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Closer to My Dreams: Exploring Black Women's Graduate School Aspirations and Community Uplift through a Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Approach

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Title: Closer to My Dreams: Exploring Black Women's Graduate School Aspirations and Community Uplift through a Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Approach
Language: English
Authors: LaShawn Faith Washington (ORCID 0000-0001-9486-2012), Rachelle Winkle-Wagner, Khadejah Ray
Source: Journal of Higher Education. 2025 96(6):1008-1034.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 27
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: African American Students, Females, Alumni, Womens Education, Attitudes, Graduate Study, Social Capital, Metropolitan Areas, Community Influence, Educational Experience, Graduate Students, Feminism, Cultural Capital
Geographic Terms: Illinois (Chicago), Georgia (Atlanta), Louisiana (New Orleans), Michigan (Detroit), Nebraska (Lincoln), Nebraska (Omaha)
DOI: 10.1080/00221546.2024.2429977
ISSN: 0022-1546
1538-4640
Abstract: This qualitative study analyzed what shaped the aspirations of Black women graduate student alumnae to earn advanced degrees. Using an assets-based conceptual framework of Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Thought, findings suggested that the aspirational capital of Black women alumnae who obtained advanced degrees was fueled by other familial, navigational, resistance, and social capital and that they also implemented notions of Black feminisms within their trajectories into graduate education. Additionally, by bridging Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Thought, the data suggests a new form of capital, which we call community uplift capital, that is rooted in elevating one's community, family, and culture. The findings have implications for the recruitment and retention of Black graduate students and for stakeholders associated with graduate education matriculation.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2025
Accession Number: EJ1489750
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0187564815;jhe01nov.25;2025Aug29.06:12;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0187564815-1">Closer to My Dreams: Exploring Black Women's Graduate School Aspirations and Community Uplift Through a Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Approach </title> <p>This qualitative study analyzed what shaped the aspirations of Black women graduate student alumnae to earn advanced degrees. Using an assets-based conceptual framework of Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Thought, findings suggested that the aspirational capital of Black women alumnae who obtained advanced degrees was fueled by other familial, navigational, resistance, and social capital and that they also implemented notions of Black feminisms within their trajectories into graduate education. Additionally, by bridging Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Thought, the data suggests a new form of capital, which we call community uplift capital, that is rooted in elevating one's community, family, and culture. The findings have implications for the recruitment and retention of Black graduate students and for stakeholders associated with graduate education matriculation.</p> <p>Keywords: Black women; graduate students; alumni; Community Cultural Wealth; Black feminism</p> <p>Research on educational aspirations suggests that for marginalized students, such as Black students,[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>] their goals are shaped by social networks (e.g., family, peers, faculty), and by earlier educational experiences (Carter, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref2">12</reflink>]; Cook & Williams, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref3">17</reflink>]; McCoy & Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref4">49</reflink>]; Nguyen et al., [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref5">56</reflink>]; Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref6">74</reflink>]). While, for decades, Black women have consistently identified with graduate school educational aspirations and expectations (Morgan, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref7">52</reflink>]; Winkle-Wagner & Nelson, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref8">73</reflink>]), most of the scholarship on educational aspirations contemplates individual ambitions for finishing secondary education or undergraduate degrees (Cook & Williams, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref9">17</reflink>]; Jang, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref10">40</reflink>]). There remains a limited in-depth analysis of what prompts aspirations to attend graduate school even though graduate degrees are necessary for many career paths.</p> <p>In 2017, only 3% of all doctoral degrees were earned by Black women (NCES, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref11">54</reflink>]), suggesting a need to better understand graduate school aspirations to encourage these pathways for students from marginalized backgrounds. Educational institutions, and those within them such as faculty and staff, can support or deter students from achieving their educational aspirations, and this is particularly the case for Black students (DeAngelo, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref12">22</reflink>]; Flynn et al., [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref13">27</reflink>]; Johnson & Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref14">42</reflink>]; McCoy & Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref15">49</reflink>]; Nguyen et al., [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref16">56</reflink>]; Winkle-Wagner & Locks, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref17">71</reflink>]). Essentially, faculty and staff support in undergraduate education can influence the aspirations of students of color, or students' ability to pursue graduate education. There is some scholarship that focuses on ways students are socialized into graduate education after they enroll, yet these studies lean toward the importance of offering culturally sensitive experiences, particularly for students of color (Gardner, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref18">28</reflink>]; Gardner & Holley, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref19">29</reflink>]; Holley & Gardner, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref20">36</reflink>]; Tate et al., [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref21">65</reflink>]; Twale et al., [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref22">67</reflink>]; Winkle-Wagner & McCoy, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref23">72</reflink>]), and little is known about what shapes students' of color aspirations toward graduate education, especially for Black women. It is important to elevate the ways Black women have created pathways into graduate school and beyond. Thus, in this manuscript, we centered the reflections of Black women alumnae and what influenced their desires to attend graduate and professional school. An understanding of these aspirations and what shaped them may be crucial to recruiting and retaining more Black women in the academy more generally. At a time when Black women scholars and leaders have been under attack by higher educational leaders, anti-diversity political efforts, and in the media (Bennett & Cuevas, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref24">5</reflink>]), finding ways to better support Black women in higher education is particularly imperative.</p> <p>In this study, we utilized a qualitative oral history and an assets-based approach (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref25">74</reflink>]) to explore how Black women described their aspirations to attend graduate education. We highlighted the nuances of how Black women have used their aspirational capital throughout their collegiate careers and how they navigated challenging and rewarding experiences. Our findings suggested that Black women alumnae utilized their aspirational capital (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref26">74</reflink>]) (intrinsic desires or passions that led women to earn a graduate-level degree) to connect with a form of <emph>community uplift capital</emph> as they pursued their degrees, a form of capital which we assert is rooted in Black feminist traditions of elevating one's community, family, and culture. As such, our findings offer a collective example of how aspirations may be simultaneously individual goals and a reflection of community engagement.</p> <hd id="AN0187564815-2">Literature review</hd> <p>Literature about Black women's navigation of educational institutions often focuses on undergraduate education and emphasizes the numerous racial and gender challenges that they encounter (Commodore et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref27">16</reflink>]; Patton & Croom, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref28">59</reflink>]; Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref29">70</reflink>]). Scholarship on Black women's aspirations for graduate education has highlighted challenges they navigated such as racism and sexism while they achieved the pinnacle of educational attainment — terminal degrees such as a PhD (Ellis, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref30">24</reflink>]; Robinson, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref31">60</reflink>]). Research has reported negative experiences and barriers for Black women in navigating graduate degree programs that are inherently discriminatory and oppressive (Dortch, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref32">23</reflink>]; Gasman et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref33">30</reflink>]; Gildersleeve et al., [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref34">31</reflink>]; Grant, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref35">32</reflink>]; Griffin et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref36">33</reflink>]). Yet, as some reviews of research on Black women have emphasized (e.g., Commodore et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref37">16</reflink>]; Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref38">70</reflink>]), by only studying the barriers Black women face, some scholars can begin to apply deficit approaches. Therefore, there is a need to emphasize the assets that Black women are using to aspire toward and achieve graduate degrees.</p> <p>Research on Black women's educational aspirations has asserted that, as a group, they have held consistently high aspirations, and this has been the case for decades (Carter, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref39">12</reflink>]; Cook & Williams, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref40">17</reflink>]; Nguyen et al., [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref41">56</reflink>]; Winkle-Wagner & Nelson, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref42">73</reflink>]). For instance, scholars have noted that Black women's high aspirations for higher education are motivated by the desire to elevate their communities and achieve upward mobility (A. J. Cooper, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref43">18</reflink>]; McCoy & Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref44">50</reflink>]). Research on specific disciplinary areas such as science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) has countered the narrative of Black women's high aspirations, suggesting that Black women may be less likely to aspire toward those fields of study (Saw et al., [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref45">62</reflink>]). One reason for changes in aspirations for STEM degree programs is due to the lack of support from faculty, staff, or peers (Lancaster & Xu, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref46">46</reflink>]). Support along this journey could look like affirmations, direct support, mentorship, or pointed criticism with the well-intention of preparing Black women for the competitive environment (Kelly & Fries-Britt, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref47">44</reflink>]; Patton, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref48">58</reflink>]). Yet, more recent scholarship argues the necessity of examining structural forces, such as mentoring, a lack of racial representation in the discipline, or financial barriers, as reasons that some Black women choose not to aspire toward graduate degrees in STEM (Nguyen et al., [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref49">56</reflink>]).</p> <p>Aspirations begin with first having an interest to pursue a graduate degree. Carter's ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref50">12</reflink>]) model of college students' degree aspirations indicated that aspirations for later degrees and careers are shaped by involvement, families, demographic characteristics, and earlier educational experiences. Focusing primarily on the aspiration to attend college might be useful in this regard for women of color who have been shown to connect their families and communities as important motivators for their educational pursuits (McCoy & Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref51">50</reflink>]; Tate et al., [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref52">65</reflink>]). For example, in a qualitative study of the graduate school aspirations of women of color in humanities disciplines, participants described the desire to create "generational blessing" as the primary rationale to aspire toward a graduate degree (McCoy & Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref53">50</reflink>]). Yet upon matriculation into a program, Black women graduate students often encounter everyday racism, institutional marginalization, and oppression (Felder et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref54">25</reflink>]; Gildersleeve et al., [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref55">31</reflink>]; Museus & Mueller, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref56">53</reflink>]; Patterson-Stephens et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref57">57</reflink>]; Truong et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref58">66</reflink>]) and that marginalization persists into faculty careers (Kelly & Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref59">45</reflink>]). Black women also must navigate the sociopolitical and socioeconomic contexts of their institutions as well as the hidden curriculum, or the idea that some people are given a set of rules and norms that are not afforded to others (Jones et al., [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref60">43</reflink>]; Patterson-Stephens et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref61">57</reflink>]; Sabnis et al., [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref62">61</reflink>]). Due to academia operating in ways where harmful actions are often accepted and not challenged, Black women are often subjected to (or reprimanded into) silence (Robinson, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref63">60</reflink>]). In Robinson's ([<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref64">60</reflink>]) narrative study of Black women in a doctoral program, findings maintained that Black women who deliberately "talked back" (hooks, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref65">37</reflink>]), asserting their opinions, often felt silenced. Thus, in consideration of the oppressive and repressive educational environments, Black women are still aspiring to obtain graduate degrees, which is what this study aimed to explore further. Families and communities are identified as one of the major sources of support for Black women as they enter graduate programs (Alexander & Bodenhorn, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref66">1</reflink>]; McCoy & Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref67">50</reflink>]) and yet there is little research examining how familial/community relationships relate to pathways into graduate education.</p> <p>While prior literature suggests that Black women have high aspirations to attend higher education, there is less scholarship that focuses on how those aspirations are uniquely crafted for Black women, given their unique racialized and gendered experiences in higher education. Also, much of the research on Black women's educational aspirations focuses on the pathways between secondary and postsecondary (undergraduate) education, and there is a dearth of scholarship that examines their aspirations for advanced degrees such as PhDs. Finally, the prior work on educational aspirations frames the idea of aspirations as an individual goal or desire which may ignore how communities shape or relate to those desires. A keener understanding of the reasons that Black women aspire toward graduate education may help to uncover better ways to recruit, retain, and include Black women in the academy more generally.</p> <hd id="AN0187564815-3">Theoretical framework</hd> <p>To guide this study, we employed Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref68">74</reflink>]), a theoretical model that emphasizes the assets students of color bring to educational spaces, and Black Feminist Thought (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref69">15</reflink>]), which examines the idiosyncratic voices and lived experiences of U.S. Black women. While we detail these theories more in-depth below, both theories center alternative ways of knowing and being for historically marginalized people, and the strengths they possess. More specifically, we blended Yosso's ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref70">74</reflink>]) Community Cultural Wealth and Collin's ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref71">15</reflink>]) Black Feminist Thought, as critical theoretical frameworks to aid in our analysis and interpretation of how Black women alumnae described their graduate school aspirations.</p> <p>Primarily rooted in critical race theory (Bell, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref72">4</reflink>]; K. Crenshaw & Gotanda, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref73">20</reflink>]; Solórzano, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref74">63</reflink>]), the idea of Community Cultural Wealth rejects deficit adaptations of cultural capital that positions students of color as "disadvantaged" (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref75">74</reflink>]). Yosso's ideas were partially a response to educational research that used Bourdieu's ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref76">7</reflink>] ideas of cultural capital in deficit ways (Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref77">69</reflink>]). Yosso ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref78">74</reflink>]) centered the strengths that students of color possess through six different forms of cultural capital (e.g., aspirational, familial, linguistic, social, navigational, resistant). Aspirational capital is described as the ability to sustain one's educational hopes and dreams for the future despite barriers. Familial capital refers to the cultural knowledge that centers on a commitment to community well-being. Familial capital also linked the concept of family to a broader understanding of community and kinship. Linguistic capital highlights how students of color used multiple languages and styles to communicate. Social capital characterizes how students of color utilize community resources and social networks to obtain information to maneuver social institutions. Navigational capital acknowledges how students of color possess individual agency and utilize social networks to maneuver institutional constraints. Lastly, resistant capital details the skills and oppositional behaviors that students of color employed to challenge inequality (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref79">74</reflink>]).</p> <p>Some researchers have utilized the Community Cultural Wealth model to focus on specific racial groups. For example, some scholars adopted community cultural wealth to study Black students in engineering (Burt & Johnson, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref80">10</reflink>]); Black women college athletes (J. N. Cooper et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref81">19</reflink>]), Black students' pre-college experiences (Brooms & Davis, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref82">9</reflink>]; James-Gallaway, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref83">39</reflink>]; Jayakumar et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref84">41</reflink>]) and Black first-generation doctoral students (Wallace, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref85">68</reflink>]). While other studies that incorporate Community Cultural Wealth have used current high school, undergraduate, and graduate students; based on our findings, we primarily focused on Black women's aspirational capital for graduate and professional school and considered how other forms of capital (i.e., familial, social, navigational, resistant) intersected with or influenced aspirational capital. We suggest, given the findings here and our use of Black Feminist Thought, that another form of capital is necessary to consider how a desire to uplift one's community and family can be an asset that overlaps with other forms of capital, an idea we call <emph>community uplift capital</emph>, which we define as a set of skills, aspirations, and knowledge that one links to their communities and families as a way of providing upward mobility to others.</p> <p>We utilized Black Feminist Thought alongside Community Cultural Wealth to examine Black women's lived experiences and reflections on what shaped their aspirations for graduate and professional school. Black Feminist Thought is a critical social theory that centers the collective standpoints of Black women in a U.S. context (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref86">15</reflink>]). This theory examines how Black women's salient and intersectional social identities (i.e., race and gender) offer them a unique standpoint, or consciousness about how power, privilege, and oppression operate within their lived experiences and the broader social world (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref87">13</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref88">15</reflink>]; K. W. Crenshaw, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref89">21</reflink>]). Ultimately, it is through Black women's group consciousness that they recognize their agency and mobilize to dismantle social injustices (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref90">15</reflink>]). Black Feminist Thought has several distinguishing features and topical themes, and three of these features emerged in the data here: 1) Dialogical Practices of Black Women, which examines how Black women create knowledge in dialogue with one another, 2) The Politics of Empowerment, which details how Black women in tandem aim to empower themselves and others; and 3) Black Women's Activism, which highlights how Black women take action to promote social and institutional transformation and overall group survival.</p> <p>Combining Black Feminist Thought (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref91">15</reflink>]) and Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref92">74</reflink>]) allowed us to examine how Black women uniquely self-defined their graduate school aspirations, and in turn, used different forms of cultural capital to actualize these aspirations. We acknowledge that there are some tensions between Black Feminist Thought, which is more of a collectivist framework, in comparison to a capitalist framework which is rooted traditionally in individualism. For example, Community Cultural Wealth implies that the individual student uses various forms of capital to navigate educational institutions; through a Black Feminist Thought perspective, one would channel those forms of capital back into themselves and the communities they come from. Through utilizing these two frameworks, we centered the intersections between race and gender for Black women while also emphasizing Black women's assets and cultural backgrounds. Together, these theories helped us to acknowledge and engage with the lived experiences and histories of Black women who aspired to attend graduate school and complete their degrees. Moreover, we traced the collective roots of aspirations, through the stories of Black women and how collective aspirations can be used as assets, nurtured and/or starved through systemic and institutional racism due to their intersecting identities of being Black and a woman (K. W. Crenshaw, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref93">21</reflink>]). Lastly, we used the two theories during our analysis and interpretation of the data to link Black women's reflections on their education to larger social structural ideas such as racism and sexism. In particular, the two theories revealed a new form of capital, <emph>community uplift capital</emph>, which allows for communal ideas of uplift to be paired with the way that these ideas can be used as an asset at the individual level.</p> <hd id="AN0187564815-4">Methodology</hd> <p>The data for this analysis comes from a larger critical oral history project (Carspecken & Carspecken, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref94">11</reflink>]) about Black women alumnae reflections on what helped them to be successful in college. Participants in the larger study included 105 women who identified as: African American or Black; who were living in one of five metropolitan areas during the time of the interview (Chicago, IL; Atlanta, GA; New Orleans, LA; Detroit, MI; Lincoln/Omaha, NE); and who graduated from college with at least a bachelor's degree between 1954–2014 (a 60-year time-period). The project was critical in that we focused on marginality, power, and on creating more trusting and egalitarian relationships between participants and researchers (Tachine & Nicolazzo, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref95">64</reflink>]). Additionally, we rooted the project in critical theories that aim to identify oppression and attempt to find ways to ameliorate inequities or to make positive social change (Fielding, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref96">26</reflink>]).</p> <p>The principal investigator (PI) recruited participants to the study through an adaptation of respondent-driven sampling where participants were asked to be the start of a "chain" of participants where one group of participants was recruited by another (Heckathorn, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref97">34</reflink>]). Additionally, in each city, the principal investigator identified a "gatekeeper" who lived in those cities to be an initial pathway to garner interest from possible participants. The five cities were selected by the PI because they each had a concentrated population of Black women, and each city included highly educated Black women. Additionally, as the gatekeepers joined the study to help recruit participants, the participants and gatekeepers shared their connections to Black women in other cities (e.g., gatekeepers and participants in Chicago had contacts, family, and friends in Atlanta that became a useful next site to include in the study). The principal investigator and a team of four other researchers (the gatekeepers) conducted open-ended interviews with participants, rooted in a critical narrative approach that blended ideas from life story methodology (Atkinson, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref98">2</reflink>]), critical oral history (Augusto et al., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref99">3</reflink>]; Blight & Lang, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref100">6</reflink>]; Hogan & Mason-Hogans, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref101">35</reflink>]), and critical narrative inquiry (Miller et al., [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref102">51</reflink>]). Interviews ranged from 60–180 minutes in length. The open-ended interview protocol was created by the PI and questions were aimed at garnering participants' chronological interpretations of their college experiences where participants were encouraged to identify their own chronologies (e.g., by asking participants where their college experience started, and they could determine at what point to begin their story and what direction to go in their oral history). That is, some participants began their accounts of their experiences at graduation from college and went backward, and some participants experiences began as children when they first walked onto a college campus. The participant-driven chronologies offered a new way of thinking about where college experiences really begin and end without the researchers imposing that on the participants' stories.</p> <p>Only one author (the principal investigator) was involved in the interview process, and she often considered and dialogued with participants about building and maintaining trust, viewing each relationship as unique and sacred. During interviews, the PI encouraged participants to interview her too and some participants engaged in 45–60 minute conversations where the participant could ask the PI questions. After interviews, the PI asked participants about their desired level of involvement. The PI offered all participants the opportunity to review transcripts (as a member check), but some participants opted to remain involved, where the PI and participants had regular phone conversations and participants reviewed writing about them and offered substantive feedback to the PI.</p> <p>In the larger study, which included over 2000 pages of data, a coding software, NVivo, was used by the principal investigator to manage the data. The data collection team coded the data using a codebook that was developed by the principal investigator after a six-month coding process where the first 500 pages of data were analyzed sentence-by-sentence using a low-level coding process where codes were derived from the participants' words. The principal investigator transferred these codes into a list and clustered them together to create the codebook which was then tested on the next 500 pages of data. Finally, the codebook was used for the remainder of the data with the principal investigator leading most of the initial analysis process.</p> <p>For this analysis, the team first reduced the data to only the data which was initially coded as relating to "graduate school experiences" in some way. Then, the current research team (which includes the principal investigator who collected all the data) reengaged in another round of analysis where each member of the team individually coded the data in the participants' words (low-level coding). We then clustered those initial codes (there were approximately 100 across the data) into categories in a separate document. Then, once academic experiences emerged as an important category, we went back to that data and considered how the academic experiences related to Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref103">74</reflink>]) ideas of capital, re-coding the data relative to Yosso's ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref104">74</reflink>]) ideas of capital (e.g., if the participant discussed plans or hopes for the future, we would code that as aspirational capital; if a participant talked about how they strategized and navigated classes, we coded that as navigational capital). We came together in a process of peer debriefing the data analysis in a series of meetings over seven months where we discussed, debated, and considered the data relative to Community Cultural Wealth and unique findings that may not have been captured by the theory. We discussed the analysis until we reached a consensus. That process was iterative and took multiple meetings, returning to the data multiple times to check and recheck one another's analyses. We repeated the analysis and conversation process multiple times at weekly meetings over the seven months before the paper was written to offer triangulation to the process of analyzing our data.</p> <p>Two-thirds of participants (75 total) earned graduate-level degrees including master's degrees, doctoral degrees, medical degrees, and law degrees. While team members started with an analysis of all 75 graduate-degree earning participants, after early analysis, we opted for a narrative approach of eight alumnae histories in our reporting of the data to honor the oral history approach to the methodology, which allows a focus on in-depth narratives of participants' experiences (Table 1). After the analysis was completed, we returned to the larger data set on academic experiences. For those participants who were quoted multiple times in that data, we then returned to the participants' full transcript to contemplate how their quotes related to their full stories. While 75 participants earned graduate-level degrees, some of the other participants with graduate degrees did not center their graduate school experiences in their narratives, making it less ideal to consider how they thought about the process of applying to and enrolling in graduate programs. Thus, the eight participants who are the focus here all centered graduate educational experiences in their narratives in a way that was unique from the other participants in the study (Table 1). We also wanted participants to demonstrate the entire range of generational data in the study, quoting participants who attended graduate school from the 1960s through the 2010s (Table 1). Additionally, the narratives below highlight Black women's unique standpoints, meaning that we also wanted to illustrate the varied ways that Black women aspired toward graduate programs. Thus, if there were two participants with a very similar story, we chose the one that offered more details about the process of aspiring toward graduate programs, and then compared that story to another story that was slightly different so that we could also show that Black women are not a monolithic group. To protect the identities of the Black women alumnae, we use pseudonyms for this project since some of the participants attended graduate school when there were only a few Black students at their institutions.</p> <p>Table 1. Participant information and connection to theory.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Participant</td><td>Graduation Decade</td><td>Area of Focus</td><td>Aspirational Capital Fueled by Additional Capitals:</td><td>Black Feminist Thought Attributes</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Anatasha</td><td>2000s</td><td>Physical Sciences</td><td>Familial, Social, Resistant, <italic>Community Uplift</italic></td><td>Politics of Empowerment, Black Women's Activism</td></tr><tr><td>Shayla</td><td>1990s</td><td>Humanities</td><td><italic>Community uplift</italic></td><td>Politics of Empowerment</td></tr><tr><td>Lisa</td><td>1990s</td><td>Physical Sciences</td><td>Navigational, Social</td><td>Dialogical Practices and Black Women, Politics of Empowerment</td></tr><tr><td>Patrice</td><td>1960s</td><td>Social Sciences</td><td>Aspirational, Familial, <italic>Community uplift</italic></td><td>Politics of Empowerment</td></tr><tr><td>Nadia</td><td>2000s</td><td>Social Sciences</td><td>Familial, Social, Resistant, Navigational, <italic>Community uplif</italic>t</td><td>Politics of Empowerment</td></tr><tr><td>Marwa</td><td>1980s</td><td>Humanities</td><td>Familial, Social, <italic>Community uplift</italic></td><td>Politics of Empowerment, Black Women's Activism</td></tr><tr><td>Jasmine</td><td>2000s</td><td>Social Sciences</td><td>Familial, Navigational, Social, <italic>Community uplift</italic></td><td>Dialogical Practices and Black Women, Politics of Empowerment</td></tr><tr><td>Olivia</td><td>2010s</td><td>Social Sciences</td><td>Aspirational, Familial, <italic>Community Uplift</italic></td><td>Politics of Empowerment</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>For this analysis, we asked a series of analytic questions (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref105">55</reflink>]) to analyze ways that alumnae described their graduate-level educational experiences. We asked the following analytic question to reduce and then analyze the data: How does this participant describe her graduate school or professional school experiences? Then, we engaged in a final round of analysis to code the data for possible "responses" to the analytic questions, coding and separating the data by the responses that participants had to this question.</p> <p>We enacted data validation techniques, that are congruent with a critical approach, in multiple ways throughout the study (Levitt et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref106">47</reflink>]). First, the PI asked participants to complete a member check by reviewing their transcripts for accuracy. In reviewing their transcripts for accuracy, the principal investigator and data collection team made participant-reflected changes to the transcripts before analysis. Throughout the process of analysis, our team engaged in constant peer debriefing conversations (Carspecken, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref107">11</reflink>]; Levitt et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref108">47</reflink>]) about the analysis until we reached a consensus across the research team. We triangulated our analysis through multiple forms of data analysis (Carspecken, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref109">11</reflink>]; Levitt et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref110">47</reflink>]). We also conducted a negative case analysis where we examined data that did not fit themes to try to understand whether that data was representative of a different theme, or whether data that was different from the major themes reflected below were one-time occurrences (Carspecken, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref111">11</reflink>]/2014).</p> <hd id="AN0187564815-5">Researcher positionalities</hd> <p>In addition to other validation techniques, the research team engaged in a process of dialogue about researcher positionalities to put our own identities and backgrounds in conversation with those of participants (Tachine & Nicolazzo, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref112">64</reflink>]). The initial data collection team consisted of four Women of Color (three data collection team researchers identify as Black women and one of the researchers identifies as a multiracial woman) and a White woman. Although not part of the analysis in this manuscript, the data collection team always self-identified their racial/ethnic background to participants before the interviews and offered space during the interviews to discuss the similarities and differences in racial positionalities between researchers and participants.</p> <p>As a team for this analysis, we similarly engaged in conversation about the ways that researcher backgrounds (both personal or identity backgrounds and researcher experiences) might influence the interpretation of data. The authors consisted of two Black women and a White woman. Rather than simply naming our identities, as suggested by Boveda and Annamma ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref113">8</reflink>]), we engaged in dialogue about ways that our identities may have shaped our approach to the analysis and interpretation — and how identities may have shaped how trust was built with participants in the interviews too. For instance, the principal investigator was the only person who was in the position to build trust with participants, and she did so by identifying her identities (White woman) to participants before interviews, and starting interviews with time for participants to pose questions to her about the project, her role in it, her interest and how she had built trust with Black women in the past. In the writing of the paper, we talked about the identities of all authors and how our backgrounds may have shaped our ideas about the data. For example, we each had a different affinity for the idea of uplift and how that idea had or had not worked in our own relationships.</p> <p>Together, the team on this paper thought about the way that the data below connected to their own experiences, or parted ways with their experiences. That is, we looked for ways that the participants' experiences both converged and diverged from ours, but that process was different because of our identities. For example, the Black women on the team may have had very similar racialized*gendered experiences to some participants and we discussed that as a team so that we could make sure that the authors were not simply assuming their own experiences were the same as participants in the writing. For the White woman, she sometimes had to consider whether she would have had the same experience as the Black women in the study, even if there were times when participants mentioned ideas that resonated with that author. She looked for convergence and divergence too but needed to be aware that sometimes she could not possibly have understood what it would be like to be a Black woman on college campuses from a personal experience. In our weekly team meetings, we openly discussed our identities and various background experiences and what that might mean for the interpretations we made. Given that there were three very different experiences of graduate aspirations and education on the team, the conversations could contemplate possible disconfirming ideas from what participants were indicating and this deepened the analysis too.</p> <hd id="AN0187564815-6">Findings: Toward Community Uplift Capital</hd> <p>The findings below suggested that for these Black women alumnae their aspirational capital (the passions and desires that led them to earn a graduate-level degree) was linked to Black feminist traditions of <emph>community uplift</emph> (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref114">15</reflink>]; A. J. Cooper, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref115">18</reflink>]). Moreover, Black women's graduate aspirations to earn a graduate-level degree were also inspired by a combination of Community Cultural Wealth capitals (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref116">74</reflink>]) and Black Feminist Thought's (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref117">15</reflink>]) ideas of empowering oneself and others, learning and creating knowledge through dialogue, and activism (Table 1). Below we offer examples of how participants discussed using aspirational, navigational, social, resistant, and familial, and <emph>community uplift</emph> capitals as they aspired, entered, and completed their graduate programs.</p> <p>Many alumnae described how their graduate school aspirations were influenced by the value they placed on education that was implanted by their families. Patrice, who was earning her PhD in a social sciences discipline in her 50s at Kennesaw State University (a public institution near Atlanta, Georgia) remembered her mother starting an organization to empower local Black women and how that deeply impacted her desire to attend graduate school:</p> <p>When my mother started her organization [for the elevation of Black women], the seed was planted that maybe someday somehow, I could pursue a doctorate. No one was encouraging me. It was just like, oh, that's ridiculous and you're getting too old and why would anybody want to put themselves through that. But it was so important to me. I think as a younger person, that was the ultimate symbol of being a person of worth and value. Now it's none of that. It's the process of learning much more than the degree. The degree, I hope, will come. But I'm in this just to grow and learn.</p> <p>Patrice shared how her educational aspirations have shifted over time. At first, her desire to pursue a PhD was connected to her worth as a person. However, over time, because of the familial capital activated by her mother's organization, which Patrice described in an earlier part of the interview as an organization for the uplift of Black women, Patrice began to view the PhD as a process of growth and learning about the world around her. In this way, Patrice's familial capital (encouragement and role modeling from her mother) helped to reshape Patrice's aspirational capital to be more about a life/career of learning, which is more connected to how most scholars would frame their roles as faculty members (Neumann, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref118">55</reflink>]). In so doing, the activation of aspirational capital fueled by familial capital for Patrice made it much more likely that a faculty career might seem more attainable for her (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref119">74</reflink>]). Patrice's aspirations were also influenced by her mother's prior work that uplifted and empowered Black women in her community, which is a key concept in Black Feminist Thought (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref120">15</reflink>]). Patrice's path to graduate school was linked to the elevation of Black women through her mother's organization, a possible <emph>community uplift capital</emph> where the benefits of mobility also impact the community.</p> <p>Like other alumnae, Shayla's motivation to pursue her PhD was motivated by her desire to be a role model. When Shayla completed her interview, she had recently completed a PhD in a humanities discipline at the University of Michigan and she was just beginning her career as an academic through a visiting scholar position. Shayla contemplated why she initially desired to earn a PhD remembering:</p> <p>I realized I did want to get a PhD after the end of my sophomore year going on to graduate school, just becoming a professor and doing research, and helping other students and students of color. Being an example, that sort of thing.</p> <p>Shayla's future career goal to uplift her community and help students of color is connected to her aspirational capital. Aspirational capital is often closely tethered to one's community or background (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref121">74</reflink>]) and can also be linked to Black Feminist Thought's ideas of empowerment (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref122">15</reflink>]) in the way that Shayla was trying to convey here. For Shayla, what we are identifying as <emph>community uplift capital</emph> was a way for her to meet her aspirations and continually root those goals in uplift and representation to others.</p> <p>Some Black women have deep-rooted inspiration at the nucleus of their graduate school aspirations. For instance, when Anatasha was asked why she chose to get her PhD in biology, she revealed, "My grandmother died of breast cancer when I was about five. I knew that I wanted to do something that could help women like my grandmother because she didn't really have the knowledge she needed to have about breast cancer." Anatasha witnessed, at an early age, her grandmother waiting a long time before going to the doctor which meant that she did not receive early treatment that could have preserved her life, Anatasha felt compelled to help other women, especially minoritized women from rural areas that did not have the proper education to fight against breast cancer. Wanting to dive into breast cancer research, Anatasha's high school biology teacher suggested that she get a PhD in biology. Anatasha then stated:</p> <p>I really didn't know much about getting a PhD and what that meant. So, I did a little bit more exploring about PhDs. and research and things of that nature. And that led me into biology. And I love it. I love biology.</p> <p>Anatasha was encouraged to pursue a PhD although she was not familiar with that fully encapsulated, yet, because she was influenced by a science teacher, a form of social capital, she grew an affinity toward a subject that she would later get her doctorate in. Anatasha's graduate aspirations were fueled by familial and resistance capital after the experience of losing her beloved grandmother at an early age, social capital, and the provocation of her high school biology teacher, Anatasha was determined to get her PhD in Biology and loves her field of study. Her motivation to pursue a doctoral degree in biology to uplift and help women with breast cancer in underserved communities, like Anatasha's grandmother, is also linked to Black feminist notions of activism and empowerment (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref123">15</reflink>]). Given the overlap in empowerment of others and her aspirations, we considered this to be a possible <emph>community uplift capital</emph> idea for Anatasha.</p> <p>Jasmine was introduced to her academic discipline and the idea of graduate education through a combination of her network (social capital) and her sister (familial capital). Jasmine was not a stellar student in her undergraduate major of psychology at Rutgers University and it was very late in her program that she realized, "by the time I got to my senior year, and I figured out psychology really isn't for me, but we have to make this work because we're too far in this." It was her sister who ultimately helped Jasmine to see other opportunities:</p> <p>I had started my applications for grad school, and I had been studying all winter break of my senior year for the GRE. I felt pretty good about it initially. And then I started looking into the programs more and more and I just started to hate it. I don't want to be a psychiatrist, and this program seems so rigid. My sister was like, "look at the professors and the work that they're doing, their research." And I'm like, "this [psychology] just doesn't speak to me." And so my genius sister was like, "Why don't you become a social worker?" I'm like, "And work for the state? That's like being a snitch. No, I'm not being a social worker. You take people's kids away, this is horrible." She goes, "They do more than that." I'm like, "Like what?" She's like, "I don't know, look it up. You don't have to take the GRE."</p> <p>Jasmine ultimately applied for a PhD in social work at Rutgers University, where she was conditionally admitted because of her lower-grade point average in her undergraduate program. Once a doctoral student, Jasmine recalled a turning point in her PhD program:</p> <p>And so the dean at the time, I'm going to say it was their first African American female dean. So, it was a lot of things going on in terms of me feeling happy about my Blackness. She [the dean] invited us to dinner. She was nice. She was at the [a social work orientation dinner] registration table. I went to sign in. And she goes, "What's your name?" And I'm like, "Jasmine." And she goes, "I recognize that name. Step to the side." She said, "We admitted you conditionally and I wanted to make it full out admit, but because of your grades, we just had some concerns. But, your essay that you wrote to get in was really good. You can write, girl!" She paid a lot of attention to me. With any issue that came up, it just seemed like she was a fly on the wall. It was just handled before she left.</p> <p>Jasmine and her sister cultivated the knowledge that Jasmine did not want to be a psychiatrist through the dialogue they had together (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref124">15</reflink>]). Familial capital consequently helped Jasmine to activate both her navigational capital and her social capital in a way that ultimately led Jasmine into a different discipline that was a better fit for her interests in graduate school. But, when Jasmine enrolled, the dean offered her some social capital that helped to pave the way for Jasmine to finish her degree program because of the seen and unseen support that the dean was able to offer. Consistent with Black Feminist Thought's promotions of empowerment (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref125">15</reflink>]), Jasmine's dean engaged in a possible form of other mothering (McCallum, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref126">48</reflink>]), the act of employing maternal actions with those whom you are not biologically related to, when she ensured that Jasmine was supported and successful in her program, which ultimately helped her be successful in graduate school. The dean also offered Jasmine a form of navigational capital, offering Jasmine ideas of how to navigate graduate education.</p> <p>Nadia's graduate aspirations were attached to her learned communal value system, social networks, resisting inequities, and acquired navigational tools. At the time of her interview, Nadia was a doctoral student in a social sciences discipline at Loyola University in Chicago, Illinois. Nadia described graduate education as an "escape" from "urban society" pointing out that while she needed to leave her family and community to get the degree, it was the poverty she was leaving behind, not necessarily the relationships. The escapism idea could be a form of resistance capital too. Additionally, Nadia identified that education was a navigational pathway to greater social mobility. While the education-as-escape idea is not explicitly connected to Black feminist theorizing, there is a tacit linkage to the elevation of Black women's culture/backgrounds and a need to push back on gendered racism in society and the institutional structures and policies that make living in urban areas less desirable does indeed connect to Black Feminist Thought's ideas of empowering one's own self (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref127">15</reflink>]).</p> <p>Nadia explained how she connected her aspirations to the Black women who came before her. As an undergraduate, Nadia attended Spelman College, a small private, historically Black women's college in Atlanta, Georgia. She reflected, "I admired my President at Spelman. And our President, Dr. Tatum, she had a doctorate. So, all these wonderful role models are providing examples for me of what is going to be helpful to get to those next levels." In this case, Nadia's aspirational capital was linked to the social capital she acquired in her undergraduate degree. Later, Nadia noted that she selected her graduate school for its "social justice mission." Nadia was able to leverage her aspirational capital and social capital to navigate a pathway to a graduate program that felt nurturing and supportive of her interests, also suggesting that she had developed navigational capital. Nadia also enacted Black Feminist Thought's notions of empowerment to help sculpt a better life (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref128">15</reflink>]), a possible <emph>community uplift capital.</emph></p> <p>Olivia completed her PhD program at Kennesaw State University in the 2010s. She described the importance of her family and her desire to give back in the world as overlapping reasons for pursuing graduate education. She remembered her application process, trying to focus on international relations:</p> <p>I applied to the school twice. The first year when I got out, they just said no. In international relations, if you're studying conflict, conflict goes from personal conflict to community to countries in international relations. And there's theories behind conflict. And they really apply from something about binary relationships up to your international relations. I like studying conflict and how do we accomplish peace. That program, it was very important to me because I see a lot of conflict even in families and communities. And what do we do to? Is there a common thread to get people to come to a table and agree on something? So much energy is spent in being negative. So that's when I read the program and found out that it was interdisciplinary, I could bring what I had to the table. I was interested in that program. I applied for it the first time. I contacted someone at the college. We were talking about it and I happened to ask her because I looked at all the cohorts and I said I don't see any African American women. And she said, you'd be the first. You might want to put that in your essay. So, the second time I applied, I mentioned what I'd be bringing to the table is I would be the first African American female that would be graduating from their program. I felt I didn't have anything to lose. They already turned me down the year before. The second year they accepted me.</p> <p>Olivia's pathway to graduate school was motivated by a desire to connect families and communities, and to create peace. In this way, her aspirational capital was fueled by a desire to give back to communities and families simultaneously, a possible form of community uplift capital. She also underscored that she was the first African American woman in that program, another way in which she viewed her graduate program as a form of uplift and as part of the politics of empowerment (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref129">15</reflink>]) of Black women. While most of the alumnae attended predominantly White institutions for their PhD programs, there were a handful of participants who earned graduate-level degrees at historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). Marwa earned a Master of Fine Arts (MFA) terminal degree at Clark Atlanta University, a public HBCU in Atlanta, Georgia focusing on humanities disciplines. She later earned a humanities discipline PhD at the University of California, Riverside. She went to graduate school in the 1960s-70s, and her graduate school aspirations were motivated by a conglomerate of familial, social, and communal love of music from Black musical artists. Marwa recalled:</p> <p>I think it was the social-cultural movement. I think it was music. I think it was my parents and my church. I think you had musicians telling us that we were everything. I mean you had the Stylistics, "You Are Everything and Everything Is You." You had the Stylistics who did "Betcha By Golly, Wow You're The One." I wrote my dissertation listening to that music when I was in—and when I went to get my doctorate, that's what got me through, this reinforcement of [community] uplift.</p> <p>For Marwa, her graduate aspirations were fueled by a combination of familial and social capital (both immediate and broader Black communal networks) that influenced and sustained her decision to pursue and complete her doctorate degree. Marwa's aspirations were shaped by familial capital through her immediate family alongside her church, which could act simultaneously as an extended kinship (i.e., "church family") and as social capital because the church was a community resource that she drew upon. Additionally, as a Black woman, Marwa's aspirations to obtain and complete her doctorate were rooted in her broader social capital networks within the Black community through inspirational Black musical artists. Her aspirational capital in part was amplified by a deep investment in the socio-cultural movement and social messaging of Black-affirming musical artists. As a member of a Black community, the music at that time by Black artists encouraged Marwa to strive within her doctoral program and gave her the enthusiasm and strength to "get through" the process of writing her dissertation. In this way, Marwa's aspirational capital could not be untethered from the elevation of positive and community uplifting notions of her Blackness which was also informed by Black Feminist Thought's characteristics of activism and community empowerment (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref130">15</reflink>]). For Marwa, she so deeply connected her aspirational capital to notions of community that she was likely enacting a form of <emph>community uplift capital.</emph></p> <p>Likewise, Lisa, for example, details how she was both a sower and reaper of external graduate influences. Lisa remembered:</p> <p>It's so funny. Even talking to [a member of the research team], I remember explaining this and encouraging her, you should apply as a PhD student. Even if you don't think that's what you want to do, you never know. I said you'll probably change your mind about fifty times in between but you should definitely do it. From the beginning, just ask every question you can and talk to whoever you can. And she's like, "you need to do this, why are you telling me? Why don't you do it?"</p> <p>Lisa encouraged and promoted her colleague to apply to PhD programs, and in the same token, she was encouraged to pursue her PhD in the physical sciences as well. While this was not her original intention, Lisa and her colleague, who was also another Black woman, offered each other reciprocal external validation that each of them should go after their graduate school aspirations. Here, Lisa's social and aspirational capital were tethered with Black Feminist Thought's ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref131">15</reflink>]) ideas of empowerment, dialogical practices of Black women creating new knowledge (of self), and their graduate school aspirations as a result.</p> <hd id="AN0187564815-7">Discussion</hd> <p>Findings from this study contribute to the larger literature on graduate school aspirations for Black women (Commodore et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref132">16</reflink>]; Ellis, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref133">24</reflink>]; Robinson, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref134">60</reflink>]; Winkle-Wagner, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref135">70</reflink>]). Our findings demonstrated the inextricable links between familial and community backgrounds and aspirations, toward a form of c<emph>ommunity uplift capital</emph>, a set of skills, aspirations, and knowledge that one links to their communities and families as a way of providing upward mobility to others.</p> <p>Coupling Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref136">74</reflink>]) and Black Feminist Thought (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref137">15</reflink>]) allowed us to identify aspirational capital, which was bound up in familial <emph>and</emph> larger community forms of capital. As such, our findings highlighted the inextricable links between familial and community backgrounds and aspirations, moving beyond an individualistic idea of aspirations toward a form of <emph>community uplift capital</emph>. The idea of <emph>community uplift capital</emph> emerged from data that expressed how an individual's desire to bring their community forward and use one's degree to give back to their community, could be used as an asset within educational degree programs. Some of these Black women alumnae viewed <emph>community uplift</emph> as the primary reason they wanted to attain a graduate degree. The women were asserting that their degree was on behalf of and alongside their communities — an act of community betterment. The activation of their <emph>community uplift capital</emph> also was a likely motivator to continue forward even when graduate programs may have been difficult. Olivia's example of wanting to study peacemaking between families and communities is a good indication of how aspirational capital can be completely linked to familial capital and the new idea we are suggesting of <emph>community uplift capital</emph> where aspirations are not just individual but can be deeply tethered to one's communities.</p> <p>While prior research asserted Black women have high levels of educational aspirations (Carter, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref138">12</reflink>]; Cook & Williams, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref139">17</reflink>]; Nguyen et al., [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref140">56</reflink>]; Winkle-Wagner & Nelson, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref141">73</reflink>]), the possible reasons for these higher aspirations have largely been a mystery. Responding to calls to consider Black women's full being in research about them (Nguyen et al., [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref142">56</reflink>]), we contemplated the overlaps between Black women's aspirations, their families, and communities and in so doing, we found that community uplift was the primary motivating reason for high aspirations. For Black women, like Patrice, Anatasha, and Shayla, their aspirational capital was primarily fueled by their familial capital, meaning that they did not separate their aspirations from their family uplift. For example, Patrice responded to her reason for going to graduate school as entirely linked to her mother's provocation to get her doctorate. <emph>Community uplift capital</emph> is a way to reframe aspirations as not just individualistic, but inextricably linked to communities and families from which the Black women in this study came.</p> <p>It is worth noting that familial capital can also be complicated for some students, as demonstrated by Nadia's quotes above. Nadia indicated that she wanted to "escape" and leave particularly the urban poverty that she and her family had experienced. We underscore Nadia's story because it is a nuanced application of wanting to elevate one's family, community, and culture, even if that elevation meant leaving the family and neighborhood behind. Yet, Nadia did employ navigational and social capital, that aligned with Yosso ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref143">74</reflink>]), to learn how to traverse through institutions of higher education and connect with people socially, like Dr. Tatum [the president of Spelman College during that time], who could help her achieve her graduate school aspirations. We would still consider this a form of <emph>community uplift capital</emph> because Nadia noted that she selected her graduate program for its social justice mission, and she indicated a desire to give back to communities with her degree.</p> <p>While there is literature that maintains that a lack of support and mentoring is a reason some Black women do not pursue STEM degrees (Nguyen et al., [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref144">56</reflink>]; Saw et al., [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref145">62</reflink>]), some participants identified important mentors or moments of encouragement that kept them on a graduate school pathway. For instance, Anatasha was encouraged by an educator early on during her high school years that she should pursue a PhD in a physical science discipline, connecting her aspirational capital to a community form of capital in her schooling. The notion of early encouragement aligns with progressive ideas that the number of Black women who aspire to obtain a STEM degree could increase with the proper affirming support structures in place (Kelly & Fries-Britt, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref146">44</reflink>]; Patton, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref147">58</reflink>]).</p> <p>Findings from this study added to the existing body of work that has used Community Cultural Wealth as a theoretical framework to study Black people in collegiate settings (Brooms & Davis, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref148">9</reflink>]; Burt & Johnson, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref149">10</reflink>]; J. N. Cooper et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref150">19</reflink>]; Jayakumar et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref151">41</reflink>]) and furthers this work to include Black women alumnae with advanced degrees. Additionally, combining Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref152">74</reflink>]) with Black Feminist Thought (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref153">15</reflink>]) added another layer of analysis based on participants' gendered and racialized intersectional identities (K. W. Crenshaw, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref154">21</reflink>]), pairing individual ideas of aspirations with community betterment. For instance, Lisa's graduate school aspirations were influenced by a combination of empowering her Black woman colleague to pursue her PhD, and because of their knowledge-generating dialogue (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref155">15</reflink>]), her colleague convinced Lisa that she should follow her dream to earn a PhD as well. Jasmine's graduate aspirations were also heavily influenced by Black women (i.e., her sister and her college dean). Through the Black feminist dialogical practices Jasmine and her sister engaged in (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref156">15</reflink>]), they were able to create knowledge and understanding collectively that Jasmine was going down the wrong career path and needed to switch her interest from psychology to social work. Moreover, while this was not directly stated in Jasmine's interview, she also implied that seeing another Black woman who had a position of power (i.e., the dean of her college) made her feel proud about her Blackness. It is also tangible to state that the dean showed affinity and notions of care accompanied by acts of "other mothering" (McCallum, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref157">48</reflink>]) toward Jasmine. The dean's actions may have been a byproduct of her own collective consciousness of Black womanhood (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref158">13</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref159">15</reflink>]) were she utilized her position of power to galvanize Jasmine academically by admitting her into the graduate program, despite her less competitive grades, and by paying keen attention to, and handling, any issues that came up for Jasmine while she was in graduate school. Thus, we are asserting that the overlap of familial, communal, and aspirational forms of capital and empowerment may be a unique form of <emph>community uplift capital</emph>, whereby for Jasmine, the uplift of her community was so uniquely tied to her background and her future that it invokes a new form of capital.</p> <p>Similar to Jasmine, Nadia was also inspired and empowered by seeing other Black women role models (like the Black women president of Spelman College) on campus while she was in college, which align with Collins's ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref160">15</reflink>]) and McCallum's ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref161">48</reflink>]) ideas of Black women uplifting one another, particularly in collegiate settings. Yet for Shayla, her graduate student aspirations were fueled by her desire to become a role model for students of color in her own realm of influence. Nadia sought to be her own role model and thus empowered herself (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref162">15</reflink>]) via education to remove herself and escape from the plight of her current circumstances in an urban community. Juxtaposing Nadia's adverse interpretations of her community, Patrice, Anatasha, and Marwa's graduate degree aspirations were all rooted in empowerment through the Black community (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref163">15</reflink>]). Initial theorizing of Community Cultural Wealth's (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref164">74</reflink>]) familial capital speaks to considering one's family in their aspirations, but not in a way that implies community uplift. Black Feminist Thought (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref165">15</reflink>]) allowed an avenue for familial <emph>and</emph> community uplift, a form of <emph>community uplift capital</emph>. Consider the example of Anatasha, her aspirations were funneled through her witnessing her sick grandmother be disempowered from the lack of resources and knowledge for cancer treatment, so she decided to empower herself and others by pursuing a PhD in Biology to help provide better health outcomes for Black people within Black communities. Additionally, Patrice's aspirations were a continuation of her mother's legacy to empower Black women in her neighborhood. While Patrice and Anatasha's aspirational capital was influenced by their maternal lineage, Marwa was empowered by her overall immediate family and the broader Black community at large to traverse and matriculate through her graduate education and earn her doctorate.</p> <p>Conceptually, our study highlighted the importance of expanding the theoretical and practical definitions of educational aspirations (Carter, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref166">12</reflink>]; Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref167">74</reflink>]) to include graduate school aspirations and what influences Black women to obtain advanced degrees; and to explore how aspirations can be rooted in collective ideas of community betterment and not just individual goals. Within the Community Cultural Wealth framework, Yosso ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref168">74</reflink>]) primarily focused on and applied this framework to Latine populations. Aligning with prior research (e.g., Wallace, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref169">68</reflink>]) that has examined how the various forms of assets-based capital might emerge differently among different populations (e.g., ages, racial groups) — so we are also contributing to these ideas of capital for Black women graduate alumnae. For this study, we centered Black women participants and theoretically put Black Feminist Thought (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref170">15</reflink>]) in conversation with Yosso's Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref171">74</reflink>]) which allowed us to introduce collective ideas to typically individualistic notions of aspirations or goal setting. While not often directly acknowledged within scholarship, Yosso ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref172">74</reflink>]) details that a plethora of Black feminist literature and prominent Black feminist thinkers (e.g., Collins, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref173">14</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref174">15</reflink>]; K. W. Crenshaw, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref175">21</reflink>]; hooks, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref176">38</reflink>]) was instrumental in shaping her scholarship, which became what we now know as Community Cultural Wealth. Thus, by reuniting Community Cultural Wealth with Black feminisms (i.e. Black Feminist Thought) this study was able to unveil additional ways in which Black women graduate alumnae utilized aspirational capital. As a byproduct of overlapping these two frameworks, we identified an additional form of capital unique to Black women that is rooted in elevating and uplifting their loved ones, community, and culture, which we have defined as <emph>community uplift capital</emph>. Promoting this idea of <emph>community uplift capital</emph>, through the evidence above, sheds light on the complex and multilayers of aspirations that are at play simultaneously in the lives of historically marginalized and oppressed student populations.</p> <hd id="AN0187564815-8">Implications</hd> <p>Our research about Black women graduate students offers important implications for research, policy, and practice, particularly in a contemporary time when Black women continue to report difficult conditions on college campuses where they are sometimes harassed by their administrative leaders, maligned in the media or attacked by politicians in anti-diversity efforts nationally (Bennett & Cuevas, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref177">5</reflink>]). The findings of this analysis suggest that future research should contemplate graduate school aspirations as connected to families and communities, and to the uplift of both. While our focus was on Black women specifically, it is worth considering ways that other populations of students may similarly be motivated to attend graduate education to uplift those around them. That is, a more collective approach toward aspirations is needed that allows for educational aspirations to not only be an individual accomplishment for personal gain, but rather, as potentially connected to families and communities and collective notions of mobility. Theoretically, employing both Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref178">74</reflink>]) and Black Feminist Thought (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref179">15</reflink>]) allowed us to highlight and value the multilayered assets Black women students possess within educational contexts. A Black feminist approach to considering Community Cultural Wealth may allow for researchers who desire to study Black student populations an avenue for this more in-depth analysis on assets relative to race and gender in particular.</p> <p>There are policy and practical implications from these findings, suggesting that the ideas here can be a tool for faculty mentors and graduate pathway programs on how to better support the graduate school aspirations of Black women and to better understand how their actions either support or hinder Black women's decision to pursue graduate education. Specifically, it could be important to contemplate better ways to connect graduate pathway programs and graduate recruitment efforts to families and communities. Or, even chronicling what a graduate degree meant to a family or community (in recruitment materials, etc.) might be a useful way to show that the institution recognizes the need to better connect to communities and families. For Black women who aspire toward graduate degrees, it is important they do not feel as if it is an anomaly for their aspirations to be deeply linked to their families and communities — and they should be affirmed and validated in those connections. Emphasizing community-engaged research practices, and even providing grant money for projects that can link to communities could be ways for institutions to engage these necessary links between families, communities, and students' aspirations. Graduate admissions policies may need to account for students building into their applications the connections they want to bring to their families and communities.</p> <p>Black women have had high levels of educational aspiration and are currently still on that trend. As Black women in this study aspired toward and completed graduate degrees, they were bolstered by a combination of familial, social, navigational, and resistance capital that was deeply tied to Black feminist notions of empowerment, dialogue, and activism (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref180">15</reflink>]) and became a form of <emph>community uplift capital</emph>. It is important to note that <emph>community uplift capital</emph> is an emergent capital of Community Cultural Wealth and additional empirical research studies are needed to further support this finding. Therefore, we urge future research to consider the possibilities of connections between family, community, resistance, empowerment, and activism — and the possibility that <emph>community uplift capital</emph> might be a driving force for some students (particularly those who come from historically minoritized backgrounds) to aspire toward and complete their degrees. While this paper discussed some of the reasons Black women alumnae were inspired to go to graduate school, there needs to be continued conversations, scholarship, and institutional resources to support Black women's personal and professional pathways to graduate school.</p> <hd id="AN0187564815-9">Conclusion</hd> <p>Previous research maintained that Black women hold high aspirations to pursue higher education, and aspirations are often treated as individual desires to accomplish a particular goal (Carter, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref181">12</reflink>]; Cook & Williams, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref182">17</reflink>]; Nguyen et al., [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref183">56</reflink>]; Winkle-Wagner & Nelson, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref184">73</reflink>]). Yet, little is known about what informs Black women's high aspirations and specifically, how high aspirations influence pathways to graduate studies. In focusing on graduate school pathways, we were able to show both the culmination of high aspirations among Black women, graduate school enrollment, and the unique ways that Black women navigated their journeys to advanced degrees. Through combining Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref185">74</reflink>]) and Black Feminist Thought (Collins, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref186">15</reflink>]) we were able to emphasize how Black women alumnae aspirations to pursue advanced degrees were influenced not only by their individual desire to succeed, but also, by their desire to uplift their families and communities. Thus, this study highlighted a new form of capital, <emph>community uplift capital</emph>, as a form of <emph>collective</emph> aspirational capital that propelled Black women alumnae to attain advanced degrees. Community uplift capital has the potential to reshape the way we think about educational aspirations as simultaneously an individual desire to meet a particular goal <emph>and</emph> as a collective idea of community uplift, obligation, and progress.</p> <hd id="AN0187564815-10">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0187564815-11"> <title> Note </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> We use the term Black to refer to all those who identified African American, Afro Latina, Afro Caribbean, or African ancestry. Black and African American are also used interchangeably at times.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0187564815-12"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Alexander, Q. R., & Bodenhorn, N. (2015). My rock: Black women attending graduate school at a southern predominantly white university. 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PubType: Academic Journal
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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: Closer to My Dreams: Exploring Black Women's Graduate School Aspirations and Community Uplift through a Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Approach
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22LaShawn+Faith+Washington%22">LaShawn Faith Washington</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9486-2012">0000-0001-9486-2012</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Rachelle+Winkle-Wagner%22">Rachelle Winkle-Wagner</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Khadejah+Ray%22">Khadejah Ray</searchLink>
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Higher+Education%22"><i>Journal of Higher Education</i></searchLink>. 2025 96(6):1008-1034.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 27
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Audience
  Label: Education Level
  Group: Audnce
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22African+American+Students%22">African American Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Females%22">Females</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Alumni%22">Alumni</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Womens+Education%22">Womens Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Attitudes%22">Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Graduate+Study%22">Graduate Study</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Capital%22">Social Capital</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Metropolitan+Areas%22">Metropolitan Areas</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Community+Influence%22">Community Influence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Experience%22">Educational Experience</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Graduate+Students%22">Graduate Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Feminism%22">Feminism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Capital%22">Cultural Capital</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Illinois+%28Chicago%29%22">Illinois (Chicago)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Georgia+%28Atlanta%29%22">Georgia (Atlanta)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Louisiana+%28New+Orleans%29%22">Louisiana (New Orleans)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Michigan+%28Detroit%29%22">Michigan (Detroit)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Nebraska+%28Lincoln%29%22">Nebraska (Lincoln)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Nebraska+%28Omaha%29%22">Nebraska (Omaha)</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/00221546.2024.2429977
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0022-1546<br />1538-4640
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: This qualitative study analyzed what shaped the aspirations of Black women graduate student alumnae to earn advanced degrees. Using an assets-based conceptual framework of Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Thought, findings suggested that the aspirational capital of Black women alumnae who obtained advanced degrees was fueled by other familial, navigational, resistance, and social capital and that they also implemented notions of Black feminisms within their trajectories into graduate education. Additionally, by bridging Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Thought, the data suggests a new form of capital, which we call community uplift capital, that is rooted in elevating one's community, family, and culture. The findings have implications for the recruitment and retention of Black graduate students and for stakeholders associated with graduate education matriculation.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1489750
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1489750
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/00221546.2024.2429977
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 27
        StartPage: 1008
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: African American Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Females
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Alumni
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Womens Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Graduate Study
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Social Capital
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Metropolitan Areas
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Community Influence
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educational Experience
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Graduate Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Feminism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Cultural Capital
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Illinois (Chicago)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Georgia (Atlanta)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Louisiana (New Orleans)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Michigan (Detroit)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Nebraska (Lincoln)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Nebraska (Omaha)
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Closer to My Dreams: Exploring Black Women's Graduate School Aspirations and Community Uplift through a Community Cultural Wealth and Black Feminist Approach
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            NameFull: LaShawn Faith Washington
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            NameFull: Rachelle Winkle-Wagner
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            NameFull: Khadejah Ray
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          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2025
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0022-1546
            – Type: issn-electronic
              Value: 1538-4640
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              Value: 96
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            – TitleFull: Journal of Higher Education
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