campus environment. At a minimum, community colleges should consider the backgrounds and needs of students' families, helping them learn about the U.S. higher education system. For example, considering the role families play in the persistence of undocumented community college students, institutional agents can develop programs and information materials for relatives in multiple languages and offer them family orientations and workshops. Researchers have long proposed that website accessibility is a prominent issue in higher education, and this is especially true for undocumented students and their families, who might prefer to search for resources online to remain anonymous ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref115">9</reflink>]). Translating relevant information about processes and resources and making them available online via videos and/or step-by-step guides can prevent students from getting trapped in the undocushuffle, "a vicious cycle that involves passing around undocumented students from office to office and visiting and revisiting the same information over and over again because administrators on campus are unable to solve the issues affecting undocumented students" ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref116">25</reflink>], p. 10). Having online resources for undocumented community college students and their families may also shield them from hearing ignorant comments or experiencing microaggressions from institutional agents who are too often unprepared to support them ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref117">19</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref118">36</reflink>]). Detailed online information and resources will benefit undocumented students, their families, and the entire community college, including faculty and administrators who may have limited knowledge and may not know how to point students in the right direction. Collectively, these actions can foster the persistence of undocumented students at community colleges.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-18">Implications for Research</hd> <p>Our study also has implications for future research. The student body at community colleges is very diverse, enrolling a large proportion of women, African Americans, Asians/Pacific Islanders, Hispanics/Latinos, Native Americans, nontraditional aged students, and students with disabilities ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref119">3</reflink>]). In the academic year 2021 to 2022, community colleges enrolled around 6.2 million students; 27% were Hispanic, 12% were Black, and 6% were Asian/Pacific Islander ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref120">3</reflink>]). Furthermore, across the United States, it is estimated that in 2021, 45% of undocumented students were Latinx, 27% were Asian, and 13% were Black ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref121">15</reflink>]). Currently, the majority of undocumented students do not have DACA ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref122">14</reflink>]). Despite these demographical diversity trends, all participants in our study were Latinx, and the majority were traditionally college-aged students with access to DACA protections. Our sample did not represent the diversity typical of community colleges or the undocumented student population. The distinctiveness of undocumented community college student experiences from multiple racial and ethnic backgrounds was not grasped in our study, leaving questions about how they find social support and persist. Also, questions remain about how nontraditional college-aged students find social support, especially as they may no longer have strong K-12 connections and/or may have head-of-household responsibilities. In the future, researchers could design studies that examine the multiple and intersecting identities of undocumented community college students and seek more diverse participants to study this phenomenon. As fewer college students benefit from DACA each year, it is necessary to further investigate what support they have available, if any. This research could inform the work of community college institutional agents so they can understand unique student experiences and offer the distinct social support diverse undocumented students need.</p> <p>Given that the few participants in our study who received social support from within the community college setting were highly involved students, future research can specifically examine the experiences of undocumented student leaders at community colleges. The scant research featuring undocumented student involvement and/or leadership has been conducted at four-year universities (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref123">18</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref124">26</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref125">29</reflink>]). Furthermore, the minimal literature centering undocumented students' experiences at community colleges has only highlighted their civic engagement efforts (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref126">4</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref127">10</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref128">23</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref129">34</reflink>]). Thus, there is ample opportunity to further investigate which campus engagement platforms and activities expand the support structures for undocumented community college students and how so exactly. In these scholarly efforts, researchers can continue to use [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref130">30</reflink>] theory of social support as it yielded unique insights into the undocumented student experience. Alternatively, researchers can apply more traditional higher education frameworks like [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref131">6</reflink>] student involvement theory.</p> <p>Lastly, most studies centering undocumented community college students have been conducted in states that provide access to ISRT and state financial aid for undocumented students (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref132">4</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref133">19</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref134">33</reflink>]). Our study is one of the few that illuminate a more limiting state context. At the time of data collection, only DACA recipients had access to ISRT, and no state aid was available in Virginia. Currently, half of the states continue to restrict ISRT access for undocumented students, and only 18 offer state financial aid ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref135">14</reflink>]). Higher education scholars have plentiful opportunities to study the experiences of undocumented community college students navigating diverse state landscapes. Researchers can seek to further understand the contradiction between community colleges' aims to increase access and state contexts that restrict opportunities for specific student groups (e.g., Georgia, Ohio, Wyoming). Findings from research focused on different state contexts could illuminate opportunities to serve undocumented community college students better across the nation.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-19">Conclusion</hd> <p>Most undocumented students start their higher education pursuits at community colleges because two-year institutions are more affordable and flexible than four-year colleges and universities. There is a pressing need to expand undocumented students' access to social support within the community college setting. Offering social support in the form of information and tangible resources to undocumented students will increase their access to higher education and promote their college persistence. While extending emotional support to undocumented students may fall out of the job responsibilities for most institutional agents, it is critical for community college faculty and administrators to understand their impact on students through their interactions and make greater efforts to make them feel validated. At a minimum, community colleges should make information with specific resources and contact information for culturally competent institutional agents publicly available via websites and other virtual platforms where undocumented students can participate confidentially and anonymously. If community colleges attempt to serve undocumented students better, they can fulfill their responsibility of helping enrolled undocumented students persist, graduate, transfer if desired, and pursue their overall educational, professional, and personal aspirations.</p> <hd id="AN0187457164-20">Appendix</hd> <p>Table A1. Table of Participants.</p> <p>Graph</p> <p> <ephtml> &lt;table&gt;&lt;colgroup&gt;&lt;col align="left" /&gt;&lt;col align="char" char="." /&gt;&lt;col align="char" char="." /&gt;&lt;col align="char" char="." /&gt;&lt;col align="char" char="." /&gt;&lt;col align="char" char="." /&gt;&lt;col align="char" char="." /&gt;&lt;col align="char" char="." /&gt;&lt;col align="char" char="." /&gt;&lt;/colgroup&gt;&lt;thead&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;th align="left"&gt;#&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="center"&gt;Pseudonym&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="center"&gt;Participation&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="center"&gt;Pronouns&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="center"&gt;Self-identified Race/Ethnicity&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="center"&gt;Age&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="center"&gt;Age of Arrival&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="center"&gt;DACA&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="center"&gt;# of College Credits Completed&lt;/th&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/thead&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;1&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Brenda&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;She/her/hers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Hispanic, Bolivian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;20&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;3&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Between 30 and 60&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;2&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Carmen&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Focus group and ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;She/her/hers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;White, Spaniard, Salvadoran&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;22&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;7&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Less than 30&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;3&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Debbie&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;She/her/hers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Latina, Salvadorian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;22&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;10&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Less than 30&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;4&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Francisco&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;He/him/his&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;White, Hispanic, Ecuador&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;26&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;10&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Between 60 and 90&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;5&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Jos&amp;#233;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;He/him/his&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Latino, Salvadoran&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;22&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;8&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Between 60 and 90&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;6&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Karen&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;She/her/hers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Hispanic, Bolivian, Argentinean&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;21&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;6&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Between 30 and 60&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;7&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Leslie&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;She/her/hers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Guatemalan&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;20&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;4&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Between 60 and 90&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;8&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Lilly&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;She/her/hers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Bolivian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;20&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;1&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Between 30 and 60&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;9&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Luca&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Focus group&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;He/him/his&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Peruvian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;18&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;6&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Less than 30&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;10&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Nelcy&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Focus group and ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;She/her/hers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Bolivian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;21&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;2&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Between 30 and 60&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;11&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Veronica&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Focus group and ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;She/her/hers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Hispanic, Bolivian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;24&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;21&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;No&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Between 30 and 60&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;12&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Yeimy&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Focus group and ind. interview&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;She/her/hers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Hispanic, Salvadoran&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;21&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;13&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;No&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Less than 30&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/tbody&gt;&lt;/table&gt; </ephtml> </p> <p>We acknowledge all the undocumented students who supported this study by trusting us and sharing their experiences with us. 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New Directions for Community Colleges, 2015(172), 87–96. https://doi.org/10.1002/cc.20166</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0187457164-22"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibtext> The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Cinthya Salazar</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext>Graph</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2584-3376 Cristina Nader</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext>Graph https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1522-6718</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Undocumented students include those with and without Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) protections. While DACA offers two primary benefits to beneficiaries, including a two-year renewal work permit and protection from deportation, it does not result in an adjustment of immigration status. Currently, DACA is undergoing judicial challenges, and only renewals are being processed; no new applications are being approved ([35]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> We do not provide specific details on the members of the research collective to bolster confidentiality and protect those who are still impacted by immigration policies.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The Commonwealth of Virginia passed state laws in 2020 and 2021, respectively, allowing undocumented students, regardless of DACA classification, to pay ISRT and access state aid ([14]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Veronica arrived in the United States at 21, and in order to enter higher education, she was advised to obtain a high school diploma or GED from the United States due to her educational background in Bolivia. Her cousin, having more experience with the United States educational system, helped her learn what she needed to progress.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Cinthya Salazar; Cristina Nader; Cecilia Castillo; Paula Morales Rojas and Paula Alderete Puig</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author; Author; Author</p> <p></p> <p>Dr. Cinthya Salazar (ella/she) is an assistant professor in the Department of Education at the University of California, Los Angeles. Her research focuses on the mechanisms used by undocumented students to access, persist, and succeed in higher education. She uses participatory action research and engages undocumented students as co-researchers to generate localized student success models that can promote their college retention.</p> <p>Cristina Nader (ella/she) is a doctoral candidate in Higher Education Administration at Texas A&amp;M University. As a qualitative researcher, she explores the experiences of marginalized college students using participatory research (PR) methods to ensure their voices are at the forefront. She is a proud Chicana.</p> <p>Cecilia Castillo (she/her) is a student program coordinator with UT for Me - Powered by Dell Scholars at the University of Texas at Austin. Throughout her time in student affairs, she developed a passion to support and advocate for students, especially those who have marginalized identities. Her research focus is on first-generation, Latinx, and/or undocumented students. However, her overall goal is to help students excel in and outside of the classroom by implementing resources and programming that help them grow holistically and successfully obtain their degree.</p> <p>Paula Morales Rojas (she/ella) is a D.C.-based communications professional who specializes in sharing advocacy-centered stories with journalists. She has built strong relationships with both financial trade press and Beltway media, helping secure positive coverage and fostering strategic partnerships. Outside of her professional work, she is a published co-researcher on undocumented students in higher education. She is also a first-generation, DACAmented college graduate. She holds a bachelor's degree from George Mason University.</p> <p>Paula Alderete Puig (she/her/ella) is a senior manager for Strategic Events at a leadership development non-profit based in Washington, D.C. Her work centers on designing and executing high-impact networking opportunities that foster dialogue among leaders on pressing policy issues affecting the Latino community nationwide. Paula earned her B.A. in Global Affairs, with a minor in French, from George Mason University. During her time at Mason, she was actively involved in student organizing through Undocu-Mason (formerly Mason Dreamers), where she helped lead efforts in community building, advocacy, and leadership development for undocumented students. These formative experiences inspired her to engage in participatory action research focused on creating success models that support undocumented students—and students of varying immigration statuses—in accessing and persisting in higher education.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref74"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref76"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref77"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref79"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref80"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref81"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref82"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref96"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref111"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref121"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref123"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref125"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Undocumented Community College Students: Understanding How Social Support Facilitates Their College Persistence – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cinthya+Salazar%22">Cinthya Salazar</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2584-3376">0000-0002-2584-3376</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cristina+Nader%22">Cristina Nader</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1522-6718">0000-0003-1522-6718</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cecilia+Castillo%22">Cecilia Castillo</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Paula+Morales+Rojas%22">Paula Morales Rojas</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Paula+Alderete+Puig%22">Paula Alderete Puig</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Community+College+Review%22"><i>Community College Review</i></searchLink>. 2025 53(4):478-501. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: SAGE Publications. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks, CA 91320. Tel: 800-818-7243; Tel: 805-499-9774; Fax: 800-583-2665; e-mail: journals@sagepub.com; Web site: https://sagepub.com – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 24 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Two+Year+Colleges%22">Two Year Colleges</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Community+College+Students%22">Community College Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Undocumented+Immigrants%22">Undocumented Immigrants</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Support+Groups%22">Social Support Groups</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Resources%22">Resources</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Influences%22">Influences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Academic+Persistence%22">Academic Persistence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Attitudes%22">Student Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Community+Colleges%22">Community Colleges</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Environment%22">College Environment</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Virginia%22">Virginia</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1177/00915521251340067 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0091-5521<br />1940-2325 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Objective: Most undocumented students enter higher education through community colleges, yet these institutions typically offer less support than four-year universities. Using Shumaker and Brownell's theory of social support, we aimed to understand how resources at community colleges influenced undocumented students' persistence. Specifically, we sought to answer the following research questions: (a) What social support is available to undocumented community college students? (b) What specific resources do undocumented community college students receive from providers of social support? and (c) How does the social support undocumented community college students receive, if any, influence their college persistence? Methodology: We used a participatory action research (PAR) approach and qualitative case study methodology. Findings: We found that undocumented community college students relied on emotional sustenance from family and friends. Furthermore, they piecemealed material support and information in the absence of institutional assistance. Our data showed that only a select few undocumented students earned social support within the community college setting due to their campus involvement. Contributions: Our findings have implications for higher education practice, including opportunities to provide social support through peer mentoring programs, more engagement with faculty, and the community college engaging students' families. Finally, our findings also have implications for research, including recruiting a more diverse student population, exploring the experiences of undocumented student leaders at community colleges, and conducting research in varying state contexts. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1481915 |
| PLink | https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1481915 |
| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1177/00915521251340067 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 24 StartPage: 478 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Community College Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Undocumented Immigrants Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Support Groups Type: general – SubjectFull: Resources Type: general – SubjectFull: Influences Type: general – SubjectFull: Academic Persistence Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Attitudes Type: general – SubjectFull: Community Colleges Type: general – SubjectFull: College Environment Type: general – SubjectFull: Virginia Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Undocumented Community College Students: Understanding How Social Support Facilitates Their College Persistence Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Cinthya Salazar – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Cristina Nader – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Cecilia Castillo – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Paula Morales Rojas – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Paula Alderete Puig IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 10 Type: published Y: 2025 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0091-5521 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1940-2325 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 53 – Type: issue Value: 4 Titles: – TitleFull: Community College Review Type: main |
| ResultId | 1 |
