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Ultra-Orthodox Parents' Perspectives on Applying Learning Technologies in Elementary Schools

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Title: Ultra-Orthodox Parents' Perspectives on Applying Learning Technologies in Elementary Schools
Language: English
Authors: Meital Amzalag, Zeev Gross
Source: British Journal of Religious Education. 2026 48(1):57-74.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 18
Publication Date: 2026
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Elementary Education
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Jews, Elementary Schools, Parents, Parent Attitudes, Computer Attitudes, Technology Integration, Educational Technology, Technology Uses in Education, Religious Factors, Fear
Geographic Terms: Israel
DOI: 10.1080/01416200.2025.2471105
ISSN: 0141-6200
1740-7931
Abstract: The ultra-Orthodox Jewish community in Israel is characterised by its strong cohesion, unique educational system, and limited adoption of technology. In this study, we examined the viewpoints and motivations of ultra-Orthodox parents regarding the implementation of various learning technologies in elementary schools. The study employed a mixed-methods approach, incorporating quantitative research to explore the viewpoints of ultra-Orthodox parents with children in elementary schools on the effectiveness of digital learning during emergency conditions. Additionally, qualitative research was conducted to examine parental perceptions of technology in general and its implementation within educational settings, encompassing both everyday routines and periods of crisis. The findings demonstrate that ultra-Orthodox parents' expressed reservations about almost any form of technology adoption in their children's elementary schools. There were reservations regarding screen addiction, possible harm to cognitive functions and reservation skills, and exposure to explicit content, violence and ideas that conflict with religious beliefs.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2026
Accession Number: EJ1499472
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0190412449;ga401jan.26;2025Dec24.08:10;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0190412449-1">Ultra-Orthodox parents' perspectives on applying learning technologies in elementary schools </title> <p>The ultra-Orthodox Jewish community in Israel is characterised by its strong cohesion, unique educational system, and limited adoption of technology. In this study, we examined the viewpoints and motivations of ultra-Orthodox parents regarding the implementation of various learning technologies in elementary schools. The study employed a mixed-methods approach, incorporating quantitative research to explore the viewpoints of ultra-Orthodox parents with children in elementary schools on the effectiveness of digital learning during emergency conditions. Additionally, qualitative research was conducted to examine parental perceptions of technology in general and its implementation within educational settings, encompassing both everyday routines and periods of crisis. The findings demonstrate that ultra-Orthodox parents' expressed reservations about almost any form of technology adoption in their children's elementary schools. There were reservations regarding screen addiction, possible harm to cognitive functions and reservation skills, and exposure to explicit content, violence and ideas that conflict with religious beliefs.</p> <p>Keywords: Ultra-Orthodox; parents' perspectives; elementary school; emergent conditions</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-2">Introduction and literature review</hd> <p>The ultra-Orthodox population in Israel comprises approximately 1,250,000 individuals, accounting for around 15% of the country's total population (Malach and Cahaner [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref1">29</reflink>]). The remarkable fertility rate within the ultra-community leads to an annual growth rate of 4.2% in a year. If this trend persists, the ultra-sector will double in size every 16 years. In terms of household income, the average level in the ultra-sector stands at 14,745 NIS, while the general Jewish sector averages at 23,235 NIS. Consequently, the percentage of families in the ultra-Orthodox sector below the poverty line is 42%, compared to 18% in the general Jewish sector (Malach and Cahaner [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref2">29</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although the ultra-Orthodox sector may appear homogeneous to external observers, it is, in practice, comprised of multiple subgroups with political and social differences. These subgroups maintain separate educational institutions that adhere to the distinct ideologies of each group (Brown [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref3">9</reflink>]). The main currents within ultra-Orthodox society include the 'Lithuanians', who advocate complete dedication to Torah study and an ascetic lifestyle; the 'Hasidim', who follow a rigid lifestyle based on principles from Kabbalah and Jewish mysticism; and the 'youngest' group, the ultra-Orthodox Sephardim, who strongly identify with the Shas party (Spiegel [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref4">45</reflink>]). Despite these differences, there are approximately 10 common characteristics observed within ultra-Orthodox society. Key features include a strict interpretation and adherence to mitzvot (commandments), social control over lifestyle, distinctive visual characteristics, unwavering commitment to Torah, seclusion and conservatism (Gal [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref5">16</reflink>]).</p> <p>Considering the distinctive characteristics of the ultra-Orthodox sector, the state continues to respect the autonomy of its educational system, despite the existence of compulsory education laws and a state education system with standardised goals and curriculum. Due to the steadfast opposition from leaders within the ultra-Orthodox community regarding state intervention in educational content, most ultra-Orthodox educational institutions have remained outside the state framework and have operated independently. However, in recent years, there has been a noticeable rise in the number of educational institutions that are designated as state-Orthodox, signalling a growing trend. Presently, most of the independent ultra-Orthodox educational framework is classified as 'mochashar', denoting recognised non-official educational institutions.</p> <p>The education systems and frameworks within ultra-Orthodox society are characterised by distinct features, including a complete separation between boys and girls and a strong emphasis on Torah studies (Nadan and Ganz [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref6">33</reflink>]). In girls' educational frameworks, female students receive a high school education and obtain a matriculation certificate or an equivalent qualification, following the core curriculum mandated for all students in the State of Israel (Almog and Perry-Hazan [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref7">2</reflink>]).</p> <p>However, in the elementary education system for boys, there is a significant deviation from the general curriculum. Boys typically study between 55–75% of the core hours allocated to the general curriculum. The remaining portion of their school day is dedicated to studying sacred subjects without formal supervision, structured plans or defined goals. Consequently, boys often acquire a general education level equivalent to that of the third or fourth grade only (Künkler and Lerner [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref8">26</reflink>]; Spiegel [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref9">45</reflink>]).</p> <p>Upon reaching the age of 13, which marks the end of the eighth grade, male students in ultra-Orthodox settings often transition to what is referred to as a 'small yeshiva' (Bartl et al. [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref10">5</reflink>]; Hakak [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref11">18</reflink>]; Spiegel [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref12">45</reflink>]). These institutions typically operate as boarding schools, where students engage in the intense study of sacred texts, with a particular emphasis on Gemara studies (Spiegel [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref13">45</reflink>]).</p> <p>Despite the conservative nature and distinctive characteristics of ultra-Orthodox society, studies indicate a significant presence of Internet connectivity within this community. Approximately 67% of individuals in the ultra-Orthodox sector are connected to the Internet, 40% are connected to the Internet every day or almost every day, 40% consume information from general news websites and 24% utilise social networks (Central Bureau of Statistics [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref14">12</reflink>]). Surprisingly, even though less than half of the ultra-Orthodox respondents are connected to the Internet, approximately 66% of them reported regular Internet usage at work and in other settings (Cahaner and Malach [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref15">11</reflink>]).</p> <p>Despite the growing use of the Internet and social networks within the ultra-Orthodox sector, this technological revolution has not permeated the field of education. Schools in the ultra-Orthodox sector largely avoid incorporating technology for learning purposes (Spiegel [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref16">45</reflink>]). This deliberate avoidance decision holds significant implications for the future of children studying in these settings.</p> <p>Studies emphasise the importance of digital skills such as information management, innovation, communication and media usage as crucial competencies for individuals to effectively integrate into the twenty-first-century economy and society (Barak [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref17">4</reflink>]; Martínez-Bravo, Chalezquer, and Serrano-Puche [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref18">30</reflink>]; Obschonka et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref19">37</reflink>]). The education system plays a crucial role in equipping graduates with the necessary tools and skills required for their future economic and social endeavours (Anderman and Sinatra [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref20">3</reflink>]; Binkley et al. [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref21">7</reflink>]; Donovan, Green, and Mason [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref22">15</reflink>]; Martínez-Bravo, Chalezquer, and Serrano-Puche [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref23">30</reflink>]). Thus, the limited adoption of technology within the ultra-Orthodox education system raises concerns regarding the preparedness of its students for the evolving demands of the contemporary world.</p> <p>Indeed, the ultra-Orthodox public have to deal with the adoption of technology following situations that could require social distancing and lead to the closing of educational institutions, such as wars, earthquakes and pandemics. The outbreak of the COVID-19 virus and the social distancing imposed on everyone, including ultra-Orthodox students and the ultra-Orthodox education system, presented an exceptionally challenging situation for the ultra-Orthodox sector, as it confronted the dilemma of balancing social distancing protocols with its conservative approach to integrating technology in education. Consequently, the ultra-Orthodox sector implemented a distinctive online learning paradigm that harmonised with its unique lifestyle. This transition was facilitated through the delivery of synchronous and asynchronous lessons via dedicated phone lines to students in their respective homes (Rozenberg, Sabag Ben-Porat, and Bilig [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref24">43</reflink>]). To enable simultaneous studying for multiple children, numerous parents procured additional phone lines. The social distancing forced the ultra-Orthodox rabbis to adopt creative solutions that did not exist for them before. This solution did not satisfy part of the ultra-Orthodox population, and more households were connected to the Internet (Malach and Cahaner [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref25">29</reflink>]).</p> <p>Research literature addresses the complex relationship between technology and conservative religious communities, highlighting the challenges these groups face as they navigate the tension between modern advancements and traditional values (Nahon and Barzilai [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref26">34</reflink>]). For example, Saudi Arabia is a religiously and socially conservative country with a clear dichotomy between preserving religious beliefs and values and modern technology (Albugami and Ahmed [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref27">1</reflink>]; Harianto [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref28">19</reflink>]). Consequently, the government censors any content it deems harmful to society. However, the government also places significant importance on online learning. Therefore, teachers receive training in the effective use of ICT tools and are encouraged to integrate them in a manner that does not contradict Islamic teachings (Albugami and Ahmed [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref29">1</reflink>]). In Sudan, there is also a tension between religion and technology. Educational materials such as videos, audio content, and animations have been developed to teach religious subjects, and there is a belief that integrating ICT from elementary school onwards is a positive step towards improving the quality of education (Hulkin and Santosa [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref30">21</reflink>]). The dilemma between religious tradition and evolving digital trends also exists among families seeking to preserve their Christian values. Here too, the solution is to incorporate ICT into Christian religious education, particularly within the family setting (Buaya and Kolibu [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref31">10</reflink>]).</p> <p>The current literature addresses parental perspectives on the efficacy of distance learning during the COVID-19 pandemic (Daniela, Rubene, and Rūdolfa [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref32">14</reflink>]; Misirli and Ergulec [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref33">32</reflink>]), the impact of the Ukraine war and the repercussions of earthquakes on teaching and learning (Mackey et al. [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref34">28</reflink>]; Opryshko [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref35">39</reflink>]), and parental attitudes towards the utilisation of smart mobile devices and learning software in schools (Page Jeffery [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref36">40</reflink>]). Surprisingly, there is a dearth of research examining parental perspectives regarding the integration of technology in elementary school teaching within the ultra-Orthodox sector, which is characterised by its conservative and sceptical nature.</p> <p>Based on these gaps in the literature regarding the ultra-Orthodox sector, this study aimed to explore the attitudes of parents in the ultra-Orthodox sector towards technology in general, as well as their perspectives on the integration of educational technologies into their children's education frameworks.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-3">Aim and research questions</hd> <p>The primary objective of this study was to examine the attitudes held by parents within the ultra-Orthodox sector, whose children fell within the age range of 6–12 years, in relation to the incorporation of technology within the educational environments of their children's schools.</p> <p>To address this goal, the following research questions were formulated:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> How does the attitude of ultra-Orthodox parents towards technology, both in general and specifically concerning new technologies, differ from that of secular individuals?</item> <p></p> <item> What are the perceptions of parents from the ultra-Orthodox sector, who have children in elementary school, regarding the integration of technology in teaching practices within their children's schools?</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0190412449-4">Methodology</hd> <p>This study employed a mixed-methods research approach to comprehensively explore the phenomenon by combining both quantitative and qualitative analyses. The quantitative methodology facilitated the identification of overarching patterns and trends, whereas the qualitative methodology enabled a more profound comprehension of the phenomena that were identified (Cohen, Manion, and Morrison [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref37">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>The research was conducted through two discrete phases. Initially, parents from various sectors answered an online questionnaire regarding their attitudes towards technological tools for distance learning in the aftermath of the COVID-19 crisis. The questionnaire was distributed to elementary school parents during the summer of 2021. Further, to gain a deeper understanding of the questionnaire findings regarding the ultra-Orthodox sector, in-depth interviews were conducted to gain further insights and perspectives from the participants.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-5">Study population</hd> <p>A total of 102 parents, aged 30–45 years, answered a questionnaire. The respondents represented a diverse range of Jewish sectors in the country. Among the participants, 40% identified themselves as secular, 30% as ultra-Orthodox, 20% as religious and 10% as traditional. Geographically, the study population was distributed throughout the country, with 40% living in Jerusalem and its surrounding area, 35% in the central region, 15% in the north and 10% in the south. Most participants (75%) possessed a high level of education, and a significant portion of households (86%) reported an income of NIS 10,000 or above. Notably, despite sectoral differences, a substantial majority of respondents (82%) reported having Internet access and self-identified as technologically oriented. The distribution of participants according to their religion is presented in Table 1:</p> <p>Table 1. Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of quantitative study participants.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Characteristics</td><td /><td>Secular (n = 39)</td><td>Traditional (n = 9)</td><td>Religious (n = 23)</td><td>Ultra-Orthodox (n = 29)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Living area</td><td>North</td><td>3 (8%)</td><td>2 (22%)</td><td>6 (26%)</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td>Center</td><td>23 (59%)</td><td>1 (11%)</td><td>5 (22%)</td><td>2 (7%)</td></tr><tr><td>South</td><td>11 (28%)</td><td>1 (11%)</td><td>2 (9%)</td><td>2 (7%)</td></tr><tr><td>Jerusalem and Surroundings</td><td>2 (5%)</td><td>5 (56%)</td><td>10 (43%)</td><td>24 (83%)</td></tr><tr><td>Average monthly income</td><td>up to 10,000</td><td>2 (5%)</td><td>1 (11%)</td><td>3 (13%)</td><td>8 (28%)</td></tr><tr><td>Over 10,000 NIS</td><td>35 (90%)</td><td>8 (89%)</td><td>20 (87%)</td><td>21 (82%)</td></tr><tr><td>Education</td><td>High School Diploma</td><td>3 (8%)</td><td>2 (22%)</td><td>0</td><td>3 (10%)</td></tr><tr><td>Torah Education</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>2 (9%)</td><td>3 (10%)</td></tr><tr><td>Professional Certificate</td><td>3 (8%)</td><td>1 (11%)</td><td>1 (4%)</td><td>8 (28%)</td></tr><tr><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>10 (26%)</td><td>2 (22%)</td><td>13 (57%)</td><td>8 (28%)</td></tr><tr><td>Master's Degree or Higher</td><td>23 (59%)</td><td>4 (44%)</td><td>8 (35%)</td><td>7 (24%)</td></tr><tr><td>Internet connection</td><td>I do not have an internet connection.</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>1 (3%)</td></tr><tr><td>I only have an internet connection at home.</td><td>0</td><td>1 (11%)</td><td>0</td><td>14 (48%)</td></tr><tr><td>I only have an internet connection through my phone.</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>1 (13%)</td></tr><tr><td>I have an internet connection both at home and through my phone</td><td>39 (100%)</td><td>8 (89%)</td><td>23 (100%)</td><td>13 (45%)</td></tr><tr><td>Having a digital orientation</td><td>No</td><td>7 (18%)</td><td>2 (22%)</td><td>0</td><td>8 (28%)</td></tr><tr><td>Yes</td><td>32 (82%)</td><td>7 (78%)</td><td>23 (100%)</td><td>21 (82%)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 Participants sometimes chose not to answer certain questions, which explains why the percentages do not add up to 100%.</p> <p>In addition, 11 parents of elementary school children (grades 1–6) belonging to the ultra-Orthodox sector were interviewed: seven men and four women, ages 29 to 53. Nine of them belong to the Lithuanian (Litvish) sector, while two interviewees belong to the Hasidic sector. All interviewees resided in the greater Jerusalem area, including Beit Shemesh. Nine of the interviewees were employed, while two indicated that they devoted their time to daily Talmud study.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-6">Research tools and data collection process</hd> <p>The questionnaire was based on a validated questionnaire developed by Israel's National Authority for Measurement and Evaluation in Education (RAMA) ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref38">22</reflink>]) and was adapted for this research.</p> <p>The questionnaire included two parts: background variables, such as age, sector, socio-economic level, and connection to the Internet. In the second part, we examined the participants' attitudes towards technology in general and its integration into primary education in particular. We also examined their attitudes towards the success of online learning during closures in times of crisis. Details on the structure of the questionnaire and examples of statements are shown in Table 2.</p> <p>Table 2. Questionnaire topics, examples of items and reliability.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Variable name</td><td>Item number</td><td>Examples of items</td><td>Cronbach's alpha</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Technology and teaching</td><td>5</td><td>'I am concerned about the effects of the Internet on my children' 'I am sceptical about new technology' 'I want technology to be integrated into my children's educational frameworks'</td><td>0.821</td></tr><tr><td>Learning experience</td><td>7</td><td><list list-type="Bullet"><list-item><p>During the learning sessions, the teacher succeeded in teaching the material</p></list-item><list-item><p>During the learning period, your child completed the tasks assigned by the teacher</p></list-item></list></td><td>0.701</td></tr><tr><td>Barriers</td><td>5</td><td><list list-type="Bullet"><list-item><p>Technical problems in the line or network</p></list-item><list-item><p>Lack of experience of teachers in remote instruction</p></list-item></list></td><td>0.874</td></tr><tr><td>Emotional and social response</td><td>3</td><td><list list-type="Bullet"><list-item><p>The educators addressed your child's social needs</p></list-item><list-item><p>The educators addressed your child's emotional needs</p></list-item></list></td><td>0.765</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>2 All items were rated on a Likert scale: 1 = disagree at all, 5 = strongly agree.</p> <p>The questionnaire was administered online to secular and religious respondents and distributed manually in a printed format to Haredi respondents.</p> <p>In the following phase, an extensive series of in-depth interviews was undertaken, encompassing a cohort of 11 parents whose children were enrolled in elementary schools within the ultra-Orthodox sector. These interviews were conducted over the period spanning from May to August 2022. The participants for these interviews were procured through personal and familial networks. Predominantly, the interviews were executed face-to-face, transpiring within the confines of the interviewees' residences, while two interviews were conducted utilising the Zoom platform.</p> <p>During the interview sessions, a dual set of inquiries was administered, comprising background-oriented questions along with eight specific inquiries germane to the research topic. Among the articulated queries were the following: How do you navigate your stance towards emerging technologies, embracing or adversely reacting to them? To what extent is technology integrated into the curriculum of your children's educational institutions? In the event of such integration, what modalities are adopted? Moreover, what is your projection for the educational landscape of the ultra-Orthodox sector a decade hence, in terms of the assimilation of technology into pedagogical practices? Lastly, what is your personal position regarding this projected transformation?</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-7">Data analysis</hd> <p>The quantitative findings were analysed with SPSS software, using descriptive statistics including means and standard deviations, and inferential statistics including T-tests for independent samples.</p> <p>The interview transcripts were analysed using an inductive approach, which allowed themes to emerge from the data. The coding process followed several distinct stages to ensure a thorough and systematic examination of the data: 1) The transcripts were first read in full to gain a holistic understanding of the content and allow the researchers to identify preliminary ideas and patterns; 2) During the second reading, the data were broken down into smaller units of meaning; 3) Once the initial codes were generated, they were reviewed and grouped into broader categories. Categories were refined through several iterations, ensuring that they accurately represented the data; 4) The final stage of the analysis involved synthesising the categories into overarching themes.</p> <p>The two researchers reviewed the themes to ensure their validity and reliability. They discussed discrepancies and adjusted them to ensure they represented the data.</p> <p>After classification of all interview data, a coherent structure, as depicted in Figure 1, was identified.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 1. Theme structure.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-8">Ethical considerations</hd> <p>The study received the approval of the ethics committee of the academic institution in which it was carried out. The respondents answered the questionnaires online and completely anonymously. Additionally, the interviewees received a general explanation of the research topic, and it was also explained to them that their details would remain confidential throughout the research and that the findings would be published using confidential names and interviewees' age only.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-9">Findings</hd> <p>The findings are presented in the order of the research questions.</p> <p>RQ1: What is the attitude of parents in the ultra-Orthodox sector to technology in general and new technology in particular?</p> <p>In the initial phase of the study, an examination was conducted into the disparities in the availability of technological resources for educational purposes between the ultra-Orthodox sector and the general sector. This examination employed an independent samples t-test to discern variations in accessibility levels. The results of the analysis revealed significant differences between the two sectors with respect to the presence of accessible computers for educational use (t<subs>(42.3)</subs> = 6.5, <emph>p</emph> <.001). Specifically, children within the ultra-Orthodox sector had limited access to computers for educational purposes within their household environment (mean = 2.17, SD = 1.4), in contrast to their counterparts in the general sector who enjoyed a higher level of accessibility (mean = 2.69, SD = 1.6).</p> <p>Furthermore, the findings of the study indicated significant differences in terms of available Internet connectivity for educational purposes within the home setting, between parents belonging to the ultra-Orthodox sector and those within the general sector (t<subs>(37.6)</subs> = 4.2, <emph>p</emph> <.001). The ultra-Orthodox sector displayed a lower presence of accessible Internet for educational use (mean = 2.69, SD = 1.6) in comparison to the general sector (mean = 4.0, SD = 0.75).</p> <p>The picture that emerged from the questionnaires regarding the scant presence of technological means in the ultra-Orthodox sector for the learning needs of their children was also reflected in the analysis of the interviews. The interviews revealed that the paucity of technological means in this sector was reflected in low digital literacy and a general discouragement of technology, as can be seen in the following quotes:</p> <p> <emph>Neither my husband nor I are digitally oriented. We have kosher mobiles. And they don't get along with smartphones at all. (Gila, 45)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>I personally do not connect with technology. I don't like technology, I prefer the familiar and old. (Beni, 42)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>I have a really old phone, and I only turn it on at certain times. Other than that, I rarely use a computer. Sometimes I go to my parents' house, where they have a computer, to send something or check financial information and such. But that happens only once every few months. (Daniel, 45)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>I have no connection with technology, and I am even afraid of it. I didn't grow up with a TV or a computer, and I don't know that kind of life. That's why I feel most comfortable in my familiar and safe environment. Even as a teacher, I hardly use a computer and still write my exams by hand and make photocopies. The extent of my technological use at work is limited to the photocopier. (Sara, 43)</emph> </p> <p>The quotes reveal a sense of discomfort and fear of technology, along with a strong preference for the familiar and traditional, specifically environments without technology, both in their personal and professional lives. The interviewees tend to abstain from extensive technology usage. When technology is embraced, it is limited to fundamental tools validated by religious leaders and used only to meet minimal and essential needs.</p> <p>To examine why the ultra-Orthodox sector does not often use technology, we examined the differences in the level of suspicion towards technology between parents from the ultra-Orthodox sector and parents from the general sector using an independent t-test. The findings showed a significant difference, (t<subs>(52.2)</subs> = 4.6, <emph>p</emph> < 0.01). Parents from the ultra-Orthodox sector were highly suspicious of new technology (mean = 3.8, SD = 1.3) compared to parents from the general sector who were not suspicious of it (mean = 2.4, SD = 1.3).</p> <p>Furthermore, concerning the extent of parental trepidation regarding the exposure of their children to the Internet, a significant difference was found between parents from the ultra-Orthodox sector and parents from the general sector (t<subs>(73.6)</subs> = 5.1, <emph>p</emph> < 0.01). Parents from the ultra-Orthodox sector showed greater fear of the effect of the Internet on their children (mean = 3.8, SD = 0.7), where the low standard deviation showed a broad consensus among the respondents from the ultra-Orthodox sector on the high level of fear of this exposure. Conversely, parents within the general sector exhibited a marginal degree of apprehension (mean = 2.4, SD = 1.3). The notable standard deviation signifies the presence of a spectrum of parental concerns within the general sector, ranging from those who harboured considerable apprehension to those who exhibited no apprehension whatsoever.</p> <p>The negative sentiments of ultra-Orthodox parents towards the use of technology are strongly expressed in interviews. Many argue that technology is unnecessary, addictive, and even <emph>harmful to the brain, as evidenced by the following quotes</emph>:</p> <p> <emph>I see it with the students I work with. They are addicted to the screen. There is no one to talk to. All day long, their faces are glued to the phone. I quickly realized there is no way I'm letting my children reach that point. It always starts small and quickly spirals out of control. That is why we limit our children's access to screens and the internet as much as possible (Shira, 35)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>From what I've understood, the flickering of the screen and the constantly changing images at a fast pace harm the brain and prevent children from being creative at the most critical time in their lives, when they need to be developing their imagination. Instead, it makes them shut off their minds. It's just like that. (Dani, 40)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>There is also the issue of content. 'I don't need to tell you how terrible the content on the internet is. In a split second, with the click of a button, you can see appalling things. Why would I even give my child the smallest chance to be exposed to such things? I am willing to pay any price to ensure my child doesn't see things the eye cannot bear'. (Yair, 29)</emph> </p> <p>The quotes reflect a strong and consistent concern among Haredi parents regarding the harmful effects of technology, particularly screens and the internet, on both cognitive development and moral integrity. They express a deep fear that exposure to these technologies can lead to addiction, hinder creativity, and expose children to inappropriate content, which they view as fundamentally threatening to their values and way of life. This fear drives them to limit or completely avoid their children's access to digital tools, highlighting the perceived incompatibility between modern technology and the preservation of their cultural and religious norms.</p> <p>The sense of fear and resistance prevalent within the ultra-Orthodox sector towards technology, particularly the use of the Internet, became more apparent when examining the findings of the conducted interviews. This sentiment was consistently expressed by all interviewees, even those who acknowledged having a solid grasp of digital skills. Their apprehension towards technology emanated from a standpoint that deemed a significant portion of technological advancements unnecessary and, at times, even harmful. This viewpoint is succinctly captured in the following quoted passages:</p> <p> <emph>For me, technology is almost entirely unnecessary. There are very few areas in which it contributes, but most of it is harmful and hurts the human being. (Shira, 35)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>I am even sure that this introduction only hurts our naturalness and does not contribute anything. If I could, I would give up all technological means</emph> – <emph>smartphones, the Internet and computers. It just pollutes the air. (Beni, 42)</emph></p> <p> <emph>I work in the field of technology and manage computer systems, so I see the great blessing that technology has, but also the risks and the many shortcomings that it has. (Eitan, 53)</emph> </p> <p>These quotes show that the interviewees would prefer a world without technology, even though some of them were aware of its advantages.</p> <p>Moreover, although all interviewees acknowledge the gap between the technological world and their children's lack of exposure to current technologies, some believe their children can learn independently as they grow, thus bridging the gaps. Others argue that the benefits of avoiding technology use outweigh the drawbacks, while some do not perceive any cost to their children's lack of technology use, as reflected in the following quotes:</p> <p> <emph>The gap created in exposure to technology is definitely significant because, in the end, my children don't know basic things like how to operate a computer, math, geography, and other information that can easily be learned today through websites and videos. However, a gap can be filled later in life. (Rachel, 45)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>Regarding integration into society, I'm not worried. They are acquiring tools like spontaneity, concentration, and imagination, which are the most important. They can always acquire additional skills later on. About that, I am not concerned. (Beni, 42)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>I don't think we are paying any price at all. My older children, who have already completed the Haredi school system, turned out to be good, intelligent, and curious people, and I know that if they ever want to join the workforce, they will quickly catch up on whatever is needed. I am not worried about that at all. Therefore, I don't see any price we are paying. (Sara, 43)</emph> </p> <p>In summary, the quantitative and qualitative findings showed that parents who belonged to the ultra-Orthodox sector were aware of the contribution of technology to their lives. However, owing to apprehensions and a perceived need to avert potential harm, they approached technology with a pervasive sense of scepticism. Consequently, they actively shunned and minimised its usage and exposure in their daily lives, and consciously prevented their children from being exposed to technology.</p> <p>RQ2: What is the attitude of parents of elementary-age children from the Orthodox sector to the integration of technology in teaching in their children's schools?</p> <p>The analysis of the interviews revealed that there was overwhelming opposition among parents from the ultra-Orthodox sector to the integration of technology in teaching in elementary schools for a variety of reasons that can be divided into four types: 1) damage to the learning skills and cognitive abilities of their children; 2) physical damage in the form of addiction; 3) exposure to content that does not suit the lifestyle of the ultra-Orthodox sector and its beliefs; 4) community norms regarding technology use. In this section, we will present the themes and subthemes that emerged following the analysis of the interviews.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-10">Damage to learning skills and cognitive abilities</hd> <p>Seven of the interviewees replied that they were opposed to integrating technology of any kind into teaching in schools because exposure to screens harms their children's learning skills in their opinion. This theme can be divided into three subthemes: 1) decreasing the ability to concentrate; 2) harming the children's communication with their environment; and 3) harming their curiosity and creativity.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-11">Decreased ability to concentrate while studying</hd> <p>According to the answers of the interviewees, spending a long time in front of a screen impairs the ability to concentrate on traditional study subjects in which there is no desire to incorporate technology. In addition, in their opinion, children quickly get used to visual aids and therefore quickly get bored of learning that does not have such aids, as can be seen in the following quotes:</p> <p> <emph>I personally do not see it [incorporating technology in learning] as value and benefit, only harm. Damage to the ability to concentrate, to communicate, to the child's innocence, to the ability to try and learn. (Beni, 42)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>The computer harms the ability to concentrate and will harm the ability to learn Talmud and Judaic studies. It is also distracting and will not give the children the strength to concentrate on sacred studies. (Rachel, 45)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>Computers make learning easier and more accessible. Studying the Talmud and Judaic studies requires much more concentration and effort. If the children get used to easy and accessible learning, they will not be able to succeed in sacred studies with an emphasis on Talmud and Judaic studies because they will not have the required effort. And studying Talmud and Judaic studies is the most important for us. (Moses, 46)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>In my opinion, the computer is a useful tool for work, but it harms the child's development. It hurts the imagination, the ability to concentrate and creativity. (Danny, 37)</emph> </p> <p>Based on the responses provided by the interviewees, a prevailing perspective emerged that the incorporation of technologies into the learning process leads to diminished concentration and suboptimal academic performance, particularly in subjects of paramount significance to the ultra-Orthodox sector. Given that the early stages of Torah study entail traditional practices such as engagement with Talmudic texts, peer collaboration and direct interpersonal instruction, it became apparent that parents within the ultra-Orthodox sector perceived digital learning not solely as a challenge on a cognitive and physical level, but more significantly, as a direct threat to the sanctity of Torah study itself. This perception extended to the potential jeopardy posed to their children's prospects of achieving excellence and advancement in their Torah studies.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-12">Harming the children's communication with their environment</hd> <p>In addition to a decrease in the ability to concentrate and damage to Torah study, some of the interviewees replied that digital learning damages skills related to interpersonal communication and human relations. In their opinion, the presence of children in virtual space and communication through digital platforms harms the child's development to communicate in a normal environment and harms the ability to conduct a face-to-face conversation:</p> <p> <emph>This creates problems of communication and human relations. They forget how to talk to people and mainly communicate with screens. (Eric, 48)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>It [technology] draws you into a world of lies, imagination, disconnection from reality, impairment of the ability to concentrate, impairment of the ability to communicate. All the problems of our society today are related to technology that has penetrated every area of our lives. (Bani, 42)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>I see how my daughter is innocent and curious. Asks a lot of questions and loves to draw and create. I know it's because she doesn't have a phone or a screen available. As soon as there is, all curiosity and creativity disappear. (Yair, 29)</emph> </p> <p>As revealed from the interviewees' responses, ultra-Orthodox parents' perspectives underscore that the incorporation of technology into the educational realm not only detrimentally impacts the quality of learning and focus, but also impairs competencies that extend beyond academic learning, encompassing interpersonal abilities and fundamental human interaction. In their view, the digital realm and the tangible physical space contend for a child's cognitive and psychological attention, and the dominance of one realm inevitably undermines the fundamental aptitude for effective and organic communication within the other domain.</p> <p>Hence, according to the interviewees' perspectives, the decision to avoid the integration of technology in education serves as a protective measure for their children. They claim that by refraining from such integration, their children are shielded, allowing them to cultivate communication proficiencies and the capacity to foster genuine interpersonal connections. In their estimation, this deliberate avoidance of technological integration is a crucial means by which their children can nurture these essential skills and establish a foundation for healthy social relationships.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-13">Damage to creativity, curiosity and the wisdom of life</hd> <p>Few of the interviewees replied that in addition to a decrease in concentration, the use of technology in teaching at the elementary age harms children's creativity and causes them to be less alert to their environment and less curious about what is happening around them, which in their opinion leads to a decrease in natural curiosity and harm to reason and the 'wisdom of life' as they define it:</p> <p> <emph>Because my children don't have screens all day in front of their eyes, they are happier, smarter, more curious, and, in my opinion, healthier. (Beni, 42)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>Without technology, you must use more life wisdom, creativity and imagination. It (technology) hurts sharply, the speed of thinking. (Eric, 48)</emph> </p> <p>From the responses of the interviewees, it seems that they recognise learning through technological means as creating a utopian world of engineered imagination that limits the child's imagination and is tough competition to the dull and grey real world. In addition, in their opinion, the advanced visuality of the digital world denies the complex reality of life, which harms the child's ability to get along in the world, distinguish complex situations and even make decisions.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-14">Physical harm in the form of addiction</hd> <p>Seven of the interviewees answered that one of the main reasons they thought it right to avoid any use of technology in teaching at school was the addiction to the screen. In their opinion, because of the uniqueness and innovation of the digital world, every exposure of a child to the screen creates in the child a desire and curiosity for more, and quickly reaches a state of dependence, and even addiction, as is evident from the following quotes:</p> <p> <emph>I know there is something shiny and attractive about learning with games and video screens. And that's exactly what I'm afraid of. that he will get used to the glitter and will want more and more until he can't do without it. (Moses, 48)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>There is something addictive about the screen. And I know it's part of life, so for example, we have a computer at home. But at school, I prefer not to have it at all. (Rachel, 45)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>I see in the students I work with [within an association for youth at risk] that they are simply addicted to the screen. There is no one to talk to. All day and all the time the face is stuck on the phone. There is no way I would let my children get into such a situation. And it always starts small and very quickly becomes out of control. (Shira, 35)</emph> </p> <p>From the insights provided by the interviewees, a prevailing sentiment emerged that any form of screen exposure, in their perspective, carried the inherent risk of rapidly devolving into an unhealthy reliance on technology and even culminating in a state of addiction. Those interviewees who raised this concern primarily drew upon their direct observations of the prevailing reality, coupled with their own life experiences as both parents and educators. This stance assumes a more stringent standpoint than that opposing technology integration due to its adverse impact on learning skills, as discussed earlier. This is because addiction constitutes a severe medical and physical condition, and the apprehension of such an outcome triggered an intense response, prompting a more all-encompassing and rigid avoidance of any form of technological exposure.</p> <p>Consequently, it is unsurprising that only a solitary interviewee attested to the presence of a computer within their household, wherein they cautiously permitted controlled computer usage for their children. In contrast, the remaining interviewees who articulated a perspective linking screen exposure to the potential for addiction altogether abstained from subjecting their children to screen-based devices.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-15">Exposure to content that does not fit the lifestyle of the ultra-Orthodox sector and its beli...</hd> <p>Another rationale for the resistance against incorporating technology into education emerged from the interviewees' responses. This pertained to apprehension surrounding exposure to content that diverges from the values and lifestyle upheld within the ultra-Orthodox sector:</p> <p> <emph>I am mainly afraid of the content of modesty, violence, and heresy. I speak from my heart. Our eldest son studied in the best yeshiva and precisely because of the screen and the computer today he is an apostate. He doesn't believe in anything! And for us, this is the worst thing in the world!. (Rachel, 45)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>In my opinion, the main problem with technology lies in the contents that are exposed to them. We are very, very careful at home about modesty and keeping our eyes open. My children do not see women dressed immodestly. They don't watch violence or movies of any kind. We make every effort to preserve their sanctity, innocence, and purity as much as possible. Through technology, they can be exposed in a second to all the most disgusting and repulsive things in the world. At the click of a button!. (Shira, 35)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>Of course, there is the whole matter of the contents, which we don't want the children to be exposed to. Everyone knows what terrible things there are on the Internet and how easily they can be reached. (Eric, 48)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>Why would I give my child even a small chance to be exposed to such content? I am ready to pay any price in the world and not let my daughter see things that the eye cannot bear (Yair, 29)</emph> </p> <p>Several of the interviewees identified technology as a potential conduit for encountering content that contradicts the core values of the ultra-Orthodox sector, with particular emphasis on principles of modesty and unwavering faith in God. Within the context of Haredi society, a term denoting the ultra-Orthodox Jewish community, there exists a palpable concern for safeguarding their distinctive lifestyles, values and spiritual beliefs. Substantial educational and social endeavours are directed towards preserving these aspects against both physical and spiritual threats.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-16">Community norms regarding technology use</hd> <p>Five interviewees emphasised the role of community norms in influencing their decision to prohibit their children from using technology:</p> <p> <emph>As a principle, the Haredi community runs from the internet and screens as if from fire because it's simply a gateway to entire worlds of immodest, violent, crude, and vulgar content. For us, exposure to that is literally the end of the world. (Beni, 42)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>It's important to understand that the Haredi sector has committed itself to one crucial mission—to continue learning and upholding the Torah as it was done a hundred, two hundred, and thousands of years ago. This means that we teach Torah the way it was taught back then. Therefore, there is no use of screens, the internet, or anything similar because it simply doesn't align with or serve that purpose. (Daniel, 45)</emph> </p> <p> <emph>I think there's another point here, which we refer to as a slippery slope. It's something unique to our sector—we avoid certain actions so they won't lead to something else, which could eventually harm our spirituality and values [referring to the use of technology]. (Sara, 43)</emph> </p> <p>The quotes highlight a deep concern within the Haredi community about the use of technology. Technology is perceived as having the potential to expose users to content that could compromise the community's spiritual and moral values. This apprehension is not seen as merely an individual choice, but as a collective effort to protect the community's traditions and norms. There is a strong emphasis on maintaining traditional educational frameworks and avoiding external influences that could disrupt the community's cultural and spiritual continuity. Additionally, the community expresses concern that even a tiny use of technology may gradually weaken its core values. These beliefs reflect a broader commitment to preserving long-standing practices and shielding the community from influences perceived as harmful to its spiritual integrity.</p> <p>Rachel (<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref39">45</reflink>) is even willing to accept the fact that her child will not gain technological skills, since what matters more to her is the community in which the child studies and the peers with whom he interacts, as stated in her statement:</p> <p> <emph>No, he does not receive these [technological] tools ... because within the structure of the Haredi sector, there is great value placed on the frameworks to which you send your children and the community you belong to.</emph> </p> <p>The interviewees' quotes present a new perspective. Diverging from earlier stances that primarily associated technology with physical hazards such as cognitive decline and addiction, this viewpoint perceives technological exposure as an existential peril, one that impinges on the spiritual and philosophical fabric of the ultra-Orthodox sector. According to this view, such spiritual jeopardy is regarded as more severe than any physical threat. Consequently, proponents of this perspective adopt an uncompromising stance towards technology. They reject any potential for integration, guidance, or concessions, and vehemently reject the usage of technology or the exposure of their children to it in any form. Danny (<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref40">37</reflink>) effectively summarised this existential threat:</p> <p> <emph>We strongly oppose the integration of any form of technology in schools. For us, the school is like a temple, and it is forbidden to introduce impure elements into it. In our view, any type of screen, especially if it is connected to the internet, is impure and dangerous.</emph> </p> <hd id="AN0190412449-17">Discussion</hd> <p>There are various reasons for the closure of schools and the transition to remote learning, including wars, earthquakes, and health crises (Mohd Nasir and Bikar, S.S., B. Rathakrishnan, M.R. Kamaluddin, Bikar et al. [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref41">6</reflink>]; Bonal and González [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref42">8</reflink>]; Lavrysh et al. [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref43">27</reflink>]; Opryshko [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref44">39</reflink>]). An example of that was the COVID-19 pandemic, which emerged in early 2020, and led to the closure of all schools in the State of Israel through a legal decree in accordance with Public Health Law. From March 14 to May 25, the state-funded schools, encompassing secular, religious and ultra-Orthodox, closed their doors and adopted a unique remote learning system based on virtual communication. Administrators of the Haredi education system and parents of children in schools faced a profound dilemma. On one hand, they lacked the necessary technological tools for remote learning, including computers and Internet access, as well as appropriate professional expertise to implement such a learning system. On the other hand, conducting schools as usual would violate the law. It is evident that the third option of closing schools and completely avoiding any form of learning was not considered.</p> <p>In the Haredi sector, there were indeed frameworks and subsectors that continued to operate schools against the law, despite intense public criticism. In contrast, most of the Haredi sector was compelled to acquire the necessary tools and knowledge to enable even the most basic form of remote learning. Faced with the reality imposed on Haredi parents and the ensuing changes, there arose a need to examine their positions regarding this transformation and determine if any fundamental changes occurred beyond the practical shift. Considering this, the research aim was to investigate the perspectives of Haredi parents whose children attend elementary schools regarding the integration of technology in their children's school instruction. To this end, differences were examined between parents from the general sector and parents from the Haredi sector in terms of their attitudes towards technology, suspicion levels and their inclination towards its incorporation within their children's educational frameworks.</p> <p>The research findings indicate that parents in the Haredi sector, whose children attend elementary schools, staunchly oppose the integration of technology into school instruction. The research illuminated two primary reasons for this opposition: 1) Cognitive or physical impairment of the child, manifested as decreased concentration ability, compromised communication skills and relationships, and susceptibility to screen addiction; and 2) Exposure to violent, sexual and philosophical content that challenges the sector's values and beliefs. This is evidenced not only through statements but also through actions, as Haredi parents reported minimal technology usage and nearly absolute avoidance of incorporating any form of technological tools into their children's learning processes.</p> <p>Existing research literature extensively addresses the potential harms stemming from excessive screen exposure and the manifold negative effects on children. These effects predominantly include addictive behaviour (Hellman [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref45">20</reflink>]; Teichert [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref46">48</reflink>]), diminished cognitive and communicative capacities in children (Twenge, Martin, and Campbell [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref47">49</reflink>]), impairments in memory and retrieval capabilities (Tanil and Yong [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref48">47</reflink>]) and even physiological issues such as behavioural problems and sleep disturbances (Oliveira [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref49">38</reflink>]). In response to these and other concerns, there is a minority perspective advocating for refraining from integrating any form of technology into children's early years and elementary school education (Goldsmith [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref50">44</reflink>]). However, the research literature also advocates for a controlled and appropriate integration of technological tools into children's lives (Kardaras [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref51">24</reflink>]; Plowman and McPake [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref52">41</reflink>]). Furthermore, one cannot overlook the extensive research literature that highlights the numerous benefits of digital learning, including increased effectiveness, active learning engagement and heightened learning motivation (Raja and Nagasubramani [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref53">42</reflink>]; Noesgaard and Ørngreen [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref54">36</reflink>]).</p> <p>Furthermore, the integration of learning technologies is critical for acquiring digital skills and literacy, which are fundamental prerequisites for adapting to the evolving digital landscape of the twenty-first century. These skills are crucial not only in the realm of employment but also extend to areas such as healthcare, social relationships, consumer behaviour, intelligent economics and education (Goldschmidt [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref55">17</reflink>]). Currently, noticeable disparities exist between the ultra-Orthodox sector and the general population in terms of digital literacy and competencies in utilising technology (Steinfeld et al. [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref56">46</reflink>]). This discrepancy is reflected in students' accessibility to computers and the Internet, knowledge, and their ability to use computers for learning research and information retrieval.</p> <p>Upon a comprehensive examination of learning technologies and their integration into elementary education, a multifaceted picture emerges. On one hand, there are risks and challenges associated with technology integration, while on the other, the incorporation of learning technologies in schools enhances instructional quality, promotes equal opportunities and cultivates the skills necessary for seamless integration into the modern life of the twenty-first century in all its aspects (Jacob et al. [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref57">23</reflink>]; Kennedy and Sundberg [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref58">25</reflink>]; Nicolaou, Matsiola, and Kalliris [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref59">35</reflink>]). It is worth considering the insights provided by interviews as cautionary tales, prompting us to pause before embracing the next innovation or the latest digital tool and rethink our strategies. Such contemplation will aid in crafting a framework that mitigates the risks and challenges outlined in this research and in subsequent studies, facilitating a more willing participation of sceptical sectors in diverse learning technologies and their greater incorporation within the school educational context.</p> <p>It was surprising to reveal the small difference in the availability of computers between regular students and Haredi students within schools (2.69 to 2.17, respectively). However, in the context of the Haredi community, where exposure to technology is carefully monitored and often restricted, even a small difference in access can have substantial educational implications. This limited exposure may contribute to the community's cautious approach towards integrating technology into educational settings. Furthermore, the relatively close gap in school computer availability contrasts sharply with the more significant disparity observed in home computer access (2.69 among ultra-orthodox students to 4.00 among regular students). This suggests that while schools in the Haredi sector may be slightly more open to providing technological tools, the home environment remains much more restrictive.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-18">When the backyard turns into the living room</hd> <p>Due to the significant demographic growth of the Haredi sector, the integration of technology into education faces substantial resistance. Presently, the Haredi community constitutes about one-fifth of the Jewish population in Israel and is projected to be the fastest-growing segment. According to estimations for the medium term until 2036, Haredi society is expected to encompass approximately two million individuals, with nearly one million children under the age of 16 (Cahaner and Malach [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref60">11</reflink>]). Furthermore, long-term demographic research indicates that by 2050, around half of elementary school students in Israel will be studying within Haredi frameworks (Malach and Cahaner [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref61">29</reflink>]). Based on these data and if the current reluctance to incorporate technology in education within the Haredi sector persists, significant disparities will likely emerge between graduates of the conventional and religious education systems and those emerging from the Haredi education system in terms of technological literacy – encompassing basic computer usage, operating digital communication platforms like email and Zoom, designing and constructing presentations, and more. It is worth noting that graduates of the Haredi education system are unlikely to possess programming language skills or ever attempt algorithmic coding. Considering these projections, it becomes even more critical to navigate the delicate balance between the potential risks and challenges and the numerous benefits of digital learning.</p> <p>To navigate between the concerns of the Haredi community regarding the dangers and challenges associated with technology use among their children while also recognising its numerous benefits, it is essential to act within both formal education (in schools) and informal education (within the home environment). In schools, it is important to consider the use of ICT in ways that align with the core values of the Haredi community, according to their accepted interpretations (Mishol-Shauli, Miriam, and Orna [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref62">31</reflink>]). For example, organising virtual meetings with community leaders and Haredi educators through dedicated applications (such as Zoom) and leveraging these direct encounters for learning purposes, such as listening to these influential figures, whose insights are often difficult to access in person. Additionally, it would enable students to ask these leaders and educators questions and receive direct responses from them.</p> <p>Schools can also develop courseware tailored specifically for Haredi students. This courseware integrates Torah study with technology, thereby allowing students to engage with digital tools in a manner that is consistent with their religious beliefs.</p> <p>Parents can closely monitor their children's digital activities in the home environment. Mishol-Shauli, Miriam, and Orna ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref63">31</reflink>]) suggested using filtering software that allows for the classification or tagging of websites according to their content. This enables parents to exercise discretion and permit access to a broader range of online resources while upholding the values accepted within the community.</p> <p>By effectively addressing these aspects, students could acquire digital literacy in accordance with Haredi values, enabling the growing Haredi sector to better integrate into the workforce, contribute to Israel's economic prosperity, and enhance its human capital.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-19">Limitations of the research and suggestions for future research</hd> <p>The field of research pertaining to Haredi society is physically proximate, yet culturally and mentally distant, thus rendering the exploration of Haredi society a multifaceted challenge. Haredi society is characterised by geographical and social barriers, as well as suspicion towards outsiders. This scepticism accompanied the data collection phase, wherein many parents from the Haredi sector refrained entirely from responding to the questionnaire, even following persuasion and assurances regarding privacy preservation. Additionally, due to this limitation, despite numerous requests, there was limited responsiveness to exposure and interviews. Consequently, the number of participants in this research remained small, which could introduce a potential bias in the findings. This limitation makes it difficult to generalise the results to the entire Haredi population, and the findings should be interpreted with caution.</p> <p>Another constraint pertained to the practice of conducting interviews, as many households within the Haredi sector lack technological means for communication via digital platforms such as Teams or Zoom. This necessitated significant effort to physically reach the interviewees. It should be noted, however, that the familiar and secure domestic environment allowed for candid conversations, which, naturally, enriched the information gleaned from the interviews.</p> <p>Furthermore, even when researchers succeeded in penetrating the barriers of scepticism and distance, the unique lifestyle of the sector may have curtailed the researchers' capacity to grasp the nuances and subtleties arising from the interviews.</p> <p>Moreover, as mentioned in the introduction, the Haredi sector constitutes the fastest-growing segment in Israel and is projected to comprise a significant percentage of the Jewish population in Israel in a few years' time. Consequently, further research is imperative for understanding the prevailing attitudes and trends within this sector, to facilitate their integration into Israeli society. In continuation of this study, we propose an in-depth examination of various motivations behind resistance to integrating technology into education, and to explore whether a connection exists between these motivations and the affiliations to the different subgroups within Haredi society (Haredi, Hasidic, Sephardic), as well as the socio-economic status of the respondents. Additionally, it is advisable to investigate whether attitudes towards different technological tools might change following personal exposure through an educational laboratory in which parents engage directly with various educational technologies, witness their advantages, and subsequently form opinions about the incorporation of such technologies within their children's educational framework. Future research directions could also include longitudinal studies to track changes in attitudes as the community increasingly interacts with technology.</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-20">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <hd id="AN0190412449-21">Supplementary material</hd> <p>Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01416200.2025.2471105.</p> <ref id="AN0190412449-22"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref27" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Albugami, S. S., and V. Ahmed. 2016. Effects of culture and religion on the use of ICT in the Saudi education system. In Proceedings of the IRES 25th International Conference. Bhubaneswar, India : International Institute of Engineers and Researchers, pp. 25 – 27.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref7" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Almog, S., and L. Perry-Hazan. 2011. 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Her current research focuses on learning technologies that enhance Learning (TEL), assessment, digital literacy, digital gap, minorities, K-12 and college students. Dr. Amzalag is a staff member at the Holon Institute of Technology (HIT) in the Instructional Technologies faculty and teaches courses that deal with technology and learning in the bachelor's and master's programmes. She also supervises undergraduate and graduate students in seminars and final projects. For ten years, Dr. Amzalag was the head of the Department of Programming at the Ruppin College of Technology.</p> <p>Zeev Gross holds a Master's degree from the Holon Institute of Technology, specialising in Training Development. He is a learning and development specialist with a proven and passionate background in K-12 education and creating and implementing technologies in schools and academia.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref43"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref46"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref48"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref49"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref51"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref52"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref55"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref58"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref62"></nolink>
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  Data: Ultra-Orthodox Parents' Perspectives on Applying Learning Technologies in Elementary Schools
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Meital+Amzalag%22">Meital Amzalag</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Zeev+Gross%22">Zeev Gross</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22British+Journal+of+Religious+Education%22"><i>British Journal of Religious Education</i></searchLink>. 2026 48(1):57-74.
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Elementary+Education%22">Elementary Education</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Jews%22">Jews</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Elementary+Schools%22">Elementary Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parents%22">Parents</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Attitudes%22">Parent Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Computer+Attitudes%22">Computer Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Technology+Integration%22">Technology Integration</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Technology%22">Educational Technology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Technology+Uses+in+Education%22">Technology Uses in Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Religious+Factors%22">Religious Factors</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Fear%22">Fear</searchLink>
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  Label: Geographic Terms
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Israel%22">Israel</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1080/01416200.2025.2471105
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  Data: 0141-6200<br />1740-7931
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  Label: Abstract
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  Data: The ultra-Orthodox Jewish community in Israel is characterised by its strong cohesion, unique educational system, and limited adoption of technology. In this study, we examined the viewpoints and motivations of ultra-Orthodox parents regarding the implementation of various learning technologies in elementary schools. The study employed a mixed-methods approach, incorporating quantitative research to explore the viewpoints of ultra-Orthodox parents with children in elementary schools on the effectiveness of digital learning during emergency conditions. Additionally, qualitative research was conducted to examine parental perceptions of technology in general and its implementation within educational settings, encompassing both everyday routines and periods of crisis. The findings demonstrate that ultra-Orthodox parents' expressed reservations about almost any form of technology adoption in their children's elementary schools. There were reservations regarding screen addiction, possible harm to cognitive functions and reservation skills, and exposure to explicit content, violence and ideas that conflict with religious beliefs.
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        Value: 10.1080/01416200.2025.2471105
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      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 18
        StartPage: 57
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Jews
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Elementary Schools
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parents
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Computer Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Technology Integration
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educational Technology
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Technology Uses in Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Religious Factors
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Fear
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Israel
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Ultra-Orthodox Parents' Perspectives on Applying Learning Technologies in Elementary Schools
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Meital Amzalag
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Zeev Gross
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2026
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0141-6200
            – Type: issn-electronic
              Value: 1740-7931
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 48
            – Type: issue
              Value: 1
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: British Journal of Religious Education
              Type: main
ResultId 1