Navigating Digital Childhoods: An Investigation of Preschoolers' YouTube Engagement
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| Title: | Navigating Digital Childhoods: An Investigation of Preschoolers' YouTube Engagement |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Ahmet Sami Konca (ORCID |
| Source: | Early Childhood Education Journal. 2026 54(1):329-343. |
| Availability: | Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/ |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 15 |
| Publication Date: | 2026 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Descriptors: | Preschool Children, Video Technology, Computer Use, Foreign Countries, Aspiration, Consumer Economics, Emotional Response |
| Geographic Terms: | Turkey |
| DOI: | 10.1007/s10643-024-01818-2 |
| ISSN: | 1082-3301 1573-1707 |
| Abstract: | The rapid proliferation of digital media has significantly transformed childhood experiences, necessitating an understanding of its impact on preschoolers' development. This study illuminates the nature of YouTube interactions among preschool-aged children, underlining the importance of this research in the broader context of digital media's role in early childhood. Addressing a vital gap, the work explores how these interactions influence aspirations and consumer behavior within a Turkish cultural framework. Employing semi-structured interviews, data was meticulously gathered from 25 parent-child pairs, providing a narrative-driven exploration into digital engagement. The findings reveal a dual-faceted impact: children exhibited emotional responses and altered aspirations post-YouTube exposure, with a marked inclination towards consumerism influenced by digital content. This underscores the potency of social learning through digital platforms. However, the research scope was confined to a specific locale, necessitating caution when extending conclusions beyond this demographic. The results prompt a reevaluation of parental mediation practices, suggest potential for educational integration of digital media, and advocate for the necessity of culturally attuned digital content regulation. Implications for future research include diversifying methodologies and participant demographics to further substantiate the findings and expand their applicability. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2026 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1503877 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwFjhOV-QiuRlwTFmU1jZBF7AAAA4jCB3wYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHRMIHOAgEAMIHIBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDPB_zYtU1t-p8DvxCQIBEICBmkbyf2DeRNPQE57ImdlmlVHw0JRg6oULgYeNlTBPbTMpEoCKTTjp9sdM6U5v00ggwbp38vODI_mo6Mm5N3u4M8k3k0zatUwafklLzH4YTo7J2nNPebUNSb63IJbhP2MUdsMafySRtnKpOlP-sgs2wzzf9bVKc4yfZ-nt5WaPXFBmSogbwQkVKkmPTDHMICNFrjUm_o5kSQdCsuc= Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0191072491;5mx01jan.26;2026Jan27.05:19;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0191072491-1">Navigating Digital Childhoods: An Investigation of Preschoolers' YouTube Engagement </title> <p>The rapid proliferation of digital media has significantly transformed childhood experiences, necessitating an understanding of its impact on preschoolers' development. This study illuminates the nature of YouTube interactions among preschool-aged children, underlining the importance of this research in the broader context of digital media's role in early childhood. Addressing a vital gap, the work explores how these interactions influence aspirations and consumer behavior within a Turkish cultural framework. Employing semi-structured interviews, data was meticulously gathered from 25 parent-child pairs, providing a narrative-driven exploration into digital engagement. The findings reveal a dual-faceted impact: children exhibited emotional responses and altered aspirations post-YouTube exposure, with a marked inclination towards consumerism influenced by digital content. This underscores the potency of social learning through digital platforms. However, the research scope was confined to a specific locale, necessitating caution when extending conclusions beyond this demographic. The results prompt a reevaluation of parental mediation practices, suggest potential for educational integration of digital media, and advocate for the necessity of culturally attuned digital content regulation. Implications for future research include diversifying methodologies and participant demographics to further substantiate the findings and expand their applicability.</p> <p>Keywords: YouTube engagement; Young children; Children as media consumers; Parental mediation</p> <p>Copyright comment Springer Nature or its licensor (e.g. a society or other partner) holds exclusive rights to this article under a publishing agreement with the author(s) or other rightsholder(s); author self-archiving of the accepted manuscript version of this article is solely governed by the terms of such publishing agreement and applicable law.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-2">Introduction</hd> <p>As we delve into the digital era, the pervasive integration of technology into the daily lives of young children has become a prominent global phenomenon. This integration is characterized by the frequent interaction of children with an array of technological devices, extending from the conventional television to the more interactive tablets, smartphones, computers, and gaming consoles. The breadth of access is noteworthy, with reports indicating that an overwhelming majority, roughly 90%, of young children have exposure to these digital devices, with televisions, tablets, and smartphones being the most common (Pew Research Center, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref1">37</reflink>]).</p> <p>A significant trend to highlight is the substantial time children dedicate to digital screens, particularly to online platforms like YouTube. For instance, a study has revealed that in the United States, the average daily screen time for children aged 0–8 is about 1 h and 45 min, with a substantial fraction of this time, approximately 40 min, being spent on YouTube (Rideout &amp; Robb, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref2">40</reflink>]). Further investigation into these patterns shows a robust engagement with YouTube and its related service, YouTube Kids. The Ofcom Report of 2022 underlines this trend, stating that a staggering 93% of children aged 3–7 have the ability to navigate video-sharing platforms, with 89% of them actively engaging with the YouTube platform (Ofcom, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref3">35</reflink>]). Notably, within this demographic, a mere 40% are utilizing the child-focused YouTube Kids for their viewing (Ofcom, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref4">35</reflink>]).</p> <p>The implications of such engagement are twofold. On the one hand, there are identified potential benefits of structured and supervised digital interaction, which can contribute positively to children's comprehensive development (Erikson Institute, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref5">16</reflink>]). On the other hand, there is the danger of unrestricted access leading to overexposure, which can predispose children to a spectrum of digital risks and have adverse effects on their development. An additional dimension to this evolving landscape is the transformation of children from being merely passive consumers to becoming active content creators on these platforms, a trend that is gathering momentum (Demir &amp; Kargın, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref6">14</reflink>]). A recent study in Brazil emphasizes that 26% of young children publish their own texts, pictures, and videos on the platforms (Freitas et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref7">19</reflink>]). This evolution in children's interaction with digital media not only underscores the importance but also elevates the urgency to examine the nuances of children's engagement with YouTube. This study aims to contribute to the discourse by dissecting the underpinnings of children's YouTube usage and its implications, providing a foundation for understanding the role and impact of media in children's lives.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-3">Children's Engagement with Digital Media: A Focus on YouTube</hd> <p>Within the landscape of digital media, the ascent of YouTube as a primary content source for children represents a significant facet of modern media consumption. This phenomenon is integrally linked with the broader digitization of childhood experiences and parenting (Pew Research Center, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref8">37</reflink>]). In response to the growing child audience, both YouTube itself and a burgeoning sector of content creators are curating materials specifically designed to engage and enchant young viewers (Radesky et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref9">38</reflink>]). Such trends have galvanized scholarly attention, catalyzing a body of research aimed at deciphering the intricacies of children's YouTube viewing behaviors (Neumann &amp; Herodotou, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref10">32</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although YouTube hosts a plethora of material suited to the formative needs of children, the platform simultaneously harbors content that may not align with developmental guidelines (Radesky et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref11">38</reflink>]). When examining content selection, distinct gender-based preferences emerge; with trends indicating a tendency for girls to prefer videos related to toys, while boys more frequently seek out gaming-related content. An extensive examination involving over three thousand families revealed a vast majority of children aged 0–7 regularly engage with YouTube, with a significant subset utilizing the child-directed YouTube Kids app. Remarkably, a fraction of these young users were found to possess their own YouTube channels (Marsh et al., [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref12">29</reflink>]). The study outlined that children's viewing time averaged between 1.39 and 1.47 h daily, with interests ranging from gaming and toys to educational material like nursery rhymes and animal videos.</p> <p>The educational potential of YouTube, particularly YouTube Kids, has been evidenced in multiple contexts. Notably, Davidson et al. ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref13">12</reflink>]) showcased how YouTube videos were employed by a preschool teacher to stimulate discussion and reflection among students. The COVID-19 pandemic further illuminated the value of such platforms as vital educational resources when traditional learning environments were disrupted (Temban et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref14">41</reflink>]). With careful curation and adult supervision, YouTube can significantly contribute to children's educational and psychosocial growth. However, unsupervised use raises serious concerns. The risks associated with unsupervised YouTube engagement span from overexposure to commercial advertising to accidental encounters with violent or otherwise inappropriate content (Jindal &amp; Kanozia, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref15">21</reflink>]; Radesky et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref16">38</reflink>]). These issues foreground the critical importance of parental involvement and oversight in children's YouTube use. Understanding the role and efficacy of such mediation is crucial, underscoring a key area for ongoing research and discussion within the child and media scholarly community.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-4">The Role of Parental Guidance in Navigating Children's Digital Spaces</hd> <p>The dynamics of parental engagement in the digital realms frequented by children is a critical issue, meriting thorough scholarly attention in line with the digitalization of childhood experiences. The diversity of content on platforms like YouTube presents both developmental opportunities and potential hazards (Livingstone &amp; Helsper, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref17">28</reflink>]). Active parental engagement in children's digital lives can bolster the parent-child relationship, facilitate educational opportunities, and offer protection against the myriad risks present in the online environment. Neglect in this domain can, conversely, leave children exposed to diverse threats, a risk increasingly recognized by concerned parents. These threats are not limited to overextended screen time and encounters with unsuitable content but extend to include reduced physical interaction with peers and disturbed sleep patterns, creating a broad spectrum of parental concerns (Erikson Institute, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref18">16</reflink>]). The issue is further compounded by the pervasive nature of advertising on such platforms, with evidence suggesting that a significant majority of YouTube videos for children contain advertisements (Radesky et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref19">38</reflink>]). The presence of content featuring violence, fear-inducing themes, explicit language, or substance use highlights the urgent need for effective parental oversight or the choice of safer, curated environments like YouTube Kids. Common Sense Media emphasizes the role of parents, and the responsibilities of platforms, content creators, and educators in helping parents mediate their children's YouTube usage (Radesky et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref20">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>Against this backdrop, parental mediation strategies are increasingly under the microscope. These strategies are categorized in academic discourse to reflect their varied approaches and goals in the digital safeguarding of children (Blum-Ross &amp; Livingstone, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref21">6</reflink>]). Ranging from active and restrictive to co-viewing strategies, these methods have been extensively studied and classified, with some frameworks also including instructive dialogue, rule-setting, parental modeling, and technical mediation using specialized software tools to protect against unsuitable content (Livingstone &amp; Helsper, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref22">28</reflink>]). To illustrate, 'active mediation' encompasses parent-child discussions about content, fostering critical thinking about potential online risks. 'Restrictive mediation' involves setting clear boundaries regarding the amount or type of digital content accessible to children. In 'co-use', parents and children jointly engage with digital media, which, despite the lack of direct guidance, can still offer indirect supervision. 'Monitoring' refers to keeping track of children's digital footprints, while 'technical mediation' leverages software solutions to block or filter out inappropriate material. Empirical studies, such as a comprehensive pan-European analysis, substantiate the positive impact of these mediation approaches in reducing children's exposure to online risks (Kirwil, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref23">22</reflink>]). These findings underscore the essential nature of carefully considered parental mediation in the context of children's YouTube use. Thus, understanding and optimizing such parental strategies is indispensable for safeguarding and enhancing the digital experiences of children, a subject at the heart of this journal's interest.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-5">Exploring the Intersection of Childhood, YouTube, and Parental Mediation: A Study Aim</hd> <p>In an era where digital fluency is as vital as literacy, young children's interactions with platforms like YouTube present both opportunities and challenges. This digital playground, teeming with content, holds the potential to enrich the developmental journey of children when leveraged with intention and caution. Conversely, without proper regulation, it risks exposing them to unsuitable content and pervasive commercialism. This dichotomy underscores the critical nature of our investigation into the nuanced ways in which children engage with YouTube and the extent to which parental mediation shapes this experience.</p> <p>Our study is grounded in the recognition that YouTube has become an integral component of the digital ecosystem for children, necessitating a comprehensive examination of their interactions on the platform. We aim to highlight the importance of informed parental involvement, which has become increasingly significant as parents often require expert guidance to manage their children's digital footprints effectively. Despite its importance, there remains a notable gap in scholarly research addressing the complexities of children's YouTube usage and the roles parents play in this context.</p> <p>This study seeks to fill this scholarly void, contributing to the sparse body of research that exists at the intersection of children's media consumption and parental guidance. By examining the patterns of engagement and the strategies employed by parents to mediate these interactions, we aim to provide actionable insights that resonate with a broad spectrum of stakeholders, including mental health experts, educators, and child development professionals. With an interdisciplinary approach, our research will cast light on the myriad ways in which young audiences consume and interact with YouTube content, taking into account the perspectives of both children and their parents. The ultimate goal of this study is not merely to chart these engagements but to inform and enhance the practices that ensure the digital well-being of children in a rapidly evolving media landscape.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-6">Method</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0191072491-7">Research Model</hd> <p>The research model adopted for this study is constructed on a qualitative paradigm, designed to explore the influence of digital media, specifically YouTube, on preschool children and the corresponding parental mediation. The model incorporates a multi-layered approach to data collection and analysis, encapsulating semi-structured interviews, thematic content analysis, and interpretative techniques to construct an in-depth understanding of the phenomena under investigation.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-8">Sample Group</hd> <p>The sample group for this study was meticulously curated through purposive sampling, a method that zeroes in on particularly informative cases to address the research questions at hand. This technique is lauded for its efficacy in delving into and elucidating specific instances, making it a mainstay in qualitative research (Yıldırım &amp; Şimşek, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref24">44</reflink>]). Criteria for participant selection included residency in the provincial capital, household internet access, and usage of YouTube, ensuring relevance and richness in the data pertaining to digital media consumption. The study's participants were drawn from a pool of preschoolers, specifically those aged 57–68 months, attending independent kindergartens in Central Anatolia. Their parents, making up the other half of the participant dyads, voluntarily stepped forward to engage in this research (Table 1).</p> <p>Table 1 Demographic information of participants</p> <p> <ephtml> &lt;table rules="groups"&gt;&lt;thead&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;th align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Variable&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Category&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Frequency&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/th&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/thead&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left" rowspan="2"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Parents' gender&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Female&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;22&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Male&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;3&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left" rowspan="3"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Parents' age&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;22&amp;#8211;29 years&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;1&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;30&amp;#8211;37 years&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;21&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;38 + years&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;3&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left" rowspan="3"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Parents' educational background&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;High School&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;4&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Vocational School&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;5&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;University Degree&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;16&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left" rowspan="2"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Number of siblings&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;No sibling&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;8&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;1 sibling&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;17&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left" rowspan="2"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Mothers' job status&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Employed&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;8&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Not Employed&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;17&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left" rowspan="2"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Fathers' job status&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Employed&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;25&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Not Employed&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;0&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/tbody&gt;&lt;/table&gt; </ephtml> </p> <p>The resulting ensemble of interviewees totaled 50; 25 parents and their 25 children. Delving into the demographics of the parent group, we observed a strong female presence with 22 mothers compared to 3 fathers. A closer look at the age distribution revealed a concentration in the 30–37 age bracket, capturing the experiences of 21 parents. The remaining parents were distributed across the other age categories: one in the 22–29 range, and one parent aged over 38. The educational background of the parents was quite diverse, with a notable tilt towards higher education—16 parents held a university degree or above. The other parents' educational attainments included high school (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref25">4</reflink>), and vocational school (<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref26">5</reflink>). Family configurations varied, with 17 parents raising more than one child and 8 parents nurturing an only child. Employment status showed a sharp contrast; all fathers were employed, while the employment rate among mothers was comparatively lower, with 17 not working and 8 holding jobs.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-9">Data Collection Instrument</hd> <p>For the collection of data, semi-structured interview forms specifically designed for this research were utilized, with distinct sets created for parents and children. The parents' interview form contained 15 questions, while the form for the children included nine questions. The questions for parents were focused on aspects such as the types of digital media devices available at home, usage duration of these devices, circumstances of their children's initial encounter with YouTube, and the age at which it occurred. It also inquired about any established rules regarding their children's use of digital media and YouTube. Some sample questions for parents included:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Can you list the digital media devices your family uses at home?</item> <p></p> <item> How often do your children use YouTube, and for how long?</item> <p></p> <item> At what age did your child first start using YouTube, and what prompted this?</item> </ulist> <p>On the other hand, children were asked questions related to the devices they use to watch YouTube, the content they prefer watching, elements that catch their attention, their thoughts on becoming YouTubers, and whether they express desires for products seen on YouTube. Sample questions for children were:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> What do you usually use to watch videos on YouTube?</item> <p></p> <item> Can you tell me about your favorite videos on YouTube?</item> <p></p> <item> Have you ever seen something on YouTube that made you want it? What was it?</item> </ulist> <p>To ensure the clarity and comprehensibility of the questions for both parents and children, pilot interviews were conducted with two parent-child pairs. These preliminary sessions provided valuable feedback, leading to the refinement and finalization of the interview questions. The iterative process of piloting and revising helped ensure that the questions were tailored to elicit meaningful and in-depth responses pertinent to the study's objectives.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-10">Data Collection Process</hd> <p>The data collection for this study took place in June 2023, with all the requisite legal clearances in place. Researchers carried out visits to carefully chosen schools, stepping into the worlds of the classrooms where the young participants spend their day. To start off, the researchers immersed themselves in the classroom environment, dedicating a full day to engage with the children through their daily activities. This was not just about observation—it was an exercise in building rapport and trust, setting a foundation of comfort and familiarity that is vital for young learners when engaging in the interview process. In the subsequent face-to-face interviews with the children, this foundation of trust allowed for more authentic and relaxed interactions. Each of these interviews was thoughtfully recorded via audio devices to capture the nuances of the children's responses and to support the integrity of the data during later analysis. Parents, who had graciously agreed to be part of this study, were accommodated with flexible scheduling for their interviews to fit into their lives with minimal disruption. Whether opting for in-person discussions or remote conversations through audio or video calls, the interviews were conducted in ways that best suited the parents' individual circumstances. This adaptability in data collection was instrumental in ensuring the parents' voices were heard clearly and recorded faithfully, underscoring the study's commitment to capturing a comprehensive and true-to-life narrative of their experiences. In essence, the data collection process was crafted with a dual focus: to ensure the comfort and trust of the child participants and to align with the adult participants' daily realities, thus guaranteeing a collection of rich, qualitative data that reflects the authentic experiences of all involved.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-11">Data Analysis</hd> <p>For this study, the audio-recorded data were transcribed into written texts, which then underwent content analysis—a qualitative research data analysis method, and Lincoln and Guba's ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref27">27</reflink>]) coding procedure was employed during for the analysis with new codes and emerging concepts considered to be part of the analysis process. In the analysis phase, two researchers initially engaged in a pilot coding exercise. They meticulously read through the transcripts multiple times to identify codes, which are the most meaningful and smallest units of data aligned with the research questions. Following the initial coding, similar codes were clustered and organized into categories. The study aimed to extract in-depth and detailed information throughout the research process. To ensure the reliability of the data, the researchers collaboratively deliberated on the codes and categories during the content analysis. They conducted multiple readings at different times to refine their list of codes and categories, which were then subjected to expert review. This process ensured that another researcher could independently arrive at the same set of codes and categories, thereby reinforcing the validity of the analysis. The researchers' commitment to rigor in the data analysis process has ensured that the findings presented are both reliable and substantive, providing a solid foundation for the conclusions drawn in the findings section.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-12">Validity and Reliability</hd> <p>In this qualitative study, the validity of the research findings is ensured through various strategies (Tufford &amp; Newman, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref28">42</reflink>]). Triangulation is utilized by collecting data from different sources, namely interviews with both children and parents, to corroborate the findings. The process of member checking is implemented where participants are provided with summaries of the findings to verify the accuracy of the data interpretation. The researchers provide rich, thick descriptions to facilitate a deeper understanding and potential transferability of the findings. Reflexivity is practiced by the researchers, who critically reflect on their assumptions and document these reflections to minimize their impact on the research. Additionally, drafts of the findings are subjected to expert validation to provide an external check on the research process.</p> <p>For reliability, the study follows standardized protocols for interviews and data collection to ensure uniformity (Fraenkel &amp; Wallen, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref29">18</reflink>]). An audit trail details the research procedures, which helps in establishing a clear path from the research questions to the conclusions. The use of inter-coder agreement involves multiple researchers in the coding process to reduce subjectivity. The interview instruments are refined through pilot testing for improved consistency. Iterative questioning during interviews ensures thorough understanding, and verbatim transcription of the interviews reduces potential researcher bias. Lastly, a dependability audit by an independent auditor assesses the study's reliability, checking for consistency and scrutinizing the research process for potential errors. These measures collectively enhance the study's trustworthiness and contribute to the scholarly discourse on children's use of digital media and parental roles.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-13">Results</hd> <p>This section presents a detailed presentation of the findings from the research. The research findings are summarized in Fig. 1, and following this summary, the findings are explained in a comprehensive manner. Figure 1 serves as a concise visual summary to facilitate the understanding and interpretation of the data collected, while the extensive explanations in the text allow for an in-depth examination of these findings.</p> <p>Graph: Fig. 1 Overview of Key Research Findings</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-14">Theme 1: Mediation Practices</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0191072491-15">Subtheme 1: Content</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0191072491-16">Content Watched on YouTube by Parents and Children</hd> <p>When inquiring about the content frequently watched on YouTube by both parents and children, it was discovered that parents primarily viewed music, cooking recipes, personal development videos, series/movies, news, and sports videos. On the other hand, children were mostly found to watch cartoons, followed by play/toy videos, animal and nature clips, cooking shows, DIY projects, and humorous content. An analysis of the YouTube content watched by both groups reveals a divergence in viewing habits. Parents reported that they often watch content on YouTube that they cannot share with their children in a common space. As for the children, it is predominantly the parents who determine what content their children watch on YouTube.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-17">Subtheme 2: Mediation Strategies</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0191072491-18">Parental Perspectives on YouTube</hd> <p>The discourse elicited from the parent participants during the interviews revealed a multifaceted view of YouTube, with a consensus recognizing the platform's dichotomous potential for both advantageous and detrimental outcomes. A segment of the parental cohort posited that YouTube, when engaged with judiciously, could serve as an informative and engaging medium, enriching the user experience with educational and entertaining content. Conversely, other participants delineated the inherent risks associated with the platform, critiquing it as a conduit for content that could be deemed unproductive, pernicious, and fraught with challenges in terms of parental oversight and time management. Notably, a subset of parents voiced specific apprehensions regarding the safety protocols of YouTube, alluding to the proliferation of content creators who may promulgate material that deviates from age-appropriate standards, as well as certain familial channels that might not cater to the developmental needs of child viewers. The sentiments expressed by the parents were diverse, yet illustrative (see Table 2):</p> <p>Table 2 Parents' responses regarding their perspectives</p> <p> <ephtml> &lt;table rules="groups"&gt;&lt;thead&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;th align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Participant&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Direct Quotation&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/th&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/thead&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;P22&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;italic&gt;The platform manifests a spectrum of effects&amp;#8212;it harbors the capacity for positive influence if vigilance is exercised&lt;/italic&gt;, &lt;italic&gt;yet it can pivot to adverse impacts in the absence of careful scrutiny.&lt;/italic&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;P1&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;italic&gt;I am inclined to perceive YouTube as somewhat superfluous for the youth&lt;/italic&gt;, &lt;italic&gt;albeit its ingrained presence in our technologically-saturated milieu seems to render it almost inescapable.&lt;/italic&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;P8&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;italic&gt;From my perspective&lt;/italic&gt;, &lt;italic&gt;the platform harbors considerable harm for children. It is a bastion of unregulated content dissemination. Any child&lt;/italic&gt;, &lt;italic&gt;in the absence of parental guidance&lt;/italic&gt;, &lt;italic&gt;is but a mere click away from potentially deleterious content that could precipitate profound psychological repercussions.&lt;/italic&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/tbody&gt;&lt;/table&gt; </ephtml> </p> <p>In synthesizing these parental perspectives, it was discernible that while opinions on YouTube's role in children's lives were divergent, a prevalent theme emerged: the platform was characterized as inherently neutral, its value determined by the manner of its utilization—with mindful and informed engagement posited as pivotal to harnessing its positive capacities, and negligent use implicated in the manifestation of its risks.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-19">Parental Reactions to Advertisements and Negative Content on YouTube</hd> <p>The study explored parental responses to their encounters with negative content on the YouTube platform, revealing a prevalence of parents who actively guide their children to avoid such content. One parent (P2) commented, "I tell them not to watch it; they're aware... they can even come to me and say, 'Look, this came up.' That way, they can speak to me about it. Then I explain why it's unnecessary." Another (P19) detailed their approach: "When confronted with such content, we instruct them not to watch it. We explain that it is inappropriate, not age-suitable, and not a good program or content for them to engage with." Parents also reported employing strategies such as issuing warnings, skipping or changing videos, blocking content, taking away the device, or shutting down the video in response to advertisements and negative content.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-20">Usage and Reasons for Opting for YouTube Kids and YouTube Premium</hd> <p>During the interviews, parents who utilized YouTube Premium or YouTube Kids were asked why they preferred these enhanced features. Analysis of their responses showed that the leading reason for their preference was the absence of advertisements, followed by better content control, age-appropriate content offerings, and a safer environment compared to the standard YouTube platform. One parent (P18) mentioned, "There's a parental control application; their mother monitors and restricts their watching through that." Another parent (P4) expressed, "We chose YouTube Kids because when our child is watching videos, they're age-appropriate. We know what might appear, at least. They don't encounter advertisements, etc.,and it feels safer." It has been concluded that parents opt for YouTube Kids mainly for security reasons and to ensure the appropriateness of content for their child.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-21">Content Selection</hd> <p>Upon examining content selection, it was found that a significant portion of parents actively chose the content for their children, while many allowed their children to make selections under their supervision. Other parents reported that the child or an older sibling made content choices. Furthermore, one parent noted that their child's friends influenced the child's content selection. Parent (P1) stated, "Sometimes I choose, sometimes it's their preference. Because they hear about it from their friends or they want to do as their friends do." Another parent (P25) emphasized the importance of parental control over content, saying, "...I tell them that not everything is for watching. I've said that they should only watch videos and games that are intended for children." The determination of appropriate viewing content was deemed a crucial issue, with parents expressing concern over their children being exposed to harmful content on YouTube. Thus, it is believed that parents predominantly curate the content themselves to mitigate exposure to unsuitable material.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-22">Parental Restrictions and Rules</hd> <p>The discussions revealed that parents primarily enforce content limitations, set limits on viewing time, and establish rules for parental supervision/control when their children are using YouTube. In addition to these measures, it was found that parents resort to various other restrictions and rules, such as limiting the use of digital media devices, allowing viewing only on television, making threats, not using the YouTube app on phones, blocking app access, password-protecting devices, and hiding remote controls. Only two of the parents interviewed stated that they did not set any rules. Here are some representative comments from parents regarding restrictions and rules (see Table 3):</p> <p>Table 3 Parents' responses regarding restrictions and rules</p> <p> <ephtml> &lt;table rules="groups"&gt;&lt;thead&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;th align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Participant&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/th&gt;&lt;th align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;Direct Quotation&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/th&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/thead&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;P4&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;italic&gt;We don't allow YouTube unless it's under parental control. Hence&lt;/italic&gt;, &lt;italic&gt;he uses YouTube Kids on his tablet.&lt;/italic&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;P23&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;italic&gt;She can only watch videos at times I decide and the ones I have chosen for her.&lt;/italic&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;P17&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td align="left"&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;italic&gt;I permit them to watch cartoons&lt;/italic&gt;, &lt;italic&gt;but I strictly forbid anything related to internet celebrities&lt;/italic&gt;, &lt;italic&gt;or if they are curious about something&lt;/italic&gt;, &lt;italic&gt;we watch it together.&lt;/italic&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/tbody&gt;&lt;/table&gt; </ephtml> </p> <p>The parents mentioned that access to various forms of media is widespread in today's world. Therefore, they expressed that restrictions and rules are typically put in place to protect children from harmful content.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-23">Parental Co-Viewing Experiences with YouTube</hd> <p>When asked about their experiences accompanying their children while watching YouTube, parents noted that they often watch together and engage by asking questions. One parent (P3) stated, "I generally try to ask questions. Since we also have a little one (C3), it might not be necessary anymore, but since he is still young, I accompany him by asking questions. I try to watch with him as long as I am not too bored." From the responses, it's evident that parents usually do not co-view with their children and instead use the time their children spend on YouTube to focus on themselves or household chores. It can be inferred that parents utilize YouTube as a means to keep their children occupied.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-24">Theme 2: Children's Experiences</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0191072491-25">Subtheme 1: First Encounter</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0191072491-26">Purpose of Introduction</hd> <p>Parents were asked about the initial phase when their children were first introduced to YouTube. The majority of them turned to YouTube when their children were young to assist with feeding or to occupy them independently. For instance, (P8) stated, "Back when I was alone during a certain period and my child was just a baby, I would give him YouTube to occupy him during times when I felt he was not engaged, or when he wouldn't eat, or when he was sick and needed to be kept still, like when he had to have an IV drip at the hospital." (P14) shared, "My daughter wouldn't eat when she was very young. We introduced her to YouTube so she would eat, but it was under our control, we made sure she watched more innocent content." (P18) mentioned, "He was between three and a half or four years old. We turned it on for him in the car on trips so he would stay put and not fuss. That was the first time we used it." It is apparent that parents typically introduced their children to YouTube to aid in eating or to pass time contentedly. Upon examining the reasons for the introduction, it has been determined that parents usually resort to YouTube in moments of desperation or to derive a benefit for their children (such as eating, sleeping, etc.).</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-27">Introduction Age to YouTube</hd> <p>Consistent with the purposes stated by parents for introducing their children to YouTube, it has been observed that children are being exposed to the platform from infancy. Participant P22 explained, "The platform was first introduced to the child at a very young age, specifically for the purpose of playing baby songs, marking the initial point of exposure to YouTube." Participant P25 shared, "Around the age of 6–7 months, as the child began to show interest in the cartoons on TRT Kids and similar channels for babies, we, as parents, started using it to make things easier for ourselves. Honestly, we would play lullabies for them, like the 'Red Fish Song' or 'Bird Song' - I mean those types of baby songs and lullabies." From these observations, it is concluded that parents utilize YouTube from the children's infancy to satisfy a need during that developmental period.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-28">Introducer of YouTube to Children</hd> <p>The majority of children were first introduced to YouTube through their parents. For instance, Participant P2 commented, "It happened after the age of one... when weight loss became a concern during teething issues, my mother-in-law, with whom we were living closely, would often give her phone to my child. Despite our reluctance, the child would still get access occasionally." Similarly, Participant P5 remarked, "I wasn't the one who introduced YouTube; it was the caregiver due to my work schedule. Although my intention was to delay the introduction as long as possible, inevitably, other family influences like the child's father became a factor."</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-29">Self-Initiated YouTube Access by Children</hd> <p>Responses from parents suggest that the vast majority of children learn to access YouTube independently between the ages of 3 and 5. Participant P13 elucidated, "My child, as of now, can't open YouTube by herself. When she asks, we tell her there is no signal... we have disabled it, so she has to bring the device to us and ask if we can turn on the stream for her, which we might do."</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-30">Children's Perspectives on YouTube Influencers</hd> <p>When children were asked about their opinions on the people they watch on YouTube, some expressed a desire to be like them due to the appealing toys and possessions they showcase. Child C9 said, "Because their dresses are so sparkly, and their jewelry shines brightly, the people I watch on YouTube have really nice rooms." Whereas Child C21 expressed, "Because they make very nice videos, I would make nice videos too." Conversely, other children do not aspire to be like those they see on YouTube, as reflected in the comments of Child C22, "To be honest, it's not really important to me," and Child C2, "Because they spend a bit too much time... on games..."</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-31">Children's Thoughts on Starting Their Own YouTube Channel/Being a YouTuber</hd> <p>Upon questioning about their interest in starting a YouTube channel, the majority (20 children) indicated a desire to become YouTubers. Their reasons centered around the entertainment value, the abundance of toys, and the fun experiences associated with being a YouTuber. Nonetheless, a minority of children expressed disinterest in starting their own channel. Child C11, for example, stated, "I don't want others to watch me," indicating a preference against having a personal YouTube presence. Despite this, it appears that a significant number of children are inclined towards creating a YouTube channel.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-32">Potential Video Content Desires of Aspiring Young YouTubers</hd> <p>When inquiring about the type of videos that children who aspire to create a YouTube channel or become YouTubers wish to produce, a diverse array of responses has been noted. An examination of the children's responses reveals a tendency to replicate the types of content they frequently watch. The most common aspiration articulated was to create gaming videos. For instance, respondent (C21) disclosed a frequent viewership of gaming videos on YouTube and, when asked about the preferred type of video they would like to upload, reaffirmed their interest in producing gaming content.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-33">Sub-theme 3: User Experience Insights</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0191072491-34">Preferred Viewing Settings and Co-Viewing Practices on YouTube</hd> <p>Investigating where children typically watch YouTube and with whom, the majority of parents conveyed that their children tend to watch content in the living room, sharing the space with their parents. Parent (P3) indicated, "My child watches next to me; I make sure of it. As I constantly monitor what's being watched, if my child tries to watch somewhere secluded, I immediately remind them to return and watch by my side." Another parent (P25) stated, "My child doesn't go to another room to watch, they stay with us so I can keep an eye on the content they're viewing." The pattern of co-viewing with parents within the same space seems to facilitate parental oversight of content, which is beneficial for content monitoring.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-35">Children's Responses to Advertisements and Inappropriate Content</hd> <p>Inquiring about how children react when confronted with advertisements or negative content, it was found that the majority tend to skip commercials and undesired content. It is evident that children are aware of and able to use the 'Skip Ad' feature. Moreover, when advertisements pique their interest, some children choose to watch them. For example, respondent (C5) noted, "Sometimes I skip immediately, other times I watch," indicating a selective engagement with adverts based on interest. While it is apparent that children are utilizing the ad-skipping function, advertisements do occasionally capture their attention and retain their viewership. As a preventative measure against unwanted content and commercials, parents might consider utilizing additional YouTube features such as YouTube Premium or YouTube Kids to better curate the viewing experience.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-36">Responses to Parental Mediation</hd> <p>When parents were asked about their children's reactions to restrictions and imposed rules, it was noted that children generally exhibited negative behaviors such as anger, irritability, and crying. Participant (P12) shared, "Before, he would become more irritable. After starting school, our teacher advised staying away from technology a bit, which helped the children to become more amenable." Conversely, some parents reported that their children have grown accustomed to restrictions and rules and no longer react negatively. (P15) stated, "There are no bad reactions. My child brings the device saying 'my screen time is up.' Since it's in restricted mode, no new videos play anyway. They just say 'my screen time is over' and leave it." Observing children's responses to limitations indicates that they tend to adapt to restrictions and rules over time, complying with the structure provided.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-37">Children's Behavioral Changes Post-YouTube Viewing</hd> <p>In this study, 70% of the parents reported observing behavioral changes such as irritability, restlessness, crying spells, and fearfulness in their children after watching YouTube. (P7) observed, "We saw some negative behaviors, particularly before we set up restrictions. They could become quite irritable." (P14) believed that "the crying fits and irritability in my daughter seemed to happen after internet use." However, 50% of the parents also noticed positive benefits from the videos their children watched, reporting improvements in dance skills, language acquisition, speech development, and creative activities. (P4) commented, "Their speech has improved; they watch movements and dance, which seems to benefit them." Looking at the differences observed by parents, it appears that the effects on children vary with the content watched, with beneficial content leading to positive influences.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-38">Consumption Habits</hd> <p>When children were asked whether they liked and had purchased similar items to those they saw on YouTube, 12 expressed liking and buying identical or similar items, while another 12 liked but did not purchase the items, and two did not like or buy the items at all. One child explained, "The clothes are very shiny, the earrings sparkle, and the YouTubers I watch have really nice rooms" (C9). Another child said, "I like them. Like 'Sesegel's. He plays games on a huge TV... I've downloaded games to our TV and play like that" (C2). Inquiries into consumption habits revealed that children are generally inclined to like and desire products they see on YouTube. Examining responses from both parents and children, a variety of purchases were noted, including toys (Hot Wheels, Nerf, dolls, construction toys, remote-controlled cars, Lego, slime, LOL dolls), stationery (notebooks, bags), cartoon character merchandise (Kral Şakir items), electric cars, rollerblades, and football gear, as well as digital game downloads/purchases. Furthermore, a parent (P11) mentioned that watching YouTube videos influenced them to adopt a cat for their home. The responses indicate that children are affected by the content they watch, which can stimulate a desire for consumption.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-39">Discussion</hd> <p>This investigation probed the utilization of YouTube by children in the preschool phase, scrutinizing it within the milieu of the lived experiences of both the children and their guardians. The study delineated two principal thematic categories: 'mediation practices' and 'children's experiential narratives'. The discerned outcomes pertinent to both the core and ancillary themes have been critically appraised against the backdrop of the extant scholarly corpus. Pursuant to this analysis, a series of propositions have been articulated, taking into account the research's demarcations and deduced inferences.</p> <p>Mediation practices encompass parental behavioral interventions aimed at orchestrating their progeny's technological engagements, principally to mitigate exposure to associated risks (Blum-Ross &amp; Livingstone, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref30">6</reflink>]). This study has broached the subject of parental interaction with their children's YouTube utilization under the encompassing canopy of 'mediation practices,' bifurcating into two subsidiary themes: 'content selection' and 'mediation strategy.' In delineating the 'content selection' sub-theme, it was revealed that parental engagement with YouTube content spanned various genres including, but not limited to, musical enjoyment, culinary guidance, personal development materials, serial entertainment, current events, and athletic content. Contrastingly, the child demographic was predominantly inclined towards animated series, supplemented by an interest in gaming/toy-related footage, fauna and nature documentaries, culinary segments, do-it-yourself tutorials, and humorous clips. This trend is congruent with preceding research findings (Marsh et al., [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref31">29</reflink>]). Inquiry into early childhood's technological consumption underscores the significant influence exerted by parental models (Eyimaya &amp; Irmak, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref32">17</reflink>]; Lauricella et al., [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref33">26</reflink>]), with Konca ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref34">24</reflink>]) evidencing a substantive correlation between the degree of parental and child problematic technological engagements. Further supporting the influence of parental behavior on children's media engagement, another study found that infants attributed greater significance to media content when observed with their parents (Demers et al., [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref35">13</reflink>]). This finding underscores the significant role that parents' media consumption patterns play in shaping children's approaches to technology use. The social learning theory offers a valuable framework for understanding technology use during early childhood (Bandura, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref36">4</reflink>]). According to this theory, children's technology engagement is likely influenced by their observations of their parents' technology use (Domoff et al., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref37">15</reflink>]), suggesting that the modeling behavior extends into the realm of digital media consumption.</p> <p>The current research has noted a notable divergence in the YouTube content preferences between children and their parents, which might suggest that each demographic follows an independent path in their media consumption. Parents appear to selectively curate their media diet and likewise that of their children, suggesting a proactive role in the content engagement process. Such parental discretion in media consumption might naturally lead to different viewing patterns between the two groups. This divergence in content preferences might be attributable, at least in part, to children viewing YouTube in contexts or with individuals other than their parents. This suggests that the children's experiences on YouTube may not be solely under the influence of their parents' preferences but are possibly shaped by the environments and the companionship they keep while engaging with the platform. These external influences could facilitate a unique selection of content by children, independent of their parents' mediation practices.</p> <p>The investigation into parental perspectives on the YouTube platform revealed a dichotomy of opinions. While some parents regarded the platform as beneficial and educational, others perceived it as unsafe and fraught with risks. YouTube hosts millions of diverse contents aimed at children and adults alike, shaping perceptions of the platform as either advantageous or hazardous, largely dependent on usage patterns (Radesky et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref38">38</reflink>]). When utilized within the confines of age-appropriate time and content restrictions, under parental guidance, YouTube can contribute positively to a child's academic, cognitive, and social development (Davidson et al., [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref39">12</reflink>]; Temban et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref40">41</reflink>]). Conversely, unregulated and excessive use of this platform may pose a developmental risk for children (Erikson Institute, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref41">16</reflink>]). Similar repercussions can arise from parents' overuse without moderation, potentially impairing familial relationships (Domoff et al., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref42">15</reflink>]; McDaniel, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref43">30</reflink>]). Parents have been observed to employ various strategies when children encounter advertisements and negative content on YouTube, such as alerting the child, changing or skipping the video, blocking content, removing the device, or shutting down the video. The platform is known to harbor numerous contents and advertisements that could threaten children's development (Alshamrani et al., [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref44">1</reflink>]; Radesky et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref45">38</reflink>]), and usage without parental supervision increases their exposure to these risks (Kırık, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref46">23</reflink>]). Parents have been noted to regulate their children's YouTube usage through restrictions, limiting viewing time, and supervising viewing, as well as utilizing features like YouTube Premium and YouTube Kids to prevent exposure to risky content and advertisements. The YouTube Kids feature, in particular, plays a critical role by curating content suitable for children's developmental stages and facilitating parental control (Neumann &amp; Herodotou, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref47">33</reflink>]). The study highlighted that parents often decide themselves or with their children what content to watch, and frequently co-view this content. Such mediation practices indicate a parental intent to shield children from inappropriate content on YouTube (Livingstone &amp; Helsper, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref48">28</reflink>]). The approaches observed in the study, encompassing "restrictive", "monitoring", and "co-use" strategies, involve parents setting boundaries for technology use and overseeing content (Nathanson, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref49">31</reflink>]). These parental behaviors are pivotal in mitigating the risk of children encountering harmful content on the YouTube platform.</p> <p>The prevalence of YouTube consumption among preschool-aged children has witnessed a marked surge in recent years, evolving into a significant medium for entertainment through a myriad of content types (Marsh et al., [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref50">29</reflink>]; Rideout, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref51">39</reflink>]). Longitudinal research indicates an early introduction to YouTube, with findings demonstrating that children's engagement evolves substantially from infancy through the preschool years. A study examining the YouTube experiences of 55 children in India documented a progression in interactive behaviors: infants as young as six months mimicked dance movements from music videos, toddlers between 18 and 24 months engaged more actively with tablet screens, and by the age of two, children began identifying characters on the screen and exhibited enjoyment in watching advertisements for familiar products (Yadav et al., [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref52">43</reflink>]). Initially introduced to YouTube through their parents, these children gradually transition to autonomous users by the preschool period.</p> <p>Parents often resort to YouTube as a behavioral regulator or as an incentive when encountering challenges in managing their children's behaviors or in prompting desired actions (Chau, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref53">11</reflink>]). The study reveals that initial exposure to YouTube is often linked to facilitating mealtime cooperation or independent play. This finding underscores the instrumentality of YouTube as a parental tool for behavioral management. However, the early and independent interaction with YouTube by children raises concerns about potential risks (Livingstone &amp; Helsper, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref54">28</reflink>]). Another study highlighted that although children under two years of age spent time watching videos on YouTube and seemed entertained, there was no evidence of learning from these videos (Yadav et al., [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref55">43</reflink>]). This body of research suggests a nuanced landscape where YouTube serves dual roles in the lives of preschoolers: as a source of content that elicits mimicry and engagement, and as a tool employed by parents for behavior modification. The implications of these findings point to the need for a careful examination of the content quality and the potential developmental impact of YouTube usage at such a formative stage of childhood. The research emphasizes the importance of parental mediation in the digital environment, advocating for proactive guidance and oversight to safeguard against the exposure to inappropriate content and to enhance the educational value of media consumption for young children.</p> <p>During early childhood, children develop new behaviors through observation of their surroundings, with technological devices becoming increasingly prevalent in their environment (Burger, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref56">8</reflink>]). Thus, it's plausible to assert that children adopt behaviors from individuals they watch in YouTube videos, effectively serving as role models (Neumann &amp; Herodotou, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref57">32</reflink>]). Research has indicated that children express a desire to emulate the individuals they observe in YouTube videos. Additionally, due to the enjoyment and entertainment derived from these videos, children have expressed an interest in creating their own YouTube channels and becoming YouTubers themselves, aspiring to produce content similar to what they enjoy watching. There's also evidence of children developing a preference for certain toys or items featured in videos, and expressing a desire to purchase them, suggesting YouTube's influence on children's consumer habits (Boerman &amp; Van Reijmersdal, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref58">7</reflink>]).</p> <p>Preschool children are frequent users of the YouTube platform, garnering various experiences (Ofcom, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref59">35</reflink>]). The study segmented children's YouTube usage experiences into different sub-themes. In the first sub-theme, it was found that children often watch YouTube in the living room, within their parents' vicinity, allowing close monitoring of the content. This situation provides parents with the opportunity to prevent their children from viewing harmful content. Another sub-theme revealed that children's engagement with advertisements on YouTube varies according to their interest. The study observed that while children are aware of the "skip ad" feature, they tend to watch ads that capture their interest. Time spent on the YouTube platform could potentially contribute to developing skills for making informed choices (Neumann &amp; Herodotou, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref60">33</reflink>]). However, the plethora of advertisements interspersed with videos on YouTube (Radesky et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref61">38</reflink>]) includes some that may not be developmentally appropriate for children (Papadamou et al., [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref62">36</reflink>]). The absence of parental control can lead to children's exposure to harmful content (Buzzi, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref63">10</reflink>]), which is mitigated by the use of applications that regulate advertisements, such as YouTube Premium and YouTube Kids, thereby limiting children's exposure to negative content (Burroughs, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref64">9</reflink>]).</p> <p>An additional sub-theme examined children's reactions to restrictions and rules. Parents control their children's use of technology through mediation practices (Livingstone &amp; Helsper, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref65">28</reflink>]). The research showed that parents tend to regulate their children's YouTube usage with a restrictive and rule-setting approach. Initially, children may react negatively with anger, crying, and tantrums, but over time they adapt to these boundaries. During this developmental phase, it's crucial for children to have limited exposure to technological devices. This research provides insights into the complex role of YouTube in early childhood, highlighting the influence of digital media on children's behavior, aspirations, and consumer tendencies. It underscores the critical role of parental mediation in managing children's interaction with digital content, suggesting a balanced approach that involves careful monitoring, setting appropriate boundaries, and employing tools to filter content, all to ensure that technology use remains beneficial to children's development.</p> <p>According to the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref66">2</reflink>]), screen time for preschool-aged children should not exceed one hour per day under parental supervision. Hence, it is critical to limit both the duration and content of YouTube usage for children in this age group (Konca et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref67">25</reflink>]; Neumann &amp; Herodotou, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref68">33</reflink>]). The emotional behaviors observed in children after watching YouTube videos can vary widely depending on the type of content they consume. Some of the possible emotional behaviors include imitation of emotions displayed in the videos, increased agitation or hyperactivity, emotional attachment to characters, mood swings, frustration or anger when unable to watch desired content, increased fearfulness or anxiety from scary or confusing content, copying behaviors and speech patterns, confusion or distress from challenging content, joy and laughter from entertaining videos, a soothing or calming effect from gentle content, desensitization to repeated themes, and increased curiosity and enthusiasm for learning from educational material. It's crucial for caregivers to engage with children about the content they watch to help them process and understand their emotional responses. Parents have reported that their children are emotionally impacted by the video content they watch. It has been observed that the nature of the content influences children's emotional responses, with beneficial content resulting in positive effects. This finding further corroborates the Social Learning Theory, which posits that observational learning can significantly impact children's behavior in the context of technology use (Domoff et al., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref69">15</reflink>]).</p> <p>Finally, this study delves into the phenomenon of consumption habits shaped by children's interactions with YouTube content, specifically their inclination to acquire items or toys displayed within the videos. A significant portion of the child participants demonstrated a marked preference for these featured products and expressed a strong interest in obtaining them. The data gleaned from the children's responses illuminate the influential power of media content on young viewers, suggesting that exposure to such material may foster a materialistic inclination and potentially amplify consumeristic behaviors. This underscores the need for mindful curation of content directed at children, recognizing its role in shaping their desires and consumption patterns.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-40">Implications</hd> <p>The results of this research bring to light several important considerations for different stakeholders in the lives of children. For parents and guardians, the awareness of their children's media consumption emerges as a critical factor. The discernible preferences between what children and parents watch suggest the need for a more balanced media engagement within the family. It is suggested that screen time of children between 18 and 24 months should be limited to watching educational programming with a caregiver (AAP, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref70">3</reflink>]). This balance could be achieved through co-viewing practices that support not only the entertainment and educational requirements of the children but also promote family bonding and shared experiences. Such co-viewing strategies can also enhance discussions around content, thus fostering a richer media literacy within the family context. Content creators working in the children's media space may find in these findings an opportunity to craft content that aligns with the interests of both children and their parents. The goal would be to create appealing content for children that also supports parental approval for shared viewing experiences, thereby broadening their audience base to include the whole family. This approach could maximize the content's impact by catering to the dynamics of family media consumption. From an educational and policy-making perspective, the insights offered by this study could influence the development of targeted media education programs. These programs would aim to enrich children's and parents' understanding of media content and its influence. By doing so, children can be equipped with the skills to critically assess media and make informed decisions, potentially mitigating the impact of undesirable content. Additionally, policy makers could utilize these insights to promote media viewing practices that support positive family engagement and child development. The implications for future research are substantial. There is a need to investigate the long-term effects of co-viewing on the developmental trajectories of children and the fabric of family relationships. Research could be extended to evaluate the efficacy of media literacy programs in helping families cultivate more communal and critically engaged viewing habits. Finally, the cultural dimension of media consumption cannot be overlooked. This study reflects media interaction within a specific cultural framework, pointing to the necessity of considering cultural contexts when designing media content and formulating relevant policies. A culturally attuned approach can ensure that media initiatives are resonant and effective within diverse communities, acknowledging the unique ways in which media is integrated into different cultural experiences.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-41">Limitations and Recommendations</hd> <p>This study embarked on an exploratory journey to scrutinize the YouTube usage experiences of preschool-aged children, acquiring empirical data from a cohort of 25 parent-child dyads. The utilization of semi-structured interviews as the solitary data collection method provides rich, qualitative insights but also introduces an intrinsic limitation due to potential subjectivity and the non-generalizable nature of the findings. Moreover, the focus on a specific geographic locale, namely preschool institutions within a particular region in Turkey, implies that the findings are steeped in the cultural nuances of the participants. Hence, any extrapolation of these results to a broader demographic would require careful navigation around cultural differences. Acknowledging the methodological and contextual constraints of this research paves the way for a series of academically grounded enhancements. Expanding the study to employ a mixed-methods approach would fortify the findings, combining the depth of qualitative interviews with the breadth and statistical power of quantitative surveys. Such an approach could offset the limitations of relying on a single data collection method and would allow for a richer, more holistic understanding of children's interactions with digital media. In addition, by broadening the participant base to include a more diverse array of cultural backgrounds, researchers could engage in comparative analyses that transcend geographical boundaries. This would greatly improve the external validity of the study, enabling a more universal application of its conclusions. Moreover, to truly capture the evolving nature of children's engagement with YouTube and its long-term developmental impacts, longitudinal studies are indispensable. Such studies could trace the developmental trajectory of children's media consumption habits and their subsequent behavioral outcomes. Incorporating experimental designs into future research could help establish causal links between specific types of YouTube content and children's behavior, thus providing concrete evidence to support or refute anecdotal claims about the platform's influence. Lastly, cross-cultural studies hold significant value, potentially uncovering how regional and cultural differences shape children's digital experiences and parental mediation strategies. By addressing these limitations and methodological considerations, future research could offer more definitive insights. Such advancements are essential for the academic community, educators, and policymakers to better understand and consequently shape the role of digital media in a manner that aligns with developmental imperatives and cultural contexts. It is through these methodical and reflective improvements that the field of early childhood digital media research can advance, providing more nuanced and actionable knowledge.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-42">Conclusion</hd> <p>This investigation proffers a comprehensive analysis of young children's experiential engagement with the YouTube platform, triangulated through dialogues with both parents and their offspring. The study reveals that YouTube is not merely a passive repository of videos but a dynamic environment frequented by young children for a multitude of purposes. Parental mediation practices, ranging from restrictive to instructive measures, underscore the active role parents take in navigating their children's YouTube usage. A salient observation is the considerable impact that YouTube's personae and the material culture proliferated through it—most notably toys and consumer goods—have on children. These influences are twofold: they seed aspirations of becoming YouTubers among the young viewers and potentiate desires for consumerist acquisitions. These findings lend credence to the tenets of Social Learning Theory, underscoring the platform's role as a conduit for observational learning and behavioral modeling (Bandura &amp; Walters, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref71">5</reflink>]). Furthermore, the study discerns an emotional resonance within the children correlated with the content they consume on YouTube. The vicarious experiences facilitated by the platform can engender a spectrum of affective states, from elation to distress, thus affecting their emotional well-being. This emotional dimension warrants further scrutiny, given its potential implications for children's psychological development and the cultivation of emotional resilience. Therefore, National professional development of early childhood educators plays a key role as they bear significant responsibility, with the DAP principles stating that "It is the role and responsibility of the educator to make informed, intentional and appropriate choices about if, how, and when technology and media are used in early childhood classrooms for children from birth through age 8" (p. 11).</p> <p>The insights gleaned from this study bear significant ramifications for practitioners and researchers focused on child development. Not only do these findings illuminate the multifaceted ways in which young children interact with digital media, but they also emphasize the need for empirically informed mediation strategies that safeguard children's interests while allowing for the constructive use of digital platforms. Prospectively, this research may inform the development of interventions aimed at fostering digital literacy among children and assist in the formulation of guidelines that can aid parents in effectively supervising their children's digital consumption. Future studies could expand on the nuances of this influence by exploring longitudinal effects and the differential impacts on various demographic segments. In conclusion, the study augments our understanding of the YouTube platform as a significant player in the early socialization of children into digital culture, with attendant implications for their social, cognitive, and emotional development. This underscores an exigent call for a balanced approach to digital policy-making that harmonizes the educational potential of digital media with its challenges.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-43">Funding</hd> <p>This work was supported by Erciyes University Scientific Research Projects Coordination Unit under grant number SBA-2021-10739.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-44">Data Availability</hd> <p>The data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to ["them containing information that could compromise research participant privacy/consent"].</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-45">Declarations</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0191072491-46">Ethical Approval</hd> <p>Written ethical approval was gathered from Social and Human Sciences Ethics Committee of Erciyes University (No: 2020/176). All data collection procedures performed in accordance with the ethical standards.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-47">Conflict of Interest</hd> <p>The authors declare that there is no conflict of interest.</p> <hd id="AN0191072491-48">Publisher's Note</hd> <p>Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.</p> <ref id="AN0191072491-49"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref44" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Alshamrani, S, Abusnaina, A, Abuhamad, M, Nyang, D, &amp; Mohaisen, D. (2021). Hate, obscenity, and insults: Measuring the exposure of children to inappropriate comments in youtube. Companion Proceedings of the Web Conference 2021, 508–515. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1145/3442442.3452314</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref66" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> American Academy of Pediatrics (2016). 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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Navigating Digital Childhoods: An Investigation of Preschoolers' YouTube Engagement – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Ahmet+Sami+Konca%22">Ahmet Sami Konca</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-6423-6608">0000-0002-6423-6608</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Omer+Faruk+Akbulut%22">Omer Faruk Akbulut</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5152-8102">0000-0001-5152-8102</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Busra+Somuncu+Coksagir%22">Busra Somuncu Coksagir</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0415-558X">0000-0003-0415-558X</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Seda+Sarioglan%22">Seda Sarioglan</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8843-6367">0000-0001-8843-6367</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cilem+Tugba+Koc%22">Cilem Tugba Koc</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Early+Childhood+Education+Journal%22"><i>Early Childhood Education Journal</i></searchLink>. 2026 54(1):329-343. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/ – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 15 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2026 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Preschool+Children%22">Preschool Children</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Video+Technology%22">Video Technology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Computer+Use%22">Computer Use</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Aspiration%22">Aspiration</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Consumer+Economics%22">Consumer Economics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Emotional+Response%22">Emotional Response</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Turkey%22">Turkey</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1007/s10643-024-01818-2 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1082-3301<br />1573-1707 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: The rapid proliferation of digital media has significantly transformed childhood experiences, necessitating an understanding of its impact on preschoolers' development. This study illuminates the nature of YouTube interactions among preschool-aged children, underlining the importance of this research in the broader context of digital media's role in early childhood. Addressing a vital gap, the work explores how these interactions influence aspirations and consumer behavior within a Turkish cultural framework. Employing semi-structured interviews, data was meticulously gathered from 25 parent-child pairs, providing a narrative-driven exploration into digital engagement. The findings reveal a dual-faceted impact: children exhibited emotional responses and altered aspirations post-YouTube exposure, with a marked inclination towards consumerism influenced by digital content. This underscores the potency of social learning through digital platforms. However, the research scope was confined to a specific locale, necessitating caution when extending conclusions beyond this demographic. The results prompt a reevaluation of parental mediation practices, suggest potential for educational integration of digital media, and advocate for the necessity of culturally attuned digital content regulation. Implications for future research include diversifying methodologies and participant demographics to further substantiate the findings and expand their applicability. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2026 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1503877 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1007/s10643-024-01818-2 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 15 StartPage: 329 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Preschool Children Type: general – SubjectFull: Video Technology Type: general – SubjectFull: Computer Use Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Aspiration Type: general – SubjectFull: Consumer Economics Type: general – SubjectFull: Emotional Response Type: general – SubjectFull: Turkey Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Navigating Digital Childhoods: An Investigation of Preschoolers' YouTube Engagement Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Ahmet Sami Konca – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Omer Faruk Akbulut – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Busra Somuncu Coksagir – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Seda Sarioglan – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Cilem Tugba Koc IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2026 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1082-3301 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1573-1707 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 54 – Type: issue Value: 1 Titles: – TitleFull: Early Childhood Education Journal Type: main |
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