Hard-to-Reach Schools? Discrimination Experienced by Parents with a Migrant Background. A Participatory Research Approach
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| Title: | Hard-to-Reach Schools? Discrimination Experienced by Parents with a Migrant Background. A Participatory Research Approach |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Sabine Weiss, Jessica Lindner, Ewald Kiel |
| Source: | Pedagogy, Culture and Society. 2025 33(4):1353-1371. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 19 |
| Publication Date: | 2025 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Descriptors: | Foreign Countries, Immigrants, Social Discrimination, Educational Discrimination, Parent Attitudes, Stereotypes, Expectation, Access to Information, Barriers, Family Characteristics, Parent School Relationship |
| Geographic Terms: | Germany |
| DOI: | 10.1080/14681366.2024.2361853 |
| ISSN: | 1468-1366 1747-5104 |
| Abstract: | This study investigated the discrimination experienced by parents with a migrant background in German schools. For this, we shifted the perspective from speaking about to speaking with parents using the critical incident technique as a participatory research approach. The sample included 40 parents from 20 countries of origin, with different languages of origin who had lived in Germany for between two and ten years. The most frequently reported experiences were of low expectations of competence, stereotypical attributions and the deliberate withholding of information. Parents described the pathologising of behaviours due to their family backgrounds that was equated with problem behaviour and the need for treatment. Additionally, school staff alleged that parents were unable or unwilling to support their children in academic matters, giving their 'migrant status' as justification. Schools did not offer opportunities for clarification or made it a requirement to seek expert opinion on a child's mental health before providing opportunities for clarification. Further discriminatory effects, such as the outcomes of self-fulfilling prophecies; feelings of humiliation, helplessness and exclusion; and the fear of being disadvantaged, became evident, which exhausted families mentally and physically. The discussed implications aim at establishing concepts that raise awareness of discrimination and the consequences. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2026 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1494018 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwHOgPj7pc7Y-2OzGkEWx9K1AAAA4jCB3wYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHRMIHOAgEAMIHIBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDOgxlIUdtRpYQvDwuwIBEICBmhaDDbWYunEf907DqmBbsmo2diDdK5UCVXtgbd8KOmyXbg9lTtpxwxiuTtHh-QF26S3dVNgjzavAUZeuk_oM9w2_GzPxOvTTM0Lr-ykw44kFOPsAPpWGXRp5B-M94uV3qpD8Uo1xfUxdS-Yq9A5kEYqrdCNSF056NadGUubkumpMKTavHN2RsCtCE0IaBphLW2d7IoMhy2rAyCI= Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0186671561;nt901aug.25;2025Jul18.01:04;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0186671561-1">Hard-to-reach schools? Discrimination experienced by parents with a migrant background. A participatory research approach </title> <p>This study investigated the discrimination experienced by parents with a migrant background in German schools. For this, we shifted the perspective from speaking about to speaking with parents using the critical incident technique as a participatory research approach. The sample included 40 parents from 20 countries of origin, with different languages of origin who had lived in Germany for between two and ten years. The most frequently reported experiences were of low expectations of competence, stereotypical attributions and the deliberate withholding of information. Parents described the pathologising of behaviours due to their family backgrounds that was equated with problem behaviour and the need for treatment. Additionally, school staff alleged that parents were unable or unwilling to support their children in academic matters, giving their 'migrant status' as justification. Schools did not offer opportunities for clarification or made it a requirement to seek expert opinion on a child's mental health before providing opportunities for clarification. Further discriminatory effects, such as the outcomes of self-fulfilling prophecies; feelings of humiliation, helplessness and exclusion; and the fear of being disadvantaged, became evident, which exhausted families mentally and physically. The discussed implications aim at establishing concepts that raise awareness of discrimination and the consequences.</p> <p>Keywords: Attribution; critical incident technique; disadvantages; discrimination; migrant background; parents; pathologising; self-fulfilling prophecy; stereotyping</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-2">Introduction</hd> <p>In educational institutions, there are various ways in which experiences of discrimination are prevalent. Discrimination often begins by emphasising differences between groups of actors. In the context of schools, the distinction between students and parents 'with' and 'without' a migrant background is common practice (for terminologies, see the IOM [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref1">37</reflink>]). This distinction is often based on underlying constructs, such as the binary classification of 'traditional' and 'non-traditional' or 'diverse' students and parents (Burke [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref2">10</reflink>]; Gibson et al. [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref3">28</reflink>]). Such constructs are discussed together with labels that are often given to parents with a migrant background, such as 'hard-to-reach parents' (Boag-Munroe and Evangelou [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref4">7</reflink>]; Crozier and Davies [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref5">16</reflink>]). Following Spivak's ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref6">64</reflink>]) concept of othering – that is, being perceived as different and not belonging due to discriminatory attributions – represents individually significant experiences that determine agency, self-perception and understanding of the world.</p> <p>In Germany, the location of the present study, in 2022, 23.8 million of the country's inhabitants were migrants; as defined by the Federal Statistical Office ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref7">23</reflink>]) of Germany, this means that they themselves or at least one of their parents were not born with German citizenship. The most common countries of origin are Turkey, Poland, Russian Federation, Romania, Kazakhstan and Syria. In contrast to an EU average of about 30%, the number of minors migrating to Germany is much higher at 54% (Eurostat [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref8">22</reflink>]) and, on average, 31% of students in a German classroom come from a migrant background. In primary schools in large cities students speak more than two hundred different languages of origin (Gogolin and Krueger-Potratz [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref9">29</reflink>]).</p> <p>Distinctions as described above characterise also the German context; for example, the construct of so-called 'migrant others' has been outlined (Mecheril [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref10">52</reflink>]). While the role and impact of parents on students' academic well-being and performance (see the reviews by Castro et al. [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref11">12</reflink>]; Ma et al. [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref12">47</reflink>]) has been investigated in various ways, there is a research gap exploring the perspectives of parents with a migrant background in schools (Hurtig and Dyrness [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref13">35</reflink>]). Their experiences, especially of discrimination, have received little attention in school-related research. Therefore, to counteract this marginalisation and to follow a new path to consider the parents' perspectives, the present study shifts from speaking <emph>about</emph> parents to speaking <emph>with</emph> them, using a participatory research approach (Bergold and Thomas [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref14">6</reflink>]; Vaughn and Jacquez [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref15">68</reflink>]). The focus of the study is on parents' experiences of discrimination. To outline these experiences, the critical incident technique was used (Flanagan [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref16">26</reflink>]; see also Viergever [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref17">69</reflink>]; Watkins et al. [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref18">74</reflink>]); from this, we derived the implications.</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-3">Discrimination in the school context</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186671561-4">Concept, forms and consequences of discrimination</hd> <p>The conceptual understanding of discrimination varies across different academic disciplines and emphasises different aspects (e.g., Braveman et al. [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref19">9</reflink>]; Fibbi, Midtbøen, and Simon [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref20">24</reflink>]). 'Discrimination implies more than simply distinguishing among social objects but refers also to inappropriate and potentially unfair treatment of individuals due to group membership' (Dovidio et al. [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref21">20</reflink>], 8). Thus, this article follows the sociological understanding that discrimination occurs when individuals belonging to a minority have fewer opportunities in life than members of the majority, meaning they have less access to resources and fewer opportunities to participate in society (Small and Pager [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref22">61</reflink>]).</p> <p>Different forms of discrimination have been distinguished in the academic discourse (Dovidio et al. [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref23">20</reflink>]; Pincus [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref24">56</reflink>]). <emph>Individual discrimination</emph> is based on disadvantageous, derogatory actions and speech stemming from prejudices or stereotypes in interpersonal interactions. Assuming persistent systematic disadvantages between members of different social groups, <emph>institutional discrimination</emph> arises from the inherent logics of action within institutions, and its establishment does not require prejudice or discriminatory intentions by the individuals involved. It primarily considers the legal and political frameworks, organisational structures, programmes, norms, rules, routines and collective knowledge repertoires that justify decisions. <emph>Structural discrimination</emph> is based on the socio-structural and historical accumulation of discrimination. It is not clearly attributed to a specific institution but permeates through numerous aspects of life, such as housing, employment, leisure and education (Pincus [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref25">56</reflink>]). While institutional discrimination is linked to laws and policies, <emph>cultural discrimination</emph> is deeply ingrained in a culture's historical background, standards and accepted patterns of behaviour. It 'occurs when one group exerts the power to define values for a society. It involves not only privileging the culture, heritage, and values of the dominant group, but also imposing this culture on other less dominant group' (Dovidio et al. [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref26">20</reflink>], 11).</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-5">Discrimination against parents with a migrant background in the school context</hd> <p>Parents engage with schools primarily through conversations, parent – teacher meetings, by supporting their children at home, and less frequently through classroom observations, events and parental involvement in committees (Schueler, McIntyre, and Gehlbach [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref27">59</reflink>]). As mentioned, various mechanisms and forms of discrimination are prevalent in the school context. A very frequent form involves attributions that become the subject of parent – school contact when teachers express their low expectations of performance to students with a migrant background (e.g., Wang, Rubie-Davies, and Meissel [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref28">72</reflink>]) or to their parents. This documented judgemental bias is, among other countries, present in Germany (Bonefeld and Dickhäuser [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref29">8</reflink>]; Tobisch and Dresel [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref30">66</reflink>]). Attributions result from the fact that families with a migrant background differ from the majority of a society and its (unquestioned) norms. In Germany, these norms are based on a middle-class-orientated 'average family', which is conceptualised as 'bourgeois, white, heterosexual, cisgender, monogamous, settled, healthy, and efficient' (Fitz-Klausner, Schondelmayer, and Riegel [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref31">25</reflink>], 7). Similar conceptualisations can be found in the international discourse (e.g., Walsh [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref32">71</reflink>]; Warner [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref33">73</reflink>]). Regarding this, Walsh ([<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref34">71</reflink>], 4) noted:</p> <p>Defining family normality is problematic in that the term 'normal' is used to refer to quite different concepts and is influenced by the subjective position of the observer and the surrounding culture. ... Our language confounds understanding when such terms as 'healthy', 'typical', and 'functional' are used interchangeably with the label 'normal'.</p> <p>When parents do not conform to such norms and conceptualisations, they are often perceived as 'other', and it is assumed that they have a 'poor fit' with institutionally expected parental norms (Lee and Bowen [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref35">45</reflink>]). As a consequence, parents experience stigmatisation when specific characteristics or conclusions on the behaviour and abilities derived from a certain origin are attributed to them (e.g., Crozier and Davies [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref36">16</reflink>] on Bangladeshi and Pakistani parents; Jeynes [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref37">38</reflink>] on Latino parents; Yamamoto, Jin, and Bempechat [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref38">76</reflink>] on Chinese parents). Most of these studies agree in the overarching attribution that parents come to be quickly branded as being uninterested in their children's education and as unwilling to respond to the forms of contact which schools are familiar with using. This deficit-oriented view might be reflected in the overall perception that migrant parents are not sufficiently informed about country-specific (school) concepts and backgrounds, that their educational values are incompatible with the respective educational goals and norms and that they are unwilling and unable to integrate into the school system (e.g., Cross et al. [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref39">15</reflink>]; Mattingly et al. [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref40">48</reflink>]; van den Bergh et al. [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref41">67</reflink>]).</p> <p>This leads to symbolic disqualification (Croizet et al. [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref42">14</reflink>]; Inzlicht and Schmader [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref43">36</reflink>]) and stereotype threat (Appel, Weber, and Kronberger [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref44">3</reflink>]; Flore and Wicherts [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref45">27</reflink>]). Parents are affected by negative labels such as the prominent and internationally discussed label of 'hard-to-reach parents' (Boag-Munroe and Evangelou [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref46">7</reflink>]; Crozier and Davies [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref47">16</reflink>]), and in particular, parents with a migrant background are quickly and frequently labelled in this way. Furthermore, school systems still operate under the concept of a 'monolingual habitus' (Hinton [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref48">33</reflink>]; Siemund et al. [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref49">60</reflink>]), which privileges the 'target language', or the language of instruction, as a prerequisite for communication between parents and teachers, thereby evoking mechanisms of disadvantage, discrimination and exclusion. These mechanisms are internationally evident, and studies have highlighted a shortage of opportunities to participate in school-related matters for parents who lack or have limited skills in the language of instruction (Anderson et al. [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref50">2</reflink>]; Cross et al. [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref51">15</reflink>]). These missing opportunities to participate are an example of the central role that language plays in the enduring relevance of racism and institutional/interpersonal discrimination in the lives of people, who experience linguistic disparity as an everyday lived reality (Dovchin [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref52">18</reflink>]; Rosa and Flores [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref53">58</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-6">Consequences of discrimination against parents with a migrant background</hd> <p>Consequently, parent-school contact needs to be viewed from a variety of angles because approaches, as just pointed out, could reinforce existing markers of difference. Here, it must be considered that interest and involvement in school matters are not dependent on a migrant background. Parents in general have primarily stressed circumstances that hinder them in their communications with school actors, such as a lack of time due to irregular work hours, limited childcare options, feelings of inferiority and being overwhelmed as well as inhibitions (see the review of Waanders, Mendez, and Downer [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref54">70</reflink>]; Hornby and Lafaele [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref55">34</reflink>]). Furthermore, migrant families felt abandoned when their engagement strategies were not visible for the school (Ceballo et al. [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref56">13</reflink>]). This perception could be triggered by previous experiences of discrimination from other contexts. Then, parents may be discouraged from engaging with schools because of a perceived unequal power relation (Hanafin and Lynch [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref57">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>The consequences of experiencing discrimination are far-reaching and affect various contexts. In general, effects on (access to) education, especially performance development (Lucey and Saguil [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref58">46</reflink>]; McWhirter, Garcia, and Bines [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref59">51</reflink>]) have been documented. Moreover, effects on (mental) health have been emphasised (Lazaridou et al. [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref60">44</reflink>]; Williams, Lawrence, and Davis [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref61">75</reflink>]). In studies such as that of Smith, Hung, and Franklin ([<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref62">62</reflink>]), heightened physiological (e.g., insomnia, backache, headache, high blood pressure), psychological (e.g., frustration, shock, hopelessness, disappointment) and behavioural responses (e.g., self-doubt, loss of appetite, social withdrawal) have been observed. In the educational context, Johnson-Ahorlu ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref63">39</reflink>]) highlighted feelings of humiliation and helplessness. However, more research on the consequences for parents, especially those with a migrant background, is still needed. It is probable that attributions and stereotyping turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy (Appel, Weber, and Kronberger [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref64">3</reflink>]; Flore and Wicherts [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref65">27</reflink>]) in terms of parents' self-conception and competence. In addition, parents who have faced discriminatory experiences no longer respond to engagement strategies, causing teachers to perceive them as less interested in school matters, leading to the aforementioned labelling, or to believe that they do not care about their children's education (Sobel and Kugler [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref66">63</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-7">Research questions</hd> <p>To address different forms and mechanisms of discrimination, the present study focused on the perspectives of parents with a migrant background. Therefore, the following research questions were investigated:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> What experiences of discrimination do parents report related to their contact and collaboration with schools and school staff?</item> <p></p> <item> What distinctive categories and events underlie these discriminatory experiences from parents' perspective?</item> <p></p> <item> Which aspects of the parent – school relationship are affected by these experiences?</item> <p></p> <item> What are the consequences of these experiences, for whom, and in which areas?</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0186671561-8">Method</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186671561-9">Research context and sampling</hd> <p>The present study was part of the 'School for All' project at Ludwig-Maximilians University in Munich, Germany, conducted in collaboration with the Intercultural Office of the City of Munich. The project's higher-level goal was to implement sustainable structural improvement measures in schools, educational institutions and universities as well as standards for new concepts in the field of intercultural education and multilingualism in schools. One area of the project focused on parent – school collaboration.</p> <p>Because the critical incident technique assumes that a study's participants are 'subject-matter experts' (Heine, Schmitt, and Beaujean [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref67">32</reflink>]), the sample included 40 parents with a migrant background. Recruitment was initiated via an announcement from the project's leader which was then forwarded to relevant institutions and organisations at which parents with a migrant background were involved. Interested parents were invited to participate (sampling through self-selection). Following the research questions, the sample was characterised by a broad and diverse composition (Krueger and Casey [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref68">41</reflink>]), including parents from different countries of origin, with different languages of origin and living in Germany for different lengths of time. Of the 40 parents, seven were from Turkey, four from China, three each from Brazil, Greece and Ukraine, two each from Ethiopia, Italy, Poland, Russia and Syria, and one each from Afghanistan, Argentina, France, Colombia, Iraq, Mexico, Morocco, Portugal, Somalia and the United States of America. The parents had lived in Germany for between two and ten years. Of them, 42.5% had children attending elementary school exclusively and 32.5% had children in secondary schools; here, all children in a family attended the same school. 22.5% had several children attending different school types and, therefore, different schools. One child attended a special school.</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-10">Procedure: critical incident technique and focus group discussions</hd> <p>To ensure the involvement of agents of change, we employed a participatory research framework that used systematic inquiry in direct collaboration with those affected by the issue under study for the purpose of action or change (Bergold and Thomas [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref69">6</reflink>]; Vaughn and Jacquez [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref70">68</reflink>]). The framework aimed to co-construct research through researchers and stakeholders as persons with insider knowledge and lived expertise (Cargo and Mercer [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref71">11</reflink>]). Both parties co-constructed knowledge and strategies to meet challenges in professional contexts, and in the best case, both sides benefited from the research process. Participatory approaches can help researchers to more meaningfully engage stakeholders in research and have the potential to create relevant, meaningful research findings that can be translated to action (Vaughn and Jacquez [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref72">68</reflink>]).</p> <p>To step back cognitively from familiar forms of interaction and power relations and to rethink established interpretations of situations and strategies (Bergold and Thomas [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref73">6</reflink>]), we used the critical incident technique (CIT), which was first described by Flanagan ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref74">26</reflink>]). The term 'critical' is not to be understood as meaning 'negative', 'difficult' or 'problematic'; rather, it means that an incident relates to situations that are typical, occur often and are relevant for success within a given area. The CIT serves especially to analyse events, behaviours and episodes in which action takes place under uncertainty, without clear requirements and under the premise of limited knowledge. It aims to investigate significant events in fields with high demands, high levels of responsibility and a need for complex problem-solving (Watkins et al. [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref75">74</reflink>]). The CIT enabled us to identify behaviours and mechanisms of action that either contributed to, or impeded success; provided detailed information about complex situations, processes and organisational settings (Viergever [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref76">69</reflink>]); and evaluate incidents systematically, anticipate future behaviour and avoid or reduce mistakes in the future. The CIT raises questions concerning objectivity and validity – that is, to what extent can the events be generalised (Gremler [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref77">30</reflink>]). Therefore, we used a structured approach and training manuals for moderators, following Heine, Schmitt, and Beaujean ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref78">32</reflink>]). Further, meta-studies, such as that by Dierdorff and Wilson ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref79">17</reflink>]), have suggested that valid implementation of this method can be performed through high inter-rater reliability as it is outlined below.</p> <p>To identify such critical incidents, focus group discussions were conducted (Barbour [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref80">4</reflink>]; Steward [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref81">65</reflink>]), as proposed by Flanagan ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref82">26</reflink>]). Focus group discussions focus on an empirical analysis of social subsystems, collective phenomena and supraindividual behaviour (Krueger and Casey [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref83">41</reflink>]). Statements in the focus group discussions that conjointly determined a collective pattern of orientation were deemed valid. The discussions were not the origin of the collective pattern but provided the necessary room to articulate patterns explicitly. In the present study, the parents were divided into 12 discussion groups, with three or four participants per group (Krueger and Casey [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref84">41</reflink>]). As the discussion language was German, German language skills were a prerequisite for participation (that was communicated in the invitation). However, the parents differed significantly in their language skills. Therefore, small discussion groups were formed as a 'protected space' to minimise parents' fear and insecurity of exposing to others they possibly felt due to their language skills. The small groups offered parents a protective environment in which to present their statements slowly if necessary and respond to requests without time pressure. Nevertheless, different levels of language skills might aggravate group dynamic effects within focus group discussions. The parents were grouped in such a way that groups included parents from different schools and different urban (school) environments (with regard to criteria such as social situation or proportion of students/families with a migrant background) to avoid regional agglomeration and to achieve more diverse and broader argumentation and information (Krueger and Casey [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref85">41</reflink>]).</p> <p>Each discussion group was led by an experienced moderator who was active in teacher education at the time. The moderators were trained using guidelines, and critical incidents were documented on paper. The focus group discussions lasted two hours and were structured thematically around key questions concerning parent – school collaboration, as follows:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> What critical incidents characterise the parent – school collaboration?</item> <p></p> <item> Which aspects of the parent – school relationship are affected by these experiences?</item> <p></p> <item> What conditions and resources of these incidents need to be taken into account and influence the situations?</item> <p></p> <item> What are the consequences and whom or which areas do these consequences affect?</item> </ulist> <p>During the discussion, the parents could set their own focal points, as was the case for the subject of discrimination.</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-11">Analysis and validation</hd> <p>The focus group discussions yielded a total of 38 critical incidents that included parents' experiences of discrimination. According to Flanagan ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref86">26</reflink>]), critical incidents should be analysed by creating categories and subcategories, the goal being to reduce the material to its fundamental content, using abstraction to produce a straightforward corpus that adequately captures the original meaning. Using MAXQDA ([<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref87">49</reflink>]) software, we employed qualitative content analysis (Elo et al. [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref88">21</reflink>]; Mayring [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref89">50</reflink>]) to create relevant categories. The analysis was not based on given theoretical concepts or classifications of discrimination. The categories were developed inductively to explicitly reflect the parents' perspectives and experiences and not to narrow the analysis to predetermined categories. Multiple descriptions of (similar) events could lead to the conclusion that supraindividual aspects had been experienced and perceived by many actors.</p> <p>For the purposes of this analysis, each category was listed and described using explanations, examples, identifying overlaps and distinctions between categories. More precisely, the procedure involved the following four steps.</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Through intensive reading, incidents were assigned to the main categories.</item> <p></p> <item> These main categories were further refined by creating subcategories.</item> <p></p> <item> All categories were thematically restructured, summarised or renamed, and incidents were assigned accordingly. The resulting category system consisted of 14 categories and 109 codings.</item> <p></p> <item> Using the MAXQDA summary grid, thematic summaries of coded passages and critical incidents were created to build systematic case overviews for each group (Rädiker and Kuckartz [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref90">57</reflink>]). To compare patterns and relations across categories, frequencies and distributions were processed in tabular form using the code-matrix browser (Rädiker and Kuckartz [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref91">57</reflink>]).</item> </ulist> <p>The category system was then reviewed by a second researcher. Consensus was reached when at least 80% of the relevant passages had been identically encoded. A percentage coefficient of.70 is considered satisfactory (see Belur et al. [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref92">5</reflink>] for an overview). The inter-rater reliability, calculated by MAXQDA, was initially.83 for all categories combined. To improve this, the protocols of the focus group discussions were reconsidered, and a communicative validation process was performed (see Kvale [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref93">42</reflink>]). The focus of this process was on the categories with an inter-rater reliability of less than.80. By revising these categories, a higher degree of selectivity and inter-rater reliability could be reached. The coefficient achieved was.89.</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-12">Results</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186671561-13">Model based on the data analysis</hd> <p>Figure 1 shows the experiences of discrimination resulting from parent – school contact that were reported by parents with regard to themselves and their children.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 1. Model of the parents' experiences of discrimination.</p> <p>In total, 52 discriminatory experiences were coded which could be assigned to seven different categories of experiences. Most frequently, low expectations of competencies of parents and their children were reported which represent a proportion of about one third of all discussed experiences. Stereotyping or disregarding attributions applied for about one fifth of the coded experiences. As depicted before, the parent sample differed in country of origin, ethnicity and language of origin. However, the experiences parents reported applied to all parents involved. There are no categories on experiences that represent only a particular group of parents in terms of country, nationality or ethnicity. For example, some incidents combine the experiences of both parents and children, such as when low expectations of competence were expressed to both groups of actors. Parents with different backgrounds in terms of country of origin were faced with such low expectations. Additionally, when language skills were used as a discriminatory distinction criterion, this happened with every language that was not the language of instruction. In the following, the parents' experiences are outlined in more detail, supported by selected excerpts from critical incidents to illustrate the revealed categories.</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-14">Experiences of discrimination directed at parents</hd> <p>Some parents stated that school staff used the <emph>language skills as a distinction criterion</emph>, which resulted in discriminatory expressions and treatment.</p> <p>I have two sons of Italian origin. At the very first parents' evening, the teacher advised me to attend a 'literacy course' because my German did not sound so good. (PA_1_1)</p> <p>Such suggestions have an exclusionary characteristic, in particular when school staff limit conversations only to parents' language skills that are estimated by teachers and principals to be insufficient. Such situations can occur during a parent's first contact with the school, often unexpectedly, and thwart a constructive collaboration from the very beginning. Moreover, language skills that are attributed as insufficient can cause parents to feel ignored and excluded from school-related decisions and processes.</p> <p>During the student's learning development meeting, the teacher talked solely to the student and ignored the parents, although they were present. ... The parents' views and comments were not desired. (PA_4_6)</p> <p>As a result of perceived distrust in their linguistic competence and their exclusion from conversations, parents expressed uncertainty and the subliminal fear that they did not meet the linguistic expectations of the actors in the school.</p> <p>However, I often think I have too little knowledge, and I know that I potentially make mistakes. I have the impression that mistakes are not tolerated. The consequence is that I feel a subliminal fear of what is 'correct' or 'incorrect' and of dissatisfaction that I cannot express myself properly and correctly. (PA_1_10)</p> <p> <emph>Attributions regarding parental competencies</emph> went beyond those of language skills. Such attributions extended across all the parents' abilities, including their willingness to engage in school matters and their ability to support their children.</p> <p>She [the teacher] said to me that my daughter does not need to learn so much. Homework is voluntary for the children. Because we are migrants, she does not need to do homework. It was not until I had introduced myself as a teacher and clarified that it is important for me that my children have good language skills that her attitude changed. (PA_3_2)</p> <p>In situations like these, experiences of discrimination affected both parents and their children. Parents who wished to support their children were told that there was no need to do so or that they would not be able to do so. Teachers used the parents' 'migrant status' to justify this, as outlined in the example above. Here, parents stressed their need to justify why they should be taken seriously and get attention; however, they did not always succeed in doing so. In some cases, the attributions stretched to openly expressed mistrust of 'being a good parent' in general.</p> <p>I had a very bad experience with my son in his first class. ... The teachers asked him many questions about his personal life, with the help of a social worker. For example, how do your parents treat you at home? Of course, as a little child, he had no idea what he should answer, and in this case, they gave him prepared answers, and he had to answer only with 'yes' or 'no'. (PA_6_1)</p> <p>Attributions, perceived devaluation, mistrust and the need for justification were regarded as humiliating, and 'despair' (PA_6_4), 'exhaustion' (PA_6_7) and mental burden were further consequences. Moreover, such experiences fuelled concerns over disadvantages that were aggravated by the parents' repeatedly stated perceptions that teachers would show <emph>conscious ignorance</emph>. They would intentionally withhold information, mainly on offers of support that were common knowledge in the school: 'Only a few children in the new primary school have a migrant background. ... The teacher does not even know if there is language support on offer at her own school.' (PA_2_5) From the parents' viewpoint, this ignorance was caused by their 'migrant status', which was linked to them lacking interest in offers of support that were relevant only to a few students in classes with a low migration rate.</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-15">Parents' experiences of discrimination towards their children</hd> <p>Mainly with regard to their children's experiences, parents reported <emph>disregard for family background and living environment</emph>, which was significant for them and their families, as in the second example.</p> <p>My son, who is 14 years old, is in secondary school. He was excluded from school for one week; thus, he had to pick up his homework every morning at 8:45. ... Mid-week, we celebrated the end of Ramadan, and on that day, he didn't go to school to pick up his homework. Because he was excluded, I didn't make a request for dispensation. A month later, we received a letter telling us that we had to pay an administrative fine. We explained the reasons, but we still had to pay the fine. There was no exchange between us and the school. (PA_5_3)</p> <p>I am from Iraq, which I fled because of the war. Therefore, my son was impressed when I told him about the war and my escape. He is seven years old. During lessons, he painted a rifle in his exercise book. His teacher at the Waldorf school thought that our child had violent fantasies and that he was endangering the class. (PA_6_6)</p> <p>In the parents' eyes, the discrimination was reflected by the fact that, on the one hand, the schools did not offer opportunities or were unwilling to discuss and clarify such incidents or the clarification processes that were conducted were protracted and time-consuming; on the other hand, behaviours that resulted from family backgrounds were pathologised, and a 'judgement', once passed, was difficult to reverse. Additionally, from the parents' perspectives, pathologising behaviours that were linked to family backgrounds were aggravated by the school making an external report a precondition even before starting the clarification process. Thus, parents would be forced to consult a psychiatrist or psychotherapist.</p> <p>We went to a psychologist, who said our son was a normal child. ... Only after several conversations, my wife and I could clarify the situation. However, this process lasted several months and caused headaches, in particular, for my son. (PA_6_6)</p> <p>Further, parents outlined <emph>stereotyping</emph> of their children derived from their families' origins and migrant backgrounds. Such stereotyping was directly connected to the students' behaviours, as illustrated in the second example.</p> <p>My son is now in the first year. There are four first-year classes, each with about 25 children. There are six students with an Asian background, and 'by chance', they are all in my son's class. ... I am confused why all the Asian children have been assigned to the same class. The principal said only that it had been a coincidence, but I cannot believe that. Moreover, each child was given a password for a learning app. My son got—again by chance—the password 'rice6'. I have asked myself if the other five Asian children have the passwords 'rice1' to 'rice5'. (PA_6_7)</p> <p>When my daughter got a new mobile phone from us, another girl in the school immediately accused her of having stolen it. At that point, the teacher asked my daughter if she had actually stolen it. My daughter was seriously insulted. We clarified the issue with the school by showing them the receipt. (PA_1_9)</p> <p>The second example is an exemplary representation of the consequences of discriminatory stereotypes. Beyond the deep hurt and humiliation felt by the girl, the parents had to prove that the mobile phone had not been stolen – that one could have a new mobile phone 'despite having a migrant background'. In this way, a formal clarification was carried out. Nevertheless, the girl's humiliation as well as the accusations by both the teacher and the classmate remained ignored. Similar situations were mirrored in other expressions depicting stereotyping statements, such as 'children who do not take part in the class's one-week trip are either Muslims or Jehovah's Witnesses' (PA_1_2). Parents stressed how much such incidents burdened their families. Children would suffer somatic symptoms ('my son suffered severe stomach pain and needed to visit a doctor', PA_4_10) and 'spend a long time thinking about what had happened' (PA_4_1).</p> <p>Further, some parents described <emph>low expectations of their children's intellectual performance</emph> as being the subject of parent – school contact.</p> <p>At the beginning of the school year, the teacher demanded that I come to her consultation hour. She advised me to register my daughter for a language support course. My daughter was born in Germany and has grown up bilingually. The teachers didn't give reasons why my daughter should attend this course. (PA_3_1)</p> <p>I wanted to enrol my daughter in the school some months before she reached the actual school entrance age. For this, she had to pass a test, together with some other children. She didn't acoustically understand one of the tasks and asked the teacher to repeat it. However, the teacher thought that she did not understand enough German and answered quite impertinently, saying: 'If you do not understand, I cannot help you.' My daughter felt very insecure and started to cry. She didn't pass the test. (PA_4_1)</p> <p>Some parents complained that low expectations of intellectual performance were, for example, extrapolated from the language skills attributed to their children. German as a second language and multilingualism were seen as reasons why support was needed. Generally such estimations were made without transparent justification, and again, opportunities for clarification were missing. Moreover, parents stressed that such low expectations of their children's performance were openly expressed and used as arguments for their children to decide to pursue a certain educational direction.</p> <p>She was one of the best students in the class and had very good grades, but there was then a change of teacher due to illness. Unfortunately, the new teacher discouraged my daughter. She told her again and again that she didn't need a high school education, that all her friends would also not strive for a high school degree and that she should stay with them. Although my daughter had good grades, now she doesn't want to go to high school anymore, and she doesn't want to get good grades either. (PA_6_4)</p> <p>Such situations were connected to <emph>non-transparent, unjustified recommendations</emph> regarding children's educational careers. This applied especially to incidents in which parents were advised to enrol their children in special schools.</p> <p>My daughter was illiterate when she entered the fifth year, in the middle of the school year. It was completely clear that the teachers could not perform miracles. ... However, during the eighth grade, the teachers tried to declare that she was 'mentally disabled' and 'to deport' her to a special education school. ... Fortunately, we could refute this proposition with a test from the employment office. ... She is preparing now at school for vocational training. (PA_3_1)</p> <p>Again, some parents stated that explanations for recommendations and determinations were lacking or superficial: 'Your son has concentration difficulties ... He needs to attend a special school.' (PA_5_2) Parents further stated that schools 'applied double standards': 'I had the impression the teacher thought that children from families with a migrant background did not need to learn German as well as did children without a migrant background' (PA_3_2). As a consequence, parents feared that schools did not provide with the best possible support.</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-16">Discussion</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186671561-17">Shift in perspective: from speaking with rather than about parents</hd> <p>The shift in perspective of speaking <emph>with</emph> rather than <emph>about</emph> parents with a migrant background contributed to identifying forms and mechanisms of discrimination in parent – school contact from the parents' viewpoint. Most frequently, low expectations of competence (Tobisch and Dresel [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref94">66</reflink>]; Wang, Rubie-Davies, and Meissel [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref95">72</reflink>]), stereotypical attributions (Johnson-Ahorlu [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref96">39</reflink>]), disregarding significant information and backgrounds (e.g., resulting from families' experiences) and devaluating the families' languages of origin were reported.</p> <p>Generally, parents reported similar experiences of discrimination both to themselves and to their children, although they referred more often to their children's experiences. This may be because children interact more with school actors and the inherent logics and structures of schools, which can form the basis for such experiences. Moreover, it is conceivable that parents are in particular vulnerable to situations involving their children. Discussing the findings needed to include different perspectives – that of children, parents, and family – and the identified forms and mechanisms of discrimination – attributions, low expectations, devaluation of languages – as well as the resulting consequences. In this context, it should be noted that such incidents reflected parents' perceptions in a way that was consistent with the aim of the present study, which was to give parents with a migrant background a voice. Other actors' perspectives and interpretations were not considered. For example, the aspect of intentionally withholding information certainly depends on the individual perspective. Nevertheless, experiences such as stereotypical attributions (issuing the password 'rice6' to an Asian student or assuming theft due to a migrant background) need to be discussed.</p> <p>Concerning their children, parents complained that stereotypical attributions and low expectations of performance were expressed very frankly and, in addition, early on in their children's educational journeys. Questions arose as to how teachers would teach and assess students in later years after they had shown low expectations during the first few weeks of the first grade. It became evident that such experiences had further discriminatory effects such as the well-known devastating effects of self-fulfilling prophecies on self-conception and performance (Appel, Weber, and Kronberger [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref97">3</reflink>]; Flore and Wicherts [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref98">27</reflink>]).</p> <p>Concerning family history, parents perceived their family background, experiences in their country of origin and of displacement and flight as well as their living environment as being quickly and unquestioningly pathologised (see La Salle et al. [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref99">43</reflink>]). School staff automatically equated such backgrounds with problem behaviour and the need for treatment; parents felt that they were forced to consult psychiatrists or psychotherapists. Further, considering non-German languages and multilingualism as reasons why support is needed might relate to linguistic racism – 'the ideologies and practices that are utilised to conform, normalise and reformulate an unequal and uneven linguistic power between language users' (Dovchin [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref100">18</reflink>], 773; Rosa and Flores [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref101">58</reflink>]). Unequal power relation between parents and schools arise (Hanafin and Lynch [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref102">31</reflink>]), and studies such as the one by Dovchin ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref103">19</reflink>]) have illustrated consequences such as inferiority complexes leading to social withdrawal, sense of non-belonging, low self-esteem, fear, and depressive symptoms similar to what parents in the present study reported as a consequence of discriminatory treatment. Parents fear disadvantages in their children's educational careers, and feelings of humiliation, helplessness ('that one can only lose'), despair and being judged by 'double standards' can affect families for a long time. Such experiences permeate daily life and illustrate the detrimental effects of discrimination on mental and physical health (Lazaridou et al. [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref104">44</reflink>]; Williams, Lawrence, and Davis [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref105">75</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-18">Implications</hd> <p>On the one hand, implications could be linked to well-known measures to address educational inequalities and outcomes based on students' origins and backgrounds (e.g., OECD [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref106">55</reflink>]). On the other hand, since parents frequently reported discrimination during individual interactions, measures at the (individual) school level are expedient.</p> <p>Considering parents' significant influence on their children's academic performance and well-being (Castro et al. [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref107">12</reflink>]; Ma et al. [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref108">47</reflink>]), maintaining and establishing contact should be in individual schools' interests. Many incidents reported by the parents pertained to a lack of information flow; therefore, communication channels and routines should be considered that ensure access to relevant information for all parents and prevent the intentional withholding of information. This includes making the criteria that schools use in making decisions and recommendations transparent to prevent from using a migrant background as the basis for legitimisation. Further training programmes on discrimination-sensitive educational work for school staff already exist; nevertheless, individual schools are responsible for developing and establishing concepts that raise awareness of the consequences of discrimination and othering experiences. Additionally, such concepts should initiate questioning institutionally expected norms (Lee and Bowen [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref109">45</reflink>]) and attributions regarding academic performance, behaviour and parental competence (e.g., Bonefeld and Dickhäuser [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref110">8</reflink>]; Wang, Rubie-Davies, and Meissel [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref111">72</reflink>]) and lay down clear rules and responsibilities for sanctions in case of violations.</p> <p>Concepts should also prevent pathologising behaviour resulting from family history and living environment as schools made it a requirement to seek expert opinion on a child's mental health before providing opportunities for conversation and clarification. Unequal power relations were also reinforced when parents were told that they were unable or unwilling to support their children in academic matters, their support was dismissed as unnecessary or they were not trusted to care appropriately about their children – all of which was justified by the 'migrant status' that school staff attributed to them. Such experiences shine new light on the label of 'hard-to-reach parents' (Boag-Munroe and Evangelou [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref112">7</reflink>]; Crozier and Davies [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref113">16</reflink>]) and rather cement a 'hard-to-reach schools' label. Therefore, there is a need for respective contact points that should serve to ensure that opportunities for clarification are provided and that the willingness of school staff to collaborate does not depend on external expert opinions. Consulting special in-school and external support would be an appropriate recommendation by teachers; however, it should not be a precondition that must be fulfilled before coming into contact with the school. Clarification processes must not be one-sided; they need to incorporate the perspectives of all stakeholders involved, such as teachers, principals and other school staff. Only then will it be possible to initiate processes to which all school members feel committed.</p> <p>In addition, parents' active engagement in schools should be encouraged. Involving parents in committee work, such as on parents' councils, could provide opportunities for them to help actively drive change in schools (Kiel, Syring, and Weiss [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref114">40</reflink>]). Studies have shown that schools benefit from parental involvement and collaborative activities, especially with regard to the school environment and classroom discipline (Muscott et al. [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref115">54</reflink>]). Furthermore, teachers have reported a more positive view of their students' families and feel more supported in their work with students (Amatea and Dolan [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref116">1</reflink>]). Different in-school and extracurricular professionals could be a significant resource for providing different perspectives on parents and their backgrounds and counselling beyond issues related to students' performance (Mehta et al. [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref117">53</reflink>]). However, so that they are not discouraged from engaging with schools, parents should not be forced to come into contact with these partners, thereby avoiding the perception of an unequal power relation (Hanafin and Lynch [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref118">31</reflink>]). This was outlined in the present study with regard to the external expert opinion on a child's mental health that had been demanded by the school.</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-19">Limitations</hd> <p>Some limitations to this study need to be acknowledged. In particular, the results outlined represent the parents' perspectives and perceptions and do not consider the views and interpretations of other actors. Additionally, the events described in the present study do not reflect the actions of all teachers and, therefore, should not be generalised to all school staff. Moreover, the sampling, the CIT and focus group discussions need to be considered critically. Generally, it should be considered carefully when a heterogeneous group, such as 'parents with a migrant background', is grouped under a single category. Moreover, it is possible that the study attracted in particular parents who had succeeded, along with their children, despite their discriminatory experiences; at the same time, parents who had not won this 'battle' might have turned away from schools and the educational system and were therefore not willing to participate in the study. As further documented, participants may have been overwhelmed by dominant participants or omitted details that they did not dare report (Krueger and Casey [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref119">41</reflink>]). Therefore, in the long term, other actor groups and their perspectives need to be included to bring the reported events into a larger framework and to validate and differentiate interpretations.</p> <hd id="AN0186671561-20">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0186671561-21"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref116" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Amatea, E. S., and K. Dolan. 2009. " Fostering Student and Family Engagement in Learning Through Student-Led Parent Conferences." In Building Culturally Responsive Family–School Relationships, edited by E. S. Amatea, 252 – 276. Boston, MA : Pearson.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref50" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Anderson, M., R. B. Cox, Z. Giano, and K. M. Shreffler. 2020. " Latino Parent-Child English Language Fluency: Implications for Maternal School Involvement." 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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Hard-to-Reach Schools? Discrimination Experienced by Parents with a Migrant Background. A Participatory Research Approach – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Sabine+Weiss%22">Sabine Weiss</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Jessica+Lindner%22">Jessica Lindner</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Ewald+Kiel%22">Ewald Kiel</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Pedagogy%2C+Culture+and+Society%22"><i>Pedagogy, Culture and Society</i></searchLink>. 2025 33(4):1353-1371. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 19 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Immigrants%22">Immigrants</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Discrimination%22">Social Discrimination</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Discrimination%22">Educational Discrimination</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Attitudes%22">Parent Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Stereotypes%22">Stereotypes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Expectation%22">Expectation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Access+to+Information%22">Access to Information</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Barriers%22">Barriers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Family+Characteristics%22">Family Characteristics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+School+Relationship%22">Parent School Relationship</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Germany%22">Germany</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/14681366.2024.2361853 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1468-1366<br />1747-5104 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This study investigated the discrimination experienced by parents with a migrant background in German schools. For this, we shifted the perspective from speaking about to speaking with parents using the critical incident technique as a participatory research approach. The sample included 40 parents from 20 countries of origin, with different languages of origin who had lived in Germany for between two and ten years. The most frequently reported experiences were of low expectations of competence, stereotypical attributions and the deliberate withholding of information. Parents described the pathologising of behaviours due to their family backgrounds that was equated with problem behaviour and the need for treatment. Additionally, school staff alleged that parents were unable or unwilling to support their children in academic matters, giving their 'migrant status' as justification. Schools did not offer opportunities for clarification or made it a requirement to seek expert opinion on a child's mental health before providing opportunities for clarification. Further discriminatory effects, such as the outcomes of self-fulfilling prophecies; feelings of humiliation, helplessness and exclusion; and the fear of being disadvantaged, became evident, which exhausted families mentally and physically. The discussed implications aim at establishing concepts that raise awareness of discrimination and the consequences. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2026 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1494018 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/14681366.2024.2361853 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 19 StartPage: 1353 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Immigrants Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Discrimination Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Discrimination Type: general – SubjectFull: Parent Attitudes Type: general – SubjectFull: Stereotypes Type: general – SubjectFull: Expectation Type: general – SubjectFull: Access to Information Type: general – SubjectFull: Barriers Type: general – SubjectFull: Family Characteristics Type: general – SubjectFull: Parent School Relationship Type: general – SubjectFull: Germany Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Hard-to-Reach Schools? Discrimination Experienced by Parents with a Migrant Background. A Participatory Research Approach Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Sabine Weiss – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Jessica Lindner – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Ewald Kiel IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2025 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1468-1366 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1747-5104 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 33 – Type: issue Value: 4 Titles: – TitleFull: Pedagogy, Culture and Society Type: main |
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