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A Culturally Responsive, Ecological Approach to Cultivating and Engaging Twice-Exceptional Black Males in Gifted and Talented and Special Education

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Title: A Culturally Responsive, Ecological Approach to Cultivating and Engaging Twice-Exceptional Black Males in Gifted and Talented and Special Education
Language: English
Authors: Erik M. Hines (ORCID 0000-0002-6025-0779), Renae D. Mayes (ORCID 0000-0001-7999-456X), Donna Y. Ford (ORCID 0000-0002-5853-7463), Tanya J. Middleton (ORCID 0000-0003-0815-4293), James L. Moore III (ORCID 0000-0003-0254-8566), Alyssa Emery (ORCID 0000-0002-3627-2935)
Source: Educational Psychologist. 2025 60(3):189-207.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 19
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Descriptive
Education Level: Elementary Secondary Education
Descriptors: Culturally Relevant Education, Twice Exceptional, Males, Gifted Education, Special Education, Student Needs, Elementary Secondary Education, African American Culture, Afrocentrism
DOI: 10.1080/00461520.2025.2473901
ISSN: 0046-1520
1532-6985
Abstract: Cultivating and engaging twice exceptional (2E) Black males, and making advanced academic programs and special education (SPED) services culturally responsive, more inclusive and equitable, are vital to these students' academic success. Compared to other students, Black males are often overrepresented in special education or over-referred for services and, conversely, underrepresented in gifted and talented educational (GATE) programs. Unfortunately, Black male students rarely get the support needed to be successful in P-12 schools and settings. More discussion is needed at the intersection of being both gifted and talented and having a disability when Black and male. Specifically, in this article, we introduce our culturally responsive, ecological framework that builds upon: (a) Boykin's Afro-centric cultural styles model and (b) Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Theory to work with twice exceptional Black males. We explain both Boykin's Afro-centric cultural styles model and Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Theory and then merge them so that the cultural and ecological needs of Black males who are 2E are understood and addressed in school settings. Recommendations are offered for researchers, policy makers, district and building level administrators, teachers, school counselors, and families.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2026
Accession Number: EJ1506158
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0186160230;epy01jul.25;2025Jun27.03:18;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0186160230-1">A culturally responsive, ecological approach to cultivating and engaging twice-exceptional black males in gifted and talented and special education </title> <p>Cultivating and engaging twice exceptional (2E) Black males, and making advanced academic programs and special education (SPED) services culturally responsive, more inclusive and equitable, are vital to these students' academic success. Compared to other students, Black males are often overrepresented in special education or over-referred for services and, conversely, underrepresented in gifted and talented educational (GATE) programs. Unfortunately, Black male students rarely get the support needed to be successful in P-12 schools and settings. More discussion is needed at the intersection of being both gifted and talented and having a disability when Black and male. Specifically, in this article, we introduce our culturally responsive, ecological framework that builds upon: (a) Boykin's Afro-centric cultural styles model and (b) Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Theory to work with twice exceptional Black males. We explain both Boykin's Afro-centric cultural styles model and Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Theory and then merge them so that the cultural and ecological needs of Black males who are 2E are understood and addressed in school settings. Recommendations are offered for researchers, policy makers, district and building level administrators, teachers, school counselors, and families.</p> <p>The educational experiences of Black males are fraught with racial injustices. Black males, specifically boys in P-12 education, are often viewed from a deficit paradigm, as well as seen as developmentally more mature (i.e., experience adultification) than their age (Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref1">86</reflink>]). Black males experience lower levels of academic success due to educator bias. Specifically, Black males often are: (a) overly disciplined (American Psychological Association, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>]; Girvan et al., [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref3">63</reflink>]; Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref4">88</reflink>]; Toldson et al., [<reflink idref="bib170" id="ref5">170</reflink>]); (b) least likely to be referred for gifted and talented educational (GATE) programs (Ford, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref6">56</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref7">46</reflink>]); and thus (c) least likely to graduate from college (Schott Foundation, [<reflink idref="bib152" id="ref8">152</reflink>]). Furthermore, unlike their White peers, this group of students is overrepresented in special education (SPED) and underrepresented in GATE and other accelerated educational programs (Ford & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref9">50</reflink>]; Mayes et al., [<reflink idref="bib120" id="ref10">120</reflink>]).</p> <p>Black males are woefully overrepresented in discipline infractions, specifically suspensions and expulsions, beginning as early as preschool as mentioned and unpacked in the most recent 2021 Office of Civil Rights Data Collection (Office for Civil Rights, [<reflink idref="bib132" id="ref11">132</reflink>]) report (U.S. Department of Education, n.d.; Institute for Child Success, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref12">96</reflink>]). Per this report, Black males are suspended and expelled at a rate three times more (16.4%) than White males (4.6%); for this reason, Black males (i.e., boys and young men) are unlikely to receive the proper and equitable support needed to thrive in P-12 schools. Relatedly, we used OCR's data[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref13">1</reflink>] to describe and unpack the severity of overrepresentation for Black males in special education, particularly high-incidence categories (e.g., specific learning disabilities, emotional and behavioral disorders/disabilities, ADHD) (Ford & Trotman Scott, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref14">59</reflink>]). Lynch ([<reflink idref="bib110" id="ref15">110</reflink>]) stated:</p> <p>While it is true that Black boys often arrive in Kindergarten classrooms with inherent disadvantages, they continue to experience a "behind the 8-ball" mentality as their school careers progress. Black boys are more likely than any other group to be placed in special education classes, with 80 percent of all special education students being Black or Hispanic males. (para 4)</p> <p>For the record, we do not believe that disadvantages are inherent to Black students. There is a body of work that exists around Black males' experiences in P-12 school, but the focus on systemic and structural racism is lacking and the research is filled with deficit views. Moreover, Black males who are simultaneously gifted and talented with disabilities (i.e., twice-exceptional; 2E) can encounter an educational system where they do not receive adequate service but, instead, experience inequities from a lack of school belonging, low teacher expectations, and racism (Ford & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref16">51</reflink>]; Hines & Fletcher, [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref17">83</reflink>]; Kearl et al., [<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref18">98</reflink>]; Mayes et al., [<reflink idref="bib120" id="ref19">120</reflink>]). What is needed to best assist Black males who are 2E is a culturally responsive, systemic framework that addresses the inequities as well as this group's distinctive needs. Therefore, in the article, we merge Urie Bronfenbrenner's ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref20">18</reflink>]) Ecological Systems theory with Boykin's Afro-centric Cultural model (Boykin et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref21">17</reflink>]), as well as providing examples of how Black males fit into this new framework. We argue this merged, culturally responsive systems model addresses the needs of 2E Black males.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-2">Status of black males in P-12 schools</hd> <p>Black males have consistently been confronted with negative and detrimental schooling experiences and outcomes (Ford & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref22">50</reflink>]; Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref23">89</reflink>]). Teacher biases and low expectations play a significant role in the underachievement of Black males (Ferguson & Simms, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref24">40</reflink>]; Ford, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref25">56</reflink>]; Mayes, [<reflink idref="bib113" id="ref26">113</reflink>]). Lynch ([<reflink idref="bib110" id="ref27">110</reflink>]) stated:</p> <p>...Black students (and particularly boys) experience disconnection when it comes to the authority figures in their classrooms. The K-12 teaching profession is dominated by white women, many of whom are very qualified and very interested in helping all their students succeed but lack the first-hand experience needed to connect with their Black male students (para 5).</p> <p>Moreover, the high school graduation rate for Black males is relatively low compared to their peers: in 2021 76% of Black males graduated from high school compared to 87% for White males, and 85% for Black females (Reeves & Kalkat, [<reflink idref="bib146" id="ref28">146</reflink>]). Further, Black males have lower graduation rates from higher education, as well as the highest unemployment rate of any race and gender in the United States (Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref29">89</reflink>]a; [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref30">89</reflink>]b; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, [<reflink idref="bib173" id="ref31">173</reflink>]). The aforementioned issues have occurred due to the historical nature of Black males being seen as not human, treated as developmentally older and more responsible for their actions, and seen as a threat, which is known as adultification (Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref32">86</reflink>]). Goff et al., ([<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref33">65</reflink>]) demonstrated that Black boys are widely adultified compared to same-age white peers; further, Goff's team found that the degree to which Black boys were dehumanized by white people was predictive of experiencing police violence. Amid critiques of schools as instruments of the carceral state for Black boys (e.g., Basile et al., [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref34">8</reflink>]; Ferguson, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref35">39</reflink>]; Nijjar, [<reflink idref="bib131" id="ref36">131</reflink>]) and mounting evidence that school policing negatively impacts the mental health and well-being of Black students (e.g., Allen & Noguera, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref37">1</reflink>]; Perryman et al., [<reflink idref="bib140" id="ref38">140</reflink>]; Scott et al., [<reflink idref="bib153" id="ref39">153</reflink>]), it is critically important to determine how to make compulsory schooling a context in which Black boys can thrive, and where the distinctive needs of 2E Black male students are nurtured.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-3">Black males, mental health, and education</hd> <p>Public schools are frequent facilitators of race-based trauma, contributing to poor academic outcomes and socio-emotional challenges (Henderson et al., [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref40">79</reflink>]). In school settings, Black males are too often identified as hyperactive and aggressive, thus leading to disciplinary disparities, including higher suspensions, reprimands, and expulsions (OCR CRDC, 2021; Toldson et al., [<reflink idref="bib170" id="ref41">170</reflink>]). The cultural incompetence of educators and White hegemonic constructions of normative functioning often lead to oppressive and discriminatory practices that label Black boys with emotional and behavioral disorders more than their White counterparts (Collins et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref42">32</reflink>]). Per the Office of Special Education Programs (OSEP), Black students comprised 13% of the population aged 6–21, and approximately 18% of students with disabilities in the United States (Individuals with Disabilities Education Act [IDEA], 2021). Researchers have noted higher instances of clinically diagnosing Black males with Oppositional Defiant Disorder (ODD) versus Attention Deficit Hyperactive Disorder compared to other racial groups (ADHD; Ballentine, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref43">6</reflink>]; Pardini et al., [<reflink idref="bib136" id="ref44">136</reflink>]). Further, ODD has been shown to be a predictor of internalizing conditions, for example, depression and anxiety, and externalizing conditions, particularly Conduct Disorder (CD), can be associated with criminal and antisocial behaviors (Ballentine, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref45">6</reflink>]). This misidentification of ODD pathologizes Black males as criminals, a characterization that damages self-esteem and self-efficacy, ultimately affecting their mental health and sense of worth.</p> <p>In addition to misdiagnoses, Black youth, including Black boys, are experiencing an increase in psychiatric disorder diagnoses (e.g., anxiety, depression; Congressional Black Caucus [CBC], 2020). Further, Black youth, especially Black boys, are at an increased risk for attempting suicide, being injured by a suicide attempt, and more likely to die by suicide at a higher rate than their White peers (CBC, 2020). This risk, coupled with the challenges of misdiagnosis as well as securing adequate, culturally responsive treatment, renders Black youth, including Black boys, more vulnerable than other racial and gendered groups.</p> <p>As Black males attempt to navigate school settings that are microcosms of larger society, the lack of adequate resources for mental health concerns limits the likelihood that they will seek support (Lindsey et al., [<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref46">108</reflink>]; Planey et al., [<reflink idref="bib145" id="ref47">145</reflink>]). The underrepresentation of Black mental health therapists and the lack of Black teachers in schools presents additional challenges, as cultural mistrust of White counselors or teachers is a barrier to engagement (Walker, [<reflink idref="bib179" id="ref48">179</reflink>]). The traditional counseling practice has long been associated with the White hegemonic worldviews (Steen et al., [<reflink idref="bib164" id="ref49">164</reflink>]), which starkly contrast with collectivistic and empowering concepts commonplace within Black communities. Therefore, the need for more culturally responsive interventions that incorporate resiliency, racial/ethnic identity development, and self-dignity are necessary to improve school engagement rates (Burt & Tosado II, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref50">24</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-4">2E black males</hd> <p>Gifted and talented Black boys with disabilities have a unique experience in education. Though Black boys may be both gifted and have a disability, it is highly unlikely that they will be identified appropriately (Mayes et al., [<reflink idref="bib121" id="ref51">121</reflink>]). Some of the lack of identification can be attributed to the phenomenon of masking, where gifts may mask disabilities or vice versa, thereby making them appear to be average (Foley-Nicpon & Assouline, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref52">44</reflink>]), but there may be other factors at play. For example, Black boys are more likely to be recognized as being disruptive and pushed out of the classroom, either by discipline or through referrals for special education (Mayes & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib117" id="ref53">117</reflink>]). Although special educational placement may be helpful, it also is limiting to Black boys as they are more likely to be in restrictive environments and less likely to be seen for their strengths and gifts (Mayes & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib117" id="ref54">117</reflink>]; Owens et al., [<reflink idref="bib134" id="ref55">134</reflink>]). As such, gifted Black boys with disabilities are under-identified in terms of their giftedness and likely navigating their educational experiences through special education; thus, lacking the opportunity to home in on their gifts (Mayes & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib118" id="ref56">118</reflink>]).</p> <p>Should Black boys with disabilities be appropriately identified for GATE along with special education services, they still may face a wealth of challenges. When identified for GATE, it does not necessarily mean they have access to gifted and talented education as schools may opt for additional special education supports (i.e., pull-out services; Mayes & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib117" id="ref57">117</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib118" id="ref58">118</reflink>]; Mayes et al., [<reflink idref="bib121" id="ref59">121</reflink>]) as opposed to GATE, because special education is federally mandated and thus usually funded at state and local levels. Gifted and talented education is often seen as extra but not required services that are mandated at each state's discretion, whereas special education is required and federally mandated through IDEA[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref60">2</reflink>]. In schools that have GATE, 2E Black males may be one of only a few Black students in the program and be even less likely to have peer 2E Black students. Although the lack of peers is not inherently a barrier, it often means that gifted and talented education classrooms are not welcoming or affirming of Black children as cultural beings; thus making it difficult for 2E Black students to form relationships with both peers and educators (Mayes, [<reflink idref="bib114" id="ref61">114</reflink>]). Educators in particular may view GATE Black boys and Black boys with disabilities as intruders who do not belong in programs for advanced learners (Mayes et al., [<reflink idref="bib122" id="ref62">122</reflink>]). As such, educators may simply overlook or choose not to follow accommodations as outlined in their individualized education plans (Mayes et al., [<reflink idref="bib122" id="ref63">122</reflink>]).</p> <p>In addition to their academic experiences, gifted Black boys with disabilities may struggle to develop healthy, positive identities (Ford & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref64">52</reflink>]; Hines, [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref65">82</reflink>]; Mayes, [<reflink idref="bib115" id="ref66">115</reflink>]). Simultaneously, Black boys receive messages and experience administrative action that push them out of school (e.g., Wood et al., [<reflink idref="bib186" id="ref67">186</reflink>]), minimizing their existence and making it increasingly difficult for 2E Black males to see themselves as more than the ways that school has rendered their value and potential. These negative messages are also a reflection of the colonial roots of education that often work in ways to protect whiteness, rendering disparities and gaps in schools as individual failings rather than systemic issues (Girvan et al., [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref68">63</reflink>]). This negative messaging in the school environment may impact not only 2E Black males' academic performance as they may disengage with school, but also may lead to poor self-esteem and racial pride (e.g., Mayes, [<reflink idref="bib114" id="ref69">114</reflink>]; Mayes et al., [<reflink idref="bib119" id="ref70">119</reflink>]).</p> <p>It is important to understand that 2E Black boys' experiences may overlap with that of Black boys in P-12 education. This is a result of the ways that education systemically dehumanizes Black boys in ways that render their brilliance, needs, and existence as one that should not be seen (Hines, [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref71">82</reflink>]; Mayes, [<reflink idref="bib115" id="ref72">115</reflink>]). Instead, more efforts are made toward policing and pushing Black boys out of all educational spaces, especially GATE programs, that are regarded as protected, White spaces (Vega & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib176" id="ref73">176</reflink>]). The result is often that Black boys, then, are merely present in P-12 schools, but not engaged as learners. This is particularly troubling for 2E Black boys as schools that have engaged in measures to identify their unique needs may lack meaningful follow through to support such. The efforts of identification, on the school's part, may act as a way to bolster GATE numbers in regard to diversity (i.e., cultural, disability, gender, etc.) while doing very little to cultivate the brilliance of <emph>all</emph> students, including 2E Black boys (Mayes, [<reflink idref="bib113" id="ref74">113</reflink>]). Also, Black boys, including 2E Black boys, are rarely understood and supported for their own intersectionality but rather addressed with a one-size fits all approach that works to minimize their existence and ultimately push them out of P-12 schools.</p> <p>Systems theories are often used to illuminate the ramifications of cultural norms, structural barriers and pathways, and institutional policies on the lived experiences of individuals. As such, we first discuss Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref75">18</reflink>]; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref76">19</reflink>]) as a guide to understanding the context Black males must navigate. We chose to focus on Bronfenbrenner ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref77">18</reflink>]) and Bronfenbrenner and Morris ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref78">19</reflink>]) bioecological systems model because it contextualizes development across time, and has become perhaps the most widely recognized systems theory across the social sciences. We then examine the critiques of Bronfenbrenner's model, particularly that call into question whether it sufficiently accounts for the power of culturally-responsive ecosystems on individuals' flourishing to consider how schooling can best be reimagined to support 2E Black males.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-5">Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory</hd> <p>Bronfenbrenner's original ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref79">18</reflink>]) and revised (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref80">19</reflink>]) bioecological systems theory offers a view of human development that emphasizes the importance of multiple environmental layers that influence individuals' maturation and circumstances. A central tenet of the theory is that development is influenced by the dynamic interplay of biological, psychological, and social environmental contexts. Bronfenbrenner conceptualizes these environments as five nested systems, representing increasingly distal influence on an individual's development. These systems range from an individual's immediate surroundings, representing the most direct influence, to broader societal factors, the most indirect influence.</p> <p>The innermost environmental layer of Bronfenbrenner ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref81">18</reflink>]) and Bronfenbrenner and Morris ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref82">19</reflink>]) model is the <emph>microsystem</emph>, reflecting the people with whom an individual interacts regularly, such as family and friends, and those a child interacts with at school, like teachers and peers. Bronfenbrenner posited that these relationships have the most immediate and significant impact on development. The next layer, the <emph>mesosystem</emph>, refers to the interactions and connections between these different microsystems; for example, how a teacher may collaborate with a child's parent to influence the child's behavior at school. The <emph>exosystem</emph> encompasses broader social settings that do not directly involve the individual, such as a parent's work life or community resources, but that still exert an influence on the person's development through indirect means. The <emph>macrosystem</emph> refers to overarching cultural, economic, and societal factors that shape the exosystem and, thus, the microsystem. For example, a broader cultural shift in values may manifest in an individual's exosystem as local laws that reflect or resist that value shift, and echo again in the individual's microsystem as the child hears the adults in their lives explain their responses to those laws. Finally, the chronosystem captures the element of time, highlighting that development is continual and influenced by cultural history and individual life transitions.</p> <p>Bronfenbrenner ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref83">18</reflink>]) and Bronfenbrenner and Morris ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref84">19</reflink>]) bioecological systems model underscores the complexity of human development, suggesting that an individual's growth is a product of ongoing interactions across various layers of the environment. Importantly, Bronfenbrenner's model also recognizes the <emph>reciprocal</emph> nature of development. Individuals are shaped by their environments, but also actively influence their surroundings. As an individual experiences the influence of someone in their microsystem—a teacher for example—they respond back to that influence in ways that shape the teacher's future interactions with the child and, thus, developmental outcomes (Skinner et al., [<reflink idref="bib159" id="ref85">159</reflink>]).</p> <p>Considering the developmental educational outcomes of a given 2E Black male using Bronfenbrenner ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref86">18</reflink>]) and Bronfenbrenner and Morris ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref87">19</reflink>]) bioecological systems model, families and teachers (as well as other school staff close to a child, including paraprofessionals, guidance counselors, etc.) are central to identifying the child's specific learning needs. The mesosystem would be the interactions between parents and teachers as they worked in concert to determine exactly what educational services the student needed. The exosystem is the context in which there is no direct influence on the student's development, but it still plays an important role; in this example, it might be local funding available to the school to provide sufficient resources for the child's special education services and gifted and talented programming. Next, the macrosystem reflects the sociocultural impact on individuals. For example, the extent to which Black males are adultified in their communities and criminalized in the media can impact the way the child's teachers interact with him at school. Finally, the chronosystem captures significant events that occur during the lifespan. For a given 2E Black male, these events might include the child's personal and observed encounters with racism or larger issues with the economy that have subsequent consequences for the individual (e.g., higher unemployment rates for Black Americans might affect the student's family).</p> <p>We must emphasize that Black males are not a monolithic group. Some 2E Black males have similar experiences to their non-2E Black male peers, encountering harms (e.g., microaggressions; Steketee et al., [<reflink idref="bib167" id="ref88">167</reflink>]; Woods-Jaeger et al., [<reflink idref="bib188" id="ref89">188</reflink>]) that are universal to Black students. But, 2E Black males also experience issues specific to them; for example, under identification for GATE—and thus, inadequate academic supports—at school may mean that 2E Black males lean on family for learning resources more so than other students (e.g., Bonner, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref90">10</reflink>]). As such, the needs of this group must be both recognized as distinctive from other Black and Black male students, and addressed with targeted remedies.</p> <p>To do this well, education researchers need theories to guide their inquiries (Greene, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref91">72</reflink>]), and new theories when familiar ones no longer work to explain phenomena (e.g., Greene & Robinson, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref92">73</reflink>]; Kuhn, [<reflink idref="bib100" id="ref93">100</reflink>]). Bronfenbrenner ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref94">18</reflink>]) and Bronfenbrenner and Morris ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref95">19</reflink>]) bioecological systems theory is so prominent in part because it takes seriously the role of context and environment in a child's development. At the same time, scholars have critiqued both this model specifically and related bioecological theories of development, often for disparate reasons. For example, some like Wachs ([<reflink idref="bib178" id="ref96">178</reflink>]) have objected to the model's overemphasis on the psychosocial and environmental influence on development compared to inherent biological factors such as temperament. Others, like Baumeister and Muraven ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref97">9</reflink>]), have suggested that bioecological systems models underemphasize the roles of personal agency and self-control regarding how individuals choose to respond back to their environments.</p> <p>From this critique, Spencer ([<reflink idref="bib160" id="ref98">160</reflink>]) and colleagues (Spencer et al., [<reflink idref="bib161" id="ref99">161</reflink>]) developed the Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory (PVEST) to highlight the role of subjective experience and identity in shaping human development. Whereas Bronfenbrenner's model emphasizes the reciprocal relation between individuals and the systems that influence their development, the PVEST model emphasizes the personal characteristics that interact with environmental factors to shape individuals' development, with a particular focus on resiliency and coping mechanisms. Spencer's and colleagues' (Spencer et al., [<reflink idref="bib161" id="ref100">161</reflink>]) foundational evidence for the PVEST model makes a compelling argument for bringing those marginalized by society to the center of focus for both practical and theoretical advancements. Their work demonstrated that adolescent Black boys experienced unique stressors that manifested as negative learning attitudes, but that these could be ameliorated by teachers and peers. These findings offered descriptive insight for those aiming to develop targeted interventions for Black students, perpetually underserved in schools otherwise, and moved developmental theories forward. Researchers have used the PVEST model to explore the experiences of high-achieving (e.g., Houston et al., [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref101">94</reflink>]), talented (e.g., Henfield, [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref102">80</reflink>]; McGee & Pearman, [<reflink idref="bib124" id="ref103">124</reflink>]), and gifted Black students (e.g., Mims et al., [<reflink idref="bib127" id="ref104">127</reflink>]), aiming to work against monolithic understanding of Black adolescence and learning experiences. We note a dearth of literature that uses the model to investigate the distinctive experiences of 2E Black male students. Having said that, the PVEST model emphasizes individual perspective and agency amidst a broad systems-level frame. Spencer's and colleagues' early work also revealed that identity formation for Black adolescents is informed by fundamentally different experiences than their non-Black counterparts, including distinct experiences of stress and subsequent development of coping strategies.</p> <p>But PVEST is not without its own critics, two of which we take up in our (Authors') own approaches to exploring the lived experiences of 2E Black males. The first is that PVEST's emphasis on individual identity formation and agency might run the risk of individualizing structural inequalities. Similar to critiques of constructs like locus of control (e.g., Brown et al., [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref105">20</reflink>]; Goodman et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref106">66</reflink>]), highlighting how individuals make sense of and cope with systemic discrimination without addressing the root structural causes may invite researchers to aim their interventions at the individual-level, rather than on policy change or collective action. Similarly, the original evidence for PVEST, and much of the current body of literature, can be seen to take a deficit view of marginalized groups by focusing nearly exclusively on adversity. A focus on the strengths of Black adolescents, such as agentic resiliency and community-building, can shift the focus to ensuring that schools serving these students are places where they can thrive. Rather than amending PVEST, which does serve a particular purpose for scholars given its emphasis on understanding individual factors, environmental stress, and resiliency, we go back to Bronfenbrenner's original model to demonstrate how it can be reframed to 1. emphasize the strengths of marginalized groups; 2. reject monolithic generalizations of Black students; while 3. retaining a focus on systemic and structural inequalities that must be dismantled. The idea of cultural relevancy and responsiveness (e.g., Ladson-Billings, 1995a) may be a key conceptual integration into bioecological systems theories toward this end. In the next section, we critique ecological systems approaches and discuss how this theoretical framework can be made more culturally responsive for students of color, specifically 2E Black males.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-6">Cultural limitations to ecological systems theory</hd> <p>Although ecological systems theories like Bronfenbrenner ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref107">18</reflink>]) and Bronfenbrenner and Morris ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref108">19</reflink>]) allow for an understanding of the interconnections influencing development across an individual's context spanning from childhood to adulthood, they often fall short explaining the experiences of Black boys who are twice exceptional. For example, disparities in school funding impact development, especially for those who go to underfunded and resourced schools (Knight, [<reflink idref="bib99" id="ref109">99</reflink>]). Though ecological systems theories leave room to acknowledge school funding models in the exosystem, understanding and <emph>dismantling</emph> the roots of those models requires explicitly engaging with critical theories. Sharkey ([<reflink idref="bib157" id="ref110">157</reflink>]), for example, used a sociological framework to critically examine spatial stratification, demonstrating that the perpetual underfunding of gifted and talented programming disproportionately affects Black children. As summarized by Peters ([<reflink idref="bib141" id="ref111">141</reflink>]), some school districts responded to this inequity by cutting gifted programming altogether, which contributed to an excellence gap between Black students and their white and Asian counterparts. From this work, scholars have reimagined structures that can change the current system, ranging from universal consideration and screening (Lee et al., [<reflink idref="bib105" id="ref112">105</reflink>]) and developing building norms for the identification of gifted students (Carman et al., [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref113">26</reflink>]; Peters et al., [<reflink idref="bib142" id="ref114">142</reflink>]). Some school districts even offer dual-language gifted programming to acknowledge the growing number of English language learners (Wells, [<reflink idref="bib182" id="ref115">182</reflink>]). An analogous culturally responsive approach to gifted education has not been implemented to ensure the flourishing of gifted Black students, which means that the distinctive needs of 2E Black males are significantly understudied and under-resourced.</p> <p>In order to understand the nature and context of various systems that influence 2E Black males' academic success, we first contend that ecological theory was developed and reflective of Western culture, without room to consider how Black boys grow, develop, and navigate various systems. For example, in P-12 schools, Black boys bring their cultural ways of knowing and being (Boykin et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref116">17</reflink>]) into the school environment, the same as do children from other backgrounds. However, as we have established, P-12 schools are often not reflective of or welcoming toward Black boys and their cultural background (Hines & Fletcher, [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref117">83</reflink>]). We see this reflected in how Black boys are policed, disciplined, and pushed out of schools at a higher rate than their White peers and female students (e.g., Hines & Ford, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref118">84</reflink>]; U.S. Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights Civil Rights Data Collection [<reflink idref="bib174" id="ref119">174</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib175" id="ref120">175</reflink>]; Wood et al., [<reflink idref="bib187" id="ref121">187</reflink>]). This is intensified when Black males are gifted and talented with special education needs (Hines & Ford, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref122">84</reflink>]). Thus, ecological theory is helpful in thinking systemically, but cultural and critical frameworks are needed to understand the influence, effects, and impact of cultural backgrounds, as well as a reimagined future.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-7">A culturally responsive systems theory approach</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186160230-8">Boykin's theory of afro-centric cultural styles</hd> <p>Several cultural models can be applied to expand EVT to better capture 2E Black boys' experiences, but, herein, we adopt Boykin's Theory of Afro-centric cultural styles (Allen & Butler, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref123">9</reflink>]; Boykin et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref124">17</reflink>]; Boykin & Allen, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref125">15</reflink>]; Boykin & Bailey, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref126">16</reflink>]). This Afro-centric cultural styles model comprehensively delineates Black culture and is used extensively by scholars who prioritize asset-based approaches to reframing understandings of Black experiences. We have long used the model in our own work (e.g., Ford & Kea, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref127">54</reflink>]; Ford & Trotman Scott, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref128">55</reflink>]; Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref129">89</reflink>]). We use this model because it emphasizes nine cultural customs: (a) spirituality; (b) harmony; (c) affect; (d) movement; (e) verve; (f) expressive individualism; (g) communalism; (h) oral tradition; and (i) social time perspective as assets to Black individuals and their communities. In this section, we describe each component, highlighting specific considerations for 2E Black males. In the following, we consider how bioecological systems models can be merged with Boykins' and colleagues' Afro-centric cultural styles theory to develop an asset-based, culturally responsive model specific to the distinctive needs of 2E Black males.</p> <p>First, Boykin and Bailey ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref130">16</reflink>]) and Boykin et al. ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref131">17</reflink>]) detailed the role of <emph>spirituality</emph>, or the belief in a higher being/power over one's life. According to the Pew Center (2021), Black Americans are more religious than the American public on a range of measures of religious commitment. For example, they are more likely to say they believe in God or a higher power, and to report that they attend religious services regularly. They also are more likely to say religion is "very important" in their lives and to be affiliated with a religion, and to believe prayers to ancestors have protective power and that evil spirits can cause problems in a person's life. In this survey, most Black adults said they rely on prayer to help make major decisions, and view opposing racism as essential to their religious faith (para 2). As a result, a central theme of the Black experience is being both faithful and optimistic. This often leads to a certain resiliency due to faith, such as remaining optimistic about the ability to overcome injustices. For 2E Black males, their relationship with spirituality may result in developing an external locus of control, defined as the belief that the outcomes of their lives are due to forces outside of themselves (e.g., Oyserman et al., [<reflink idref="bib135" id="ref132">135</reflink>]; Weiner, [<reflink idref="bib181" id="ref133">181</reflink>]). For example, these students may attribute success to their higher power and find support for academic challenges in their faith. White teachers, however, may interpret this manifestation of spirituality as being 'lazy' due to the dominant culture's commitment to meritocracy (e.g., Picower, [<reflink idref="bib144" id="ref134">144</reflink>]; Rogers & Brooms, [<reflink idref="bib149" id="ref135">149</reflink>]; Rowley et al., [<reflink idref="bib151" id="ref136">151</reflink>]). As another example of cultural mismatch between 2E Black boys' approach to spirituality and their educational contexts, these students may look to teachers for optimism and encouragement. Given the link established for Black individuals between their faith and optimism, external confirmation of optimism can galvanize students to exert more effort (Boykin, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref137">14</reflink>]). Instead, White teachers may interpret this externalizing as further evidence that students <emph>lack</emph>, rather than <emph>have</emph>, resiliency (Sherfinski, [<reflink idref="bib158" id="ref138">158</reflink>]).</p> <p>Second, Boykin and Bailey ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref139">16</reflink>]) and Boykin et al. ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref140">17</reflink>]) described the concept of <emph>harmony</emph> within the Afro-centric experience. They define harmony as fitting in and belonging, which are demonstrably central to students' experiences in academic settings (e.g., Gray et al., [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref141">69</reflink>]; Allen et al., 2022, among many others). Importantly, 2E Black males expect classroom environments to be inclusive. Stated differently, 2E Black male disengage if the environment (e.g., school, classroom, program, etc.) is unwelcoming, culturally assaultive, and otherwise hostile (Ford & Whiting, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref142">56</reflink>]; Mayes, [<reflink idref="bib114" id="ref143">114</reflink>]). Beyond this, 2E Black males are often keenly aware of the social dynamics shaping their schooling experiences, developing a sense of racial identity ahead of their peers (Ford et al., [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref144">58</reflink>]) that leads to internalized deficit thinking as they try to navigate the overt aggression and covert microaggressions they experience from teachers and peers (Cross & Vandiver, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref145">34</reflink>]; Whiting, [<reflink idref="bib183" id="ref146">183</reflink>]).</p> <p>Related to engagement, Boykin and Bailey ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref147">16</reflink>]) and Boykin et al. ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref148">17</reflink>]) presented <emph>affect</emph> as the third component of the Black experience. Emotional overexcitabilities (Dabrowski & Piechowski, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref149">35</reflink>]) is a common characteristic of gifted and talented students. Like their gifted peers, 2E Black male students have deep emotional experiences at school and can express strong emotions, but this aspect of their experience is understudied relative to work exploring their cognitive development and academic achievement, or underachievement. Yet the two are deeply interconnected. When these students dislike assignments, they may not do well or may not complete tasks and schoolwork, even if they know the correct answer (Owens et al., [<reflink idref="bib134" id="ref150">134</reflink>]; Wright et al., [<reflink idref="bib189" id="ref151">189</reflink>]). Further, when 2E Black boys express their emotions, white teachers tend to label this as aggression (e.g., Toldson et al., [<reflink idref="bib170" id="ref152">170</reflink>]). Other work (e.g., Hébert, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref153">77</reflink>]) has demonstrated that 2E Black males experience an emotional toll of self-inflicted pressure and a perceived need to compete. Educators may misperceive 2E Black males as also having Emotional and Behavioral Disorders (EBD; Rizza & Morrison, [<reflink idref="bib147" id="ref154">147</reflink>]) and/or use these students' emotional expression as evidence that they are not gifted and talented (Bonner et al., [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref155">12</reflink>]).</p> <p>Fourth, Boykin and Bailey ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref156">16</reflink>]) and Boykin et al. ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref157">17</reflink>]) described the role of <emph>movement</emph> in the Black experience. The norms of U.S. classrooms often restrict student movement and tend to depend on the "initiate, respond, evaluate" (IRE) cycle that situates 'appropriate' student participation as tightly controlled by the teacher. Compounded with this norm is the pervasive myth of the <emph>super predator</emph> (e.g., Carpenter, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref158">27</reflink>]; Linde, [<reflink idref="bib107" id="ref159">107</reflink>]; Vitale, [<reflink idref="bib177" id="ref160">177</reflink>]), which positions Black male learners as hyper-aggressive threats to be monitored and controlled. Evidence indicates that teachers' labeling of movement as disrespectful—and further, criminal—for Black male learners begins as early as elementary school (Basile et al., [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref161">8</reflink>]). Other harmful stereotypes position Black movement positively only within the narrow context of athletic prowess (see, for example, Carey et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref162">25</reflink>]; Higginbotham et al., [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref163">81</reflink>]). There are distinctive consequences of this stereotype for 2E Black males, who may find their academic giftedness overlooked in favor of perceived or real athletic potential (Bonner et al., [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref164">12</reflink>]).</p> <p>Fifth, Boykin ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref165">13</reflink>]) introduced the construct of <emph>verve,</emph> which extends the idea of movement to energy and dynamic presence. Across the Black diaspora, culture is embodied in beat, rhythm, dance, and storytelling; further, individuals demonstrate their attention to and connectedness with their community through esthetic expression (e.g., visual art, dance, and other sensory experiences) and spontaneous communal communication, including collaborative overlapping, call-and-response, and other energetic responses. These cultural norms often stand in stark contrast to traditional Western classrooms, which reinforce more individualistic, reserved approaches to learning. Decades ago, psychomotor ability was a consideration for GATE identification, but was removed from the federal definition in the Marland Report (Marland, [<reflink idref="bib111" id="ref166">111</reflink>]). Other constructs aiming to capture individuals' dynamic, high energy levels and preference for active learning (e.g., the idea of a "kinesthetic learning style" as described by Fleming, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref167">43</reflink>] or "bodily-kinesthetic intelligence" as described by Gardner, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref168">62</reflink>]) have been soundly critiqued. The result for 2E Black males is that demonstrating their knowledge and skills with verve is often not recognized as evidence toward their GATE identification; in fact, they are more likely to be misdiagnosed as having ADHD or otherwise considered a behavior management problem to corral (Ford et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref169">57</reflink>]).</p> <p>The sixth component of Boykin's and colleague's (Boykin & Bailey [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref170">16</reflink>]; Boykin et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref171">17</reflink>]) Afro-centrist cultural styles model is <emph>expressive individualism</emph>. Unlike Western approaches to individualism, which prioritize autonomy and personal achievement, Afrocentrism prioritizes individuals authentically connecting to their community's history and values, and expressing the distinctive ways they participate in or contribute to those shared experiences. An analogous construct in research on learning is creativity, which is one area that is formally recognized in federal definitions for GATE. Creative students are those who can see and manipulate relations between ideas; for example, detecting gaps, proposing various solutions to solve problems, producing novel ideas and re-combining them, and intuiting new relationships between ideas. Nearly 60 years ago, education researchers established a body of evidence indicating that Black students, overall, were more creative than other students (e.g., Grantham, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref172">68</reflink>]; Passow, [<reflink idref="bib138" id="ref173">138</reflink>]; Passow et al., [<reflink idref="bib139" id="ref174">139</reflink>]; Torrance, [<reflink idref="bib171" id="ref175">171</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib172" id="ref176">172</reflink>]). Yet as Vega and Moore ([<reflink idref="bib176" id="ref177">176</reflink>]) found in a review of the literature, racial and gender biases held by teachers make it difficult to recognize 2E Black male students' expressions as both creative and indicators of giftedness, and the limited use of culturally-competent instruction and curricular materials further stymie opportunities for 2E Black males to engage in expressive individualism in their classrooms.</p> <p>Seventh is <emph>oral tradition,</emph> in which Boykin and Bailey ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref178">16</reflink>]) and Boykin et al. ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref179">17</reflink>]) captured the use of spoken word, shared ritual, and storytelling to transmit wisdom and communal narratives. The oral tradition of Black communities goes beyond entertainment; it is distinctly educational in nature. Moral stories, history, and declarative knowledge are passed down in formal (e.g., preaching; spoken word performances) and informal (e.g., everyday conversations) ways. Research has indicated that 2E Black male students are blunter and more direct than their peers (e.g., Ford, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref180">45</reflink>]; Trottman Scott, [<reflink idref="bib154" id="ref181">154</reflink>]). Importantly, however, expectations for the manner in which children communicate with adults are culturally bound, and 2E Black males experience a mismatch between their cultural traditions at home and the expectations of the mostly white women teaching them at school (Dessel, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref182">36</reflink>]). This becomes another way that students' giftedness may be dismissed by teachers as insolent misbehavior (e.g., talking back); that is, Black students are penalized for speaking out, being direct and blunt, and communicating their feelings, which is (mis)interpreted as being disrespectful or disruptive by school personnel (Hines & Ford, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref183">84</reflink>]; Losen & Martinez, [<reflink idref="bib109" id="ref184">109</reflink>]). These students' communication style is also used as evidence that the students are not gifted, because the direct manner in which 2E Black male students speak seems simpler than would be expected of more intelligent individuals (Stambaugh & Ford, [<reflink idref="bib162" id="ref185">162</reflink>]).</p> <p>The eighth component of Boykin and Bailey ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref186">16</reflink>]) and Boykin et al. ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref187">17</reflink>]) Afrocentrist theory is <emph>communalism</emph>. Analyzing across each of the other dimensions, it is clear that collective socialization is at the heart of many Black communities. The construct of communalism captures this but extends it to define the sense of interdependence and shared responsibility, as well as solidarity and collective empowerment, represented in Black experiences across the world. In educational contexts, this manifests for Black students as a preference for cooperative activities compared to competition, and a preference to support and share in their peers' success. For 2E Black males, however, it also manifests as a tendency to opt out of GATE programming if it is offered for fear of isolation among mostly white peers (Moore et al., [<reflink idref="bib128" id="ref188">128</reflink>]).</p> <p>The final dimension of Boykins' and colleagues' work (Boykin & Bailey, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref189">16</reflink>]; Boykin et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref190">17</reflink>]) is <emph>social time perspective.</emph> Mirroring research-based cultural dimensions theory of Hofstede ([<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref191">91</reflink>]) and Hofstede and Minkov ([<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref192">92</reflink>]), Afrocentrism theory describes Black individuals' relation to time as polychronic; that is, fluid and flexible and marked by frequent task-switching. In Western classrooms managed by white teachers, there is little to no flexibility with or modifications of time; students are expected to be on time for school, instruction in various subjects takes place within set times, tests are timed, etc. The clock is the master; that is, events take place within the bounds of set times, and time is perceived as a limited commodity. However, polychronic orientation is grounded in relationships. Social time perspective conceives of time as cyclical (e.g., aligned with the rhythms of the natural world) and experienced through a collective lens; for example, individuals experience connection to their ancestors. As such, time can be experienced holistically, rather than as a strict linear progression from past to present and then to future. For 2E Black males, this often manifests as a belief that they can do many tasks simultaneously, that time cannot be "wasted" if one is fully present, and that it is more important to have a good answer than to make good use of time (Ford et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref193">57</reflink>]).</p> <p>Having reviewed the nine dimensions of Boykins' and colleagues' theory of Afrocentrism and the distinctive ways we can understand how 2E Black boys approach their educational contexts through this lens, it is important to reemphasize that we do not employ the theory to stereotype or contribute to misunderstandings of the 2E Black male experience as monolithic. Rather, we use theory as a lens to explore cultural differences, and validate the reality of those differences by naming patterns in the empirical evidence regarding the schooling experiences of 2E Black males. Doing so helps us, as one example, interrogate cultural clashes between mostly white female educators and 2E Black males—that is to say, unpack the layers of influence on the development of these students.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-9">A culturally responsive Ecological model applicable to 2E black males</hd> <p>Here, we present an Afrocentric bioecological systems model that we have created, merging Boykin's work with Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems theory. We expand upon Bronfenbrenner's model to make it a culturally responsive theory because it was not created with twice exceptionalities <emph>and</emph> Black boys in mind; in other words, we aim to culturize the theory. Combined or merged, the two theories complement each other: Boykin's theory adds Black culture to Bronfenbrenner; and (b) Bronfenbrenner's theory adds ecology to Boykin. Given the critiques we have raised about other attempts to capture culture in bioecological systems theories, our goals are to emphasize the strengths and assets of 2E Black males, while highlighting where there may be variability in the experiences of 2E Black males. Further, our goal is to spotlight the systemic and structural barriers to equity that are points of leverage; these can be reimagined for more culturally responsive educational contexts. Appearing in Table 1 is a summary of our proposed model.</p> <p>Table 1. A culturally responsive, ecological model: merging Bronfenbrenner and Boykin.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td>Microsystem</td><td>Mesosystem</td><td>Exosystem</td><td>Macrosystem</td><td>Chronosystem</td></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td /><td><italic>The individuals with the most direct influence or contact with</italic><italic>2E Black males such as families, educators, school peers</italic></td><td><italic>Interactions between microsystems (such as families and educators) for 2E Black males</italic></td><td><italic>Indirect impacts on Black males, such as neighborhood, parents workplace, local government</italic></td><td><italic>Cultural elements that affect 2E Black males, such as socioeconomic status, social constructions of race and ethnicity, and world views on 2E Black males</italic></td><td><italic>Major life, historical, or societal events and transitions that impact 2E Black males</italic></td></tr><tr><td><bold>Spirituality</bold><italic>- belief in a higher being; external locus of control</italic></td><td>Individual families and educators' beliefs and values on the influence of 2E Black males as spiritual beings</td><td>Caregivers'/ families' and educators' beliefs and values of 2E Black males as spiritual beings as it relates to educational settings and their ability to be successful</td><td>The impact of church and places of worship, communication of media on 2E Black males' environment</td><td>How socio-cultural elements impact spirituality among Black 2E males</td><td>The impact of major life events on the spiritual development of Black 2E males</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Harmony-</bold><italic>Environment - Sense of belonging/relationship with peers and educators</italic></td><td>Positive relationships with families, peers, and educators contributing to positive sense of self and success of 2E Black males</td><td>Positive relationships between home and school to support 2E Black males; increasing identification to diversify GATE enrollment</td><td>Adequate funding by federal and state agencies to adequately assist 2E Black males via school districts</td><td>Academic and social support across the larger culture that recognize the potential of 2E Black male students</td><td>Prioritize culturally responsive and systemic approaches in U.S. schools, specifically for 2E students</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Affect-</bold><italic>Emotional/Strong Emotions</italic></td><td>Caregivers and educators understanding the socio- emotional needs of 2E Black males</td><td>Create strategies between home and school to meet the socio-emotional needs of 2E Black males</td><td>Recognize the triggers of 2E Black males such as the community, school environment and reframe emotions through a strength-based approach rather than through punitive measures</td><td>Recognize the historical impact of education on Black boys. Reframe the national narrative and stereotypes about Black students through data driven strategies and advocacy</td><td>Recognize and dismantle the policies and perceptions that inhibit 2E Black males from being seen as human (such as zero tolerance policies) in addition to attitudes and beliefs of adultifying Black males</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Movement-</bold><italic>Tactile and kinesthetic</italic></td><td>Caregivers and educators provide experiential activities that are culturally relevant</td><td>Home and school collaborate to develop engaging activities for 2E Black males such as a project for Black History Month to present at school</td><td>Recognize district policies that promote a monolithic approach to learning (quiet at your desk) rather than adapting to student needs</td><td>Educators should be aware of research-based activities that can help 2E Black males. Especially, activities vetted at the local, state and national levels</td><td char=".">2E Black males recognize their gifts and abilities are gifts due to the change in narrative at the national level</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Verve-</bold><italic>High energy levels; vibrant and lively</italic></td><td>Caregivers and educators see the energy of 2E Black males as a strengths and redirect them</td><td>Home and school recognize energy levels as a function of student being rather than negative behavior</td><td>School district policy recognizing the behaviors of 2E Black males from a strengths-based approach</td><td>Educators recognize how society sees high energy levels of Black males as aggressive and adultifies these students</td><td>Narrative change to see high energy levels as a function of being rather than needing a behavioral change</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Expressive Individualism-</bold><italic>creative, think outside the box; original, flexible, elaborative, fluent</italic></td><td>Caregivers and educators recognize and understand that 2E Black males are unique and are not a monolith; therefore, supports should be tailored to this population</td><td>Home and school supports are modified to address the individuality of 2E Black males</td><td>Policy is adapted or modified to address the unique gifts and disabilities of 2E Black males through a culturally responsive lens</td><td>Educators recognize the current cultural trends that 2E Black males may subscribe to express their individualism</td><td>Recognize that Black males have always had unique styles and expressions</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Oral Tradition<italic>-</italic></bold><italic>to speak is to perform; prefer speaking over other communication outlets; blunt and direct</italic></td><td>Caregivers and educators know that 2E Black male communication may be a function of their dual exceptionality rather than malicious intent or developmental delay</td><td>Caregivers and educators work with each other to ensure the communication of 2E Black males are not misinterpreted from a deficit paradigm</td><td>Recognize how school policies can penalize students who are direct or appear defiant in their communication, when it is misinterpreted as their style of communication, especially Black students</td><td>Recognize how society view oral communication of Black males and examine bias and beliefs to ensure 2E Black males are treated with equity and respect</td><td>Understand the narrative of Black males and communication especially if it is intercepted as disrespectful or threatening to someone's power</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Communalism-</bold><italic>Collective orientation; group oriented; interdependent</italic></td><td>Expansive definition of kinship. Educators recognize how Black culture has a more collective and group orientation; therefore, collaborating families and communities will help support 2E Black males</td><td>Caregivers and educators strategize to ensure 2E Black males get adult and peer support</td><td>School districts can infuse communal interventions as a tool for support 2E Black males</td><td>Recognize how Black/African Americans use a communalism approach to address issues within the population</td><td>Recognize how communalism has been a part of the Black community. Examples include the Million Man March (October 16, 1995) and the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom (August 28, 1963)</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Social Time Perspective-</bold><italic>Polychronic; the event, rather the time, is the master</italic></td><td>Educators recognize the time can be fluid and that that completion of the task may be more important to 2E Black males then the time limit for completion</td><td>Home and school collaborate to identity best strategies to ensure 2E Black males are supported in completing tasks with appropriate due dates and time</td><td>District level policy ensures 2E Black males have the accommodations needed to complete tasks in a timely manner</td><td>Educators can be culturally responsive by understanding many cultures see time as fluid and emphasize relationships and events</td><td>Educators can advocate for the narrative to change around time so 2E Black males in the future will not be penalized for not subscribing to a Western paradigm</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 <emph>Note:</emph> Bronfenbrenner uses the term 'parents,' but we use the term 'caregivers' to be more culturally responsive and inclusive of the individuals who serve as guardians for 2E Black males.</p> <p>This framework aims to address the distinctive and comprehensive cultural dimensions of 2E Black boys' lives. This framework is born out of the existing needs as identified in the limited 2E literature regarding Black boys, and we offer it to those who aim to conduct empirical work with this population. For example, researchers have found that 2E Black students, including Black boys, often are not supported in developing healthy identities across their unique intersections of race, gender, and ability (Mayes, [<reflink idref="bib114" id="ref194">114</reflink>]; Mayes & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib118" id="ref195">118</reflink>]). As such, 2E Black students experience school environments as unwelcoming and dehumanizing rather than a space in which they are nurtured. This framework provides a lens to understand 2E Black boys experiences and needs systemically, while building supports rooted in culturally responsive approaches that prioritize their strengths.</p> <p>Looking across the model, improving outcomes for 2E Black male students clearly requires significant investment in preparing teachers to be culturally competent (e.g., Lewis Chiu et al., [<reflink idref="bib106" id="ref196">106</reflink>]), to deliver culturally relevant instruction (e.g., Ladson-Billings, [<reflink idref="bib103" id="ref197">103</reflink>]), and to cultivate classrooms that are culturally sustaining spaces (e.g., Paris, [<reflink idref="bib137" id="ref198">137</reflink>]). Extensive literature has been written elsewhere, including pieces by this author team, about each of these efforts, because children of all marginalized groups would benefit from the same systemic change in the way we recruit, prepare, and professionally develop teachers. Also below, we highlight evidence for the model we have proposed from those doing work on behalf of 2E Black males, as well as considerations for educational psychologists as they begin to empirically test the model.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-10">Microsystem</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186160230-11">Communalism</hd> <p>First, the communal commitments represented across Black experiences mean that many Black children benefit from expansive definitions of family, including fictive kin. These networks of support and social capital are demonstrably linked to positive racial identity (e.g., Gladney, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref199">64</reflink>]) and academic success indicators, like college aspirations and attainment (Williams, [<reflink idref="bib184" id="ref200">184</reflink>]) among gifted Black students with disabilities. Whereas cultural incompetence may lead individuals to believe that the high rate of Black children living with single parents or extended family (Irwin et al., [<reflink idref="bib97" id="ref201">97</reflink>]) is a detriment to students' academic support, an Afrocentric understanding of kinship expands the definition of who "counts" within students' microsystems and, thus, who can be tapped in as developmental mentors for 2E Black male students.</p> <p>Given the expansive definition of and commitment to community within many Black cultures, it is not surprising that empirical evidence indicates that infusing more communal approaches to learning benefits 2E Black male learners, and Black students more generally. Coleman et al., ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref202">30</reflink>]) found that Black students in upper elementary grades significantly outperformed their peers in math achievement when their instruction was delivered in a communal, as opposed to individualistic, style. In this study, the student participants' lessons were facilitated by researchers, but more recently, members of the same research team trained teachers to deliver math instruction in a communal style with math achievement results similar to the study conducted in a simulated classroom (Coleman et al., [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref203">31</reflink>]). As such, an implication for practice is the need to create and implement high-quality professional development for in-service teachers to implement approaches rooted in Afrocentrism into their instruction.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-12">Affect, movement, verve, and expressive individualism</hd> <p>Considering 2E Black male students' affect, movement, verve, and expressive individualism requires teachers to carefully select instructional materials. For example, Grace ([<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref204">67</reflink>]) offered empirically-supported strategies to embed oral tradition into literacy instruction. More recently, Garces-Bacsal ([<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref205">61</reflink>]) found that multicultural picture books, and specifically biographies, are associated with gains in Black gifted students' social and emotional learning, and offered a number of specific titles that feature gifted individuals. These provide readers visual depictions of successful people who share their cultural, social, and racial identities. Similarly, Furner ([<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref206">60</reflink>]) found that within math instruction, books could be used as a type of bibliotherapy for gifted students as they navigated their own math anxiety or experiences of peer isolation.</p> <p>Informed by Boykin's ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref207">17</reflink>]) approach to Afrocentric cultural style, we have written elsewhere (e.g., Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref208">89</reflink>]) that educators aiming to be culturally responsive might adopt Banks ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref209">7</reflink>]) model of multicultural curriculum. He offered teachers four hierarchical levels of infusing multicultural content into the curriculum (i.e., contributions, additive, transformation, and social action levels). Transformation and social action are the two highest levels, helping students become critical thinkers and problem solvers.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-13">Spirituality, harmony, and oral tradition</hd> <p>Teachers of 2E Black male students will need to understand the importance of belonging among these students and their distinctive concerns, which includes building positive relationships with them (see Robinson, [<reflink idref="bib148" id="ref210">148</reflink>]; Ronksley-Pavia et al., [<reflink idref="bib150" id="ref211">150</reflink>]). Mayes et al. ([<reflink idref="bib122" id="ref212">122</reflink>]) reported that 2E Black boys often expressed the desire for educators to build relationships with them. Strong student-teacher relationships provide much-needed guidance for 2E Black males in coping with anger, resentment, isolation, low expectations, and other emotions. Teachers should also invite opportunities for students to connect to or express the influence of their spiritual and out-of-school communities in the classroom. Similarly, educational psychologists must be mindful of how faith displays itself in 2E Black students (Hope et al., [<reflink idref="bib93" id="ref213">93</reflink>]) when designing prevention and intervention strategies and techniques. When students' spirituality is not discounted or ignored, it can promote optimism among these students that they can and will do well in school and/or on the issue(s) being addressed, as Hope and colleagues reported in their study, along with Taylor et al. ([<reflink idref="bib169" id="ref214">169</reflink>]) and Taylor et al. ([<reflink idref="bib168" id="ref215">168</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-14">Social time perspective</hd> <p>Empirically testing the model we have offered will also require researchers to recognize and challenge the Western values imbued in our current understanding of educational constructs. As one example, members of our author team have written that educators can support the development of 2E Black males by expressly teaching time management skills in recognition of the polychronic tendencies of many Black cultures (e.g., Ford, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref216">48</reflink>]; Ford et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref217">57</reflink>]). Being clear about the demands of a given classroom and explicitly teaching the skills needed to succeed in said classroom are the responsibilities of a teacher, but we also encourage researchers to consider whether time can be used more flexibly to support the instruction of Black gifted students. We note that this is already a recommendation in many established frameworks of motivation. Ames's ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref218">3</reflink>]) approach to the TARGET model, in which the final "T" in the acronym stands for flexible use of time, is one such example.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-15">Summary</hd> <p>Conceptual work explicitly examining overlap between Afrocentrism ideals and Western scholarly consensus of major educational constructs may reveal points of leverage for a more culturally-sustaining educational psychology. We can imagine, for example, a fruitful analysis of the difference between <emph>vervistic instruction</emph> (e.g., Bailey & Boykin, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref219">4</reflink>]) and <emph>culturally sustaining task variability,</emph> as the first half of the phrase has an established definition, and latter half of this phrase has been extensively studied by educational psychologists interested in motivation (e.g., Ames, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref220">3</reflink>]; Griffin, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref221">74</reflink>]) including among gifted students (e.g., Clinkenbeard, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref222">29</reflink>]), as well as within the context of strategies for differentiated instruction and promoting meaningful learning (e.g., cite).</p> <p>Similarly, educational psychologists may want to revisit constructs that the field has dismissed to consider the impact of losing those ideas on 2E Black males' microsystems. For example, within Division 15 is a standing subcommittee dedicated to dispelling myths about learning, including the notion of "learning styles." Though the evidence is clear that learning styles are not biological fact, reducing the idea to an individual student preference that teachers can dismiss in favor of "more effective" learning strategies ignores the influence of culture and community—for example, movement and verve—on how 2E Black male students approach learning tasks.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-16">Mesosystem</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186160230-17">Harmony and communalism</hd> <p>Within an Afrocentrism approach to understanding the developmental influence of the mesosystem on 2E Black boys is an inherent commitment to the individuals in students' microsystems working together. Researchers (Bryan et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref223">21</reflink>]; Epstein & Van Voorhis, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref224">38</reflink>]) have long established that school-family-community partnerships improve student outcomes, especially for students of color. Aligned with the concepts of <emph>harmony</emph> and <emph>communalism</emph>, academic and social supports can include wraparound services to ensure that 2E Black males get their needs addressed in and out of school (Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref225">89</reflink>]; Hines & Holcomb-McCoy, [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref226">85</reflink>]; Mayes et al., [<reflink idref="bib122" id="ref227">122</reflink>]). Some model work in this area is taking shape in the form of transition planning for 2E students graduating from high school (see Hunter et al., [<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref228">95</reflink>] for an overview). Transition planning is a required component of the federal law governing special education (IDEA, 2004), but there are distinctive considerations for students who are members of minoritized racial groups and gifted. Greene ([<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref229">71</reflink>]) found that transitions were most successful when these planning meetings both fully included and were led by students and their families, and were rooted in their communities.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-18">Communalism and expressive individualism</hd> <p>As 2E Black male students prepare for these transitions, and reflecting <emph>communalism</emph> and <emph>expressive individualism</emph>, individuals within 2E Black male students' microsystems should collaborate to provide exposure to postsecondary opportunities that are well-suited to students' strengths. For example, 2E Black males in high school should be given the opportunity to engage in work-based learning initiative and projects such as job shadowing, internships, and paid work opportunities, which they can bring back to the classroom to apply learning to their lived experiences (Ford & Hines, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref230">53</reflink>]; Hines, [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref231">82</reflink>]; Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref232">87</reflink>]). These opportunities have been shown to help students develop a sense of empowerment and competence for participating in their communities via their jobs (Hines, [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref233">82</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-19">Harmony, affect, oral tradition, and spirituality</hd> <p>Within school, having peers who share their racial identity is also central to 2E Black male students' well-being in terms of <emph>harmony</emph> and <emph>affect</emph>. This means teachers can be positive influences on 2E Black male students' development when they are trained and committed to identifying other Black students for gifted education to ensure that these students have peers of color in their GATE programs (Mayes & Moore, [<reflink idref="bib117" id="ref234">117</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib118" id="ref235">118</reflink>]; Scott, [<reflink idref="bib154" id="ref236">154</reflink>]; Wang & Neihart, [<reflink idref="bib180" id="ref237">180</reflink>]). Applying an understanding of Afrocentrism cultural styles as described by Boykin et al. ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref238">17</reflink>]) would result in gifted programming that incorporated the rhythm and dance of Black communities in culturally-responsive ways, allowing teachers and peers to share in and make room for Black culture at school. Empirical models of this are emerging, from hip hop pedagogy in science (e.g., Harper & Emdin, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref239">75</reflink>]) to incorporating Black poetry and music in literacy instruction (Williams, [<reflink idref="bib185" id="ref240">185</reflink>]). As another example, the African Oral Tradition Storytelling framework developed by Osei-Tutu ([<reflink idref="bib133" id="ref241">133</reflink>]) could be tested in a wide variety of content areas to determine whether the approach supports 2E Black males in sharing their spirituality, expressive identity, and communalism with their peers and teachers.</p> <p>Related to wrap-around services and developing peer groups, schools could consider offering a group counseling approach for 2E Black males to discuss issues they encounter or deal with and how to resolve them, particularly as they come up with the answer to create agency and confidence from an asset-based lens (Selwyn, [<reflink idref="bib155" id="ref242">155</reflink>]). Group counseling has been shown to improve the academic and mental health outcomes of individuals (Steen et al., [<reflink idref="bib165" id="ref243">165</reflink>]). Students would benefit from observing the interactions of their peers with each other, and their peers with the counselors, in these settings, and use the skills learned in counseling to navigate perceived competition in their classrooms. Teachers can complement this work by implementing cooperative learning strategies, group activities, and peer support strategies in their classrooms. Each of these have established empirical bases in terms of promoting learning. And, as we have noted, such strategies promote <emph>communalism</emph>, as celebrating interdependence affirms the cultural styles of 2E Black males.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-20">Understanding spirituality, verve, movement, and expressive individualism</hd> <p>There are also many opportunities for educational psychologists to use their research to support asset-based interactions in 2E Black male students' mesosystems. We contend that there is a vast and deep body of literature that has clearly documented the experiences between 2E Black male students and their teaching teams (e.g., special education and general education teachers, as well as any related therapeutic or paraprofessional supports), as well as family-teacher interactions, and peer relationships. The time has come to begin changing patterns in relationships that demonstrably harm these students' educational trajectories. For example, across work conducted by this author team, we have documented the over-policing and adultification experienced by 2E Black males (Hines et al., [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref244">86</reflink>]). Adultification represents a fundamental misunderstanding of these students' expressions of spirituality, oral traditions, movement and verve, and expressive individualism. With this empirical base, educational psychology researchers are well-poised to design effective interventions targeting teachers' understanding of 2E Black male students' ways of relating with others and expressing their ideas.</p> <p>Educational psychologists who are instructors of preservice teachers might also critically evaluate how their courses prepare students for supporting twice exceptional students in their classrooms, and help them develop cultural competence for learning about and responding to students' racialized experiences. As Heddy et al. ([<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref245">78</reflink>], this issue) noted in their introduction to this special issue, nearly all general education classrooms include students with disabilities, making it critical for those preparing to enter the field to have a thorough understanding of exceptionality. Because educational psychology courses may be the classes in which preservice teachers most directly engage with constructs like misconceptions, challenging students to reconsider their own beliefs about what disability and giftedness mean, or how time can be used in the classroom to support student achievement, can be a powerful learning opportunity.</p> <p>Fish ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref246">42</reflink>]), for example, demonstrated that teachers' assessments of students' exceptionalities fall along racial lines, with boys of color more likely to be referred purely for special education services and specifically for behavioral concerns. This is alarming, but Lanterman and Applequist ([<reflink idref="bib104" id="ref247">104</reflink>]) found that engaging with just a single module about universal design for learning (e.g., Meyer et al., [<reflink idref="bib125" id="ref248">125</reflink>]) was enough to shift preservice teachers' beliefs about exceptionality in ways that are associated with more inclusive teaching practices. Of course, in-service and preservice teachers will need more than one training to develop cultural competence and understand Afrocentrism approaches to learning and living. But, our assessment of the field of educational psychology is that researchers have the evidence, methodology, and impetus to make this work a high priority.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-21">Exosystem</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186160230-22">Communalism</hd> <p>Work at the level of the exosystem, which encompasses the policies, institutions, and structures that indirectly influence 2E Black male students' development, has real potential to ignite systemic change. But as the old African proverb says, "it takes a village to raise a child." We note this approach is aligned with the Afrocentrism principle of <emph>communalism</emph>. Families, caregivers, and the community (e.g., the church) are central to students' lives in Black American culture, and the values (e.g., spirituality, interdependence) and priorities (e.g., harmony, expressive individualism) are often perceived by Black youth to conflict with Western approaches to schooling (e.g., cite). Therefore, educational psychologists should understand that decisions about policies, practices, and procedures regarding 2E Black male students should be done in concert with, and where possible, led by, the stakeholders in the community and students' families, to ensure that the priorities of research partnerships and the proposed outcomes are indicative of the values and goals of the members of those communities. We urge educational psychologists interested in policy work that will impact 2E Black male students to develop reciprocal partnerships with Black communities, utilizing community-engaged (e.g., Gray et al., [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref249">70</reflink>]; Mikesell et al., [<reflink idref="bib126" id="ref250">126</reflink>]) and participatory (e.g., Fine et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref251">41</reflink>]; Schuler & Namioka, 1993) methods.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-23">Harmony, affect, and expressive individualism</hd> <p>As empirical evidence indicates, 2E Black male students benefit in terms of <emph>harmony, affect,</emph> and <emph>expressive individualism</emph> when their teachers look like them (Bryan & Ford, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref252">22</reflink>]). From this, Bryan et al. ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref253">23</reflink>]) have offered concrete strategies for recruiting Black men as teachers of the gifted and twice exceptional from historically Black colleges and universities. One example of an approach to systemic change in this area currently underway is South Carolina's Call Me MiSTER<sups>TM</sups> (Mentors Instructing Students Toward Effective Role Models) program, which has developed a competitive selection process for certifying as teachers Black men from South Carolina who commit to teaching in high-needs school districts. To date, the program has recruited over 400 new teachers in the state, diversifying the teacher workforce (Clemson University, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref254">28</reflink>]).</p> <p>In other work, 2E Black male students have voiced that transitioning from elementary to middle school, and middle to high school, represented key times when they needed more structured support (Sewell & Goings, [<reflink idref="bib156" id="ref255">156</reflink>]). In this study, students indicated that these transitions happened alongside racializing experiences; that is, when they became "Black <emph>but</emph> gifted" instead of "Black <emph>and</emph> gifted" in the eyes of their mostly-white peers and teachers (Sewell & Goings, [<reflink idref="bib156" id="ref256">156</reflink>], p. 30). Relatedly, McGee ([<reflink idref="bib123" id="ref257">123</reflink>]) described the process of 'stereotype management' that gifted students developed to navigate their schooling experiences. Whereas McGee's work demonstrated how individuals must respond to such racializing experience, we see an opportunity for a critical examination of how general education, special education, and GATE can anticipate and meet students' needs at transitions that coincide with major shifts in identity and development with structured supports. Across members of the author team, in our work we have identified school counselors as potential levers in this area (Mayes et al., [<reflink idref="bib122" id="ref258">122</reflink>]). Researchers in counseling and educational psychology can develop structured programming and activities related to positive racial identities during school transitions that school counselors can deliver and help counselors serve as key members of IEP teams advocating for students' gifted needs.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-24">Oral tradition</hd> <p>Administrators are also relatively understudied in the scholarship regarding 2E Black male students' experiences in school, but are typically charged with implementing and enforcing institutional policies. We encourage educational psychologists to collaborate with school administrators to study rates of suspensions by race and ability identification. Further, researchers can help administrators develop strategies that facilitate changes in school cultures, allowing 2E Black males students to be honest and forthright in their <emph>oral tradition</emph>, and to help teachers to understand their communication styles via a cultural lens without being punitive.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-25">Affect, verve, and movement</hd> <p>Systemic change is also needed in the way we identify and assess the giftedness of Black students with disabilities, which require recognizing expressions of giftedness through affect, verve, movement. Some state-level departments of education have taken approaches that can be easily adopted in other parts of the country; for example, Colorado provides professional development to in-service teachers regarding identification of twice exceptional students (Colorado Department of Education, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref259">33</reflink>]), and some school districts in Maryland offer specific, strengths-based programming specifically for 2E students, delivered within students' home schools (Maryland Department of Education, [<reflink idref="bib112" id="ref260">112</reflink>]).</p> <p>Other systemic changes based on evidence regarding when and where to deliver instruction to 2E Black male students may be more challenging, both in terms of pragmatic implementation and philosophically. For example, recent research conducted by Steiner ([<reflink idref="bib166" id="ref261">166</reflink>]) investigated a private college preparatory school exclusively serving 2E students in California. As special schools are considered the most restrictive environment according to IDEA (2004), the existence of Steiner's partner school raises important questions about how to weigh the potential benefits of being educated in the least restrictive environment as mandated by IDEA (2004) against the potential benefits of attending schools specifically and specially designed to meet 2E students' needs. Because the school in the study is private, it also raises additional considerations about access and opportunity, especially for a group that is decidedly under- resourced.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-26">Exosystem priorities</hd> <p>For educational psychology researchers, systematic literature reviews and meta analyses may be helpful in deciding how to use the existing body of literature to begin making systemic and policy change on behalf of 2E Black males. These methodological approaches can help research communities interrogate previously-published research. Recently, Küry and Fischer ([<reflink idref="bib101" id="ref262">101</reflink>]) conducted a systematic literature review of 18 studies exploring the self-perceptions of 2E students. Importantly, their results support our assertion that 2E students' holistic experiences outside of school, with their families and communities, is understudied and potentially an under-utilized resource. Their work, however, also found a notable outlier in the results of the studies they reviewed. Though the methodological design of that study could contribute to the differences observed, we also suggest it may be the framing of the research design and interpretation. Reviewing previously-collected data using Boykin et al. ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref263">17</reflink>]) Afrocentrism theory and an asset-based lens may reveal structural and systemic points of leverage whereas previous approaches highlighted results at the individual-level.</p> <p>Of course, one of the most pressing concerns facing 2E Black male students is access to high quality GATE programming. Given that GATE is funded at the state and local levels, and is thus often considered optional, whereas special education services are mandated by federal law, educational psychologists must advocate for policies and funding to close the resource gap. The newly-launched <emph>Educational Psychology for Policy and Practice</emph> journal will be a highly-visible outlet in which educational psychologists can promote this cause.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-27">Macrosystem and chronosystem</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186160230-28">Social time perspective</hd> <p>Boykin's ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref264">17</reflink>]) Afrocentrism theory offers scholars a way to reimagine a possible future in which 2E Black male students' distinctive needs are met, their strengths celebrated, and their opportunities are as plentiful as their white counterparts. Changes in the macrosystem, representing the larger cultural context and prevailing worldviews that indirectly shape students' development, and chronosystem, representing change across time, can help education researchers set benchmarks for progress toward this end. Using <emph>social time perspective</emph> (Boykin, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref265">17</reflink>]) as an example, change toward progress might be measured by teacher preparation programs that instill preservice educators with skills for being flexible with instructional time, and the cultural competence to understand the notion of polychronic tendencies across Black communities. Progress might be achieved when all students are taught to successfully navigate monochronic and polychronic time, rather than expecting only Black students, or 2E students, to adopt Western values regarding time management.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-29">Communalism and oral tradition</hd> <p>We can imagine the same shift for the other dimensions of Boykin's (Boykin et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref266">17</reflink>]) model, too: educators who understand their 2E Black male students holistically would recognize how these students' <emph>communal</emph> commitments and <emph>oral traditions</emph> are rooted in their <emph>spirituality</emph>, which they will bring to the classroom if they are allowed to be their full selves. Classroom culture would shift away from being highly regulated, reserved, and individualistic to high-energy and cooperative spaces. Across society, both special education and GATE programming would be fully funded, and teachers equipped with identification criteria for gifted Black males that do not rely on Western values for classroom behavior.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-30">Spirituality, oral tradition, movement, and verve</hd> <p>Adopting an Afrocentrism theory lens can help educational psychologists measure change in the macrosystem in the research community's, teachers' and the larger public's attitudes and beliefs regarding 2E Black males. For example, reviewers and journal editors might be able to help researchers reframe studies that report on harms or barriers experienced by 2E students at the individual level to interrogate the systemic structures underlying those results. Similarly, reviewers and editors familiar with Afrocentrism theory can challenge data about 2E Black males reported from a deficit perspective, helping authors recognize how their measures may reflect these students' distinctive manifestations of <emph>spirituality</emph>, <emph>affect</emph>, <emph>oral tradition</emph>, <emph>movement</emph>, and <emph>verve</emph> in classrooms. Educational psychology researchers can also measure change in the macrosystem across time by evaluating who gets researched and how. Inviting 2E Black male students and their families to lead research projects that investigate questions relevant and important to them would represent a shift toward <emph>communalism</emph> and <emph>expressive individualism</emph> while contributing in important ways to the many remaining gaps in the literature about this group.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-31">Next steps for research and theory</hd> <p>We have aimed to organize decades of rich conceptual work, supported by empirical evidence, into a new model that researchers committed to the success of 2E Black males can use in their studies. We note that more research is needed on this framework. Building on the familiar model of Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems theory, researchers can ground new studies in the principles of Afrocentrism (Boykin et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref267">17</reflink>]) to explore the layers of influence on development of 2E Black male learners and advocate for systemic changes that make a difference in the access to and quality of GATE programming these student receive. Drawing from our rationale for the Culturally Responsive Ecological Model, we suggest priorities for researchers interested in using and testing the framework.</p> <p>First, in terms of classroom instruction, we encourage researchers to partner with teachers to integrate Afrocentric approaches to instruction and content to better support 2E Black male students in general education classrooms. By testing the effectiveness of infusing Afrocentrism principles in classrooms, researchers can assess whether these approaches help Black male students express their spirituality, personal identity, and communal values more authentically, in turn fostering deeper connections with their peers and teachers. This research should prioritize the development of structured interventions that not only incorporate Afrocentric content but also provide an environment in which these students can thrive academically, socially, and emotionally. Work in this area would also demonstrate whether all students, not just those who are Black or Black and 2E, benefit from Afrocentrism approaches to education compared to Western approaches.</p> <p>Key to this process is designing interventions rooted in Afrocentrism principles that focus on increasing teachers' understanding of Black culture. We would prioritize interventions that aim to reduce misinterpretations of behavior and academic struggles that often result from cultural disconnects; successful interventions would likely be those that increased the number of Black male students with disabilities that were nominated by their teachers for GATE. When teachers understand the complexities of Black identity, they can better support academic achievement by creating culturally responsive environments that acknowledge the strengths of students from diverse backgrounds. This shift from deficit perspectives to asset-based understandings is essential for increasing engagement and outcomes among Black boys.</p> <p>Furthermore, previous research that relied on deficit perspectives or focused on individual-level analyses should be revisited and critiqued through our Afrocentrism systems-oriented lens. Instead of focusing on supposed shortcomings in individual students, future research should interrogate the structures and policies that perpetuate educational inequities. By focusing on systemic issues, researchers can develop interventions that address root causes of underachievement among Black males and create lasting change in educational practices.</p> <p>Perhaps the most critical area for research is the development of culturally responsive gifted education (GATE) programming. Research should focus on creating and testing GATE programming structures that are inclusive of Afrocentric values, which might include holistic assessments of giftedness, mentorship opportunities, and culturally relevant curriculum content. These interventions would aim to dismantle barriers to access and provide opportunities for gifted Black students to excel in academic settings without needing to conform to mainstream norms that may not reflect their lived experiences.</p> <p>Finally, in preparing this manuscript we found a bevy of exciting research either explicitly rooted in Boykin's (2005) Afrocentrism theory, or reflective of its principles, aiming to change the systems and structures creating barriers for 2E students published in doctoral dissertations. Future scholarship in this area could include reviewing these emerging projects for effective, scalable solutions with the framework we propose as a lens.</p> <hd id="AN0186160230-32">Conclusion</hd> <p>A systemic, culturally responsive approach is needed to help 2E Black males to not only thrive in school settings, but also to authentically embrace their gifts, talents, and disabilities. With a strengths-based lens, educators can recognize that 2E Black males have the ability to excel in all areas in their lives, including school. Educators must recognize how culture, the types of support provided, the environment, and the socio-political context impact how 2E Black males: (a) perceive and experience schooling; (b) choose to engage in educational endeavors; (c) achieve academic self-efficacy; (d) develop self-esteem, self-concept, and racial pride; (e) understand and view their GATE needs and challenges; and (f) view and understand their special education needs and challenges. The ecological Bronfenbrenner and Boykin Afro-Centric Cultural theories separately–but more importantly, combined–can help educators understand and work with 2E Black males from a systemic paradigm while recognizing their unique gendered, racial, and culturally-based development and needs. 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School-based racial microaggressions: A barrier to resilience among African American adolescents exposed to trauma. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice and Policy, 14 (S1), S23 – S31. https://doi.org/10.1037/tra0001091</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Wright, B. L., Ford, D. Y., & Moore, J. L., III. (2022). Black boys are lit: Engaging PreK-3 gifted and talented Black boys using multicultural literature and Ford's Bloom-Banks Matrix. IAP. Publishers.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0186160230-35"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibtext> When discussing special education overrepresentation, we rely on studies that use the OCR CRDC rather than works that use smaller scale databases and samples. Specifically, the OCR CRDC samples 100% of schools, districts, and buildings. We maintain that no other public school database is as comprehensive, which increases interpretations and generalizability. Smaller, conflicting, and contradicting reports use samples that are less comprehensive and representative of the nation (e.g., Morgan et al., [130]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For more information on GATE policies, we refer readers to the National Association for Gifted Children, and the Davidson Institute for Talent Development.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Erik M. Hines; Renae D. Mayes; Donna Y. Ford; Tanya J. Middleton; James L. Moore III and Alyssa Emery</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author; Author; Author; Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib86" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib63" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib88" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib170" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib56" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib152" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib120" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib132" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib96" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib59" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib110" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib83" 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  Data: A Culturally Responsive, Ecological Approach to Cultivating and Engaging Twice-Exceptional Black Males in Gifted and Talented and Special Education
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Erik+M%2E+Hines%22">Erik M. Hines</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6025-0779">0000-0002-6025-0779</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Renae+D%2E+Mayes%22">Renae D. Mayes</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7999-456X">0000-0001-7999-456X</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Donna+Y%2E+Ford%22">Donna Y. Ford</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5853-7463">0000-0002-5853-7463</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Tanya+J%2E+Middleton%22">Tanya J. Middleton</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0815-4293">0000-0003-0815-4293</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22James+L%2E+Moore+III%22">James L. Moore III</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0254-8566">0000-0003-0254-8566</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Alyssa+Emery%22">Alyssa Emery</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3627-2935">0000-0002-3627-2935</externalLink>)
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Educational+Psychologist%22"><i>Educational Psychologist</i></searchLink>. 2025 60(3):189-207.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Elementary+Secondary+Education%22">Elementary Secondary Education</searchLink>
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  Label: Descriptors
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Culturally+Relevant+Education%22">Culturally Relevant Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Twice+Exceptional%22">Twice Exceptional</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Males%22">Males</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Gifted+Education%22">Gifted Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Special+Education%22">Special Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Needs%22">Student Needs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Elementary+Secondary+Education%22">Elementary Secondary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22African+American+Culture%22">African American Culture</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Afrocentrism%22">Afrocentrism</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/00461520.2025.2473901
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0046-1520<br />1532-6985
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Cultivating and engaging twice exceptional (2E) Black males, and making advanced academic programs and special education (SPED) services culturally responsive, more inclusive and equitable, are vital to these students' academic success. Compared to other students, Black males are often overrepresented in special education or over-referred for services and, conversely, underrepresented in gifted and talented educational (GATE) programs. Unfortunately, Black male students rarely get the support needed to be successful in P-12 schools and settings. More discussion is needed at the intersection of being both gifted and talented and having a disability when Black and male. Specifically, in this article, we introduce our culturally responsive, ecological framework that builds upon: (a) Boykin's Afro-centric cultural styles model and (b) Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Theory to work with twice exceptional Black males. We explain both Boykin's Afro-centric cultural styles model and Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Theory and then merge them so that the cultural and ecological needs of Black males who are 2E are understood and addressed in school settings. Recommendations are offered for researchers, policy makers, district and building level administrators, teachers, school counselors, and families.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2026
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1506158
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1506158
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/00461520.2025.2473901
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 19
        StartPage: 189
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Culturally Relevant Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Twice Exceptional
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Males
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Gifted Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Special Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Student Needs
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Elementary Secondary Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: African American Culture
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Afrocentrism
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: A Culturally Responsive, Ecological Approach to Cultivating and Engaging Twice-Exceptional Black Males in Gifted and Talented and Special Education
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
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      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Erik M. Hines
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Renae D. Mayes
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Donna Y. Ford
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Tanya J. Middleton
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: James L. Moore III
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Alyssa Emery
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          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2025
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0046-1520
            – Type: issn-electronic
              Value: 1532-6985
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 60
            – Type: issue
              Value: 3
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Educational Psychologist
              Type: main
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