Language Use and Language Attitudes: A Study of Border Women.
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| Title: | Language Use and Language Attitudes: A Study of Border Women. |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Galindo, D. Letticia |
| Source: | Bilingual Review/Revista Bilingue. Jan-Apr 1996 21(1):5-17. |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 13 |
| Publication Date: | 1996 |
| Document Type: | Reports - Descriptive Journal Articles |
| Descriptors: | Anglo Americans, Code Switching (Language), Culture Contact, English (Second Language), Females, Foreign Countries, Language Attitudes, Language Usage, Mexican Americans, Mexicans, Regional Dialects, Second Language Instruction, Sociolinguistics, Spanish Speaking |
| Geographic Terms: | Mexico, Texas (Laredo) |
| ISSN: | 0094-5366 |
| Abstract: | Illustrates how women from the frontier of Laredo, Texas, use, describe, and view the hybrid of Spanish and English spoken at the borderlands as a result of culture and language contact among Mexicans of various backgrounds and Anglos. Categorizes the attitudes toward language choice into intraethnic and interethnic classifications. (32 references) (CK) |
| Entry Date: | 1997 |
| Accession Number: | EJ539315 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN9612131646;blg01jan.96;2004Oct18.10:28;v2.1</anid> <title id="AN9612131646-1">Language use and language attitudes: A study of border women </title> <hd id="AN9612131646-2"> I. Introduction </hd> <p>Recently, we have seen a plethora of scholarly works across disciplines including literature (Castillo-Speed 1995; Calderón and Saldívar 1991), education (Delgado-Gaitán and Trueba 1991), language/linguistics (Arteaga 1994), and history (Martínez 1994) that have the "border," "borderlands," or "crossing borders" as themes. These can refer to geographic, symbolic, or imaginary boundaries. The role of women "between borders" or "on the U.S.-Mexico border" has also been documented by historians like Del Castillo (1990) and Ruiz and Tiano (1987). The notion of "crossing borders" has been popularized by Gloria Anzaldúa (1987) in Borderlands/La frontera: The New Mestiza. As a Chicana-Tejana raised in the Rio Grande Valley, she is familiar with the geographic and cultural boundaries that divide the United States from Mexico; however, this transcending of borders goes beyond geography and encompasses one's psyche, sexual identity, even spirituality. The border is wherever two or more cultures edge each other, where people of different races occupy the same territory. As a product of two cultures--Mexican and Anglo--Anzaldúa recognizes that one can also cross borders linguistically and demonstrates this by switching from English to Spanish to Tex-Mex and even Nahuatl in her book. This mixture is a new language--the language of the borderlands.</p> <p>Using Anzaldúa's notion of borders as a point of departure, I illustrate in this study how women from la frontera of Laredo, Texas, use, describe, and convey attitudes about this language of the borderlands--a hybrid of Spanish and English that is a result of culture and language contact with mexicanos from Nuevo Laredo, Nuevo León, and other Mexican regions and with English-speaking tejanos. Grounded in sociolinguistic theory, which is concerned with the examination of language variation and use in social contexts, the aim of this study was to gather descriptions of these varieties and to arrive at patterns of Spanish-English language use across domains (e.g., home, neighborhood, work) based on select interlocutors (e.g., parents, children, classmates, clients).</p> <p>Linguistic introspection into their own dialect or idiolect in addition to border Spanish, Mexican Spanish, Tejano Spanish, caló, and codeswitching was another means of gathering and interpreting information regarding varieties that exist not only in their border city but also across Texas and Mexico. Language attitudes toward these varieties add a holistic dimension to this sociolinguistic description. They serve as a gauge by which to examine positive and negative feelings toward language choice, taking into account factors like acceptability, prestige, and socioeconomic status of the speakers. These feelings lead to observations regarding linguistic security, linguistic insecurity, and language loyalty.</p> <p>I have categorized these attitudes in two broad classifications that reflect the ethnicities being discussed: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>) intraethnic--within the same ethnic group (Mexicano-Americano/Mexicano-Americano) and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>) interethnic--across ethnic groups (Mexicano-Americano/Mexicano or Mexicano/Mexicano-Americano).</p> <p>Based on this sociolinguistic description of language variation and use in a border speech community, we must reject a simplistic view of Spanish-English bilingualism in favor of one that reflects the complexity and heterogeneity of speakers whose linguistic repertoire may include standard Mexican Spanish, popular Spanish, caló, standard English, Tejano English, in addition to codeswitching--a linguistic reality even on the border. Furthermore, these women speakers reveal their ability to make language choice decisions as they relate to Spanish and English and provide us with their attitudes toward these varieties and their speakers from both sides of the border.</p> <hd id="AN9612131646-3"> II. Description of Sample and Methodology </hd> <p>Ten (N=10) women from Laredo, Texas, volunteered to participate in this study. Nine were university students who were completing their undergraduate degrees in elementary education with an emphasis in bilingual education and psychology; one was a special education teacher. Ages ranged from 20 to 33 years; the oldest woman was 56 years old and was the mother of one of the other subjects. Five were married and five were single. Eight women were either second- or third-generation status, having been born in the United States with both parents and grandparents born in Mexico or with parents born in the United States and grandparents born in Mexico. Two women were first-generation status; they were born in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, but had moved to Laredo to continue their studies. Ethnically, they self-identified as being mexicanas, mexico-americanas or mexicana-americanas, or hispanas. Interestingly, no one used the ethnic label Chicana, which may be indicative of either their unfamiliarity with this label or their preference for more conservative or neutral labels to identify themselves.</p> <p>Demographic and linguistic data were gathered using a sociolinguistic questionnaire designed by the investigator to capture information regarding language use, language varieties, and language attitudes. Responses were tape-recorded and ranged from 60 to 90 minutes in length. Spanish was chosen as the language of the questionnaire; consequently, the responses and discussion that took place occurred mostly in Spanish, although subjects easily switched to English when they deemed it appropriate or to accommodate the interviewer.</p> <p>Data analysis utilized a qualitative framework that entailed a transcription of all responses and conversations gleaned from the questionnaire, thus facilitating the hand-coding of information according to specific topics and themes (e.g., language use, descriptions of different varieties, language attitudes toward codeswitching). Data were also categorized into two broad categories of language attitudes: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref3">1</reflink>) intraethnic and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref4">2</reflink>) interethnic. This categorization of language attitudes was a direct result of adopting the existing typology set forth by Peñalosa (1980) and adding my own classification based on the data. The rationale for this was that although Peñalosa provided a typology by which to classify language attitudes, including: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref5">1</reflink>) Chicanos' attitudes toward their own speech (Spanish, English, codeswitching); (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref6">2</reflink>) other Chicanos' attitudes toward their speech (e.g., across geographic regions, Texans' attitudes toward the speech of New Mexicans); (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref7">3</reflink>) Anglos' attitudes toward the speech of Chicanos; and (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref8">4</reflink>) Chicanos' attitudes toward the speech of Anglos, his categories did not suffice and more were needed to reflect other groups' attitudes. I added to Peñalosa's typology by including (<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref9">5</reflink>) attitudes of Mexicans toward the speech of Chicanos-Tejanos. Hidalgo's (1989) examination of juarenses' attitudes toward codeswitching as used by El Pasoans helped create this addition to the language attitudes typology. Along the same lines, I added (<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref10">6</reflink>) Chicanos' attitudes toward the speech of Mexicans as a result of soliciting perceptions of border Spanish in comparison to Mexico City Spanish. Such additions to the existing typology and further demarcation into broader categories within and across ethnic groups served to better elucidate the dynamics of language attitudes from a borderlands context.</p> <hd id="AN9612131646-4"> III. Spanish-English Language Use on the Border </hd> <p>The uniqueness of the language contact situation on the border produces a linguistic situation referred to as "stable bilingualism" by Lewis (1972). In this situation, both languages (Spanish/English) enjoy equal status and use and coexist symbiotically, much like the situation on the U.S.-Mexico border. This section explores language use based on language choice across a Spanish-English continuum by describing the domains and the interlocutors involved. This is based on the premise that "when speakers use two languages, they will obviously not use both in all circumstances; in certain situations they will use one, in others, the other" (Appel and Muysken 1987: 23). The notion of "domain" used here is that conceived by Fishman (1965), who saw it as a situation or setting, a sociological abstraction that facilitates language choice and use.</p> <p>Table 1 reflects a graphic representation of domains, interlocutors, and languages involved as described by the women studied.</p> <p>The private domains of the home/neighborhood were most cited as being conducive to Spanish use, primarily with parents, grandparents, husbands/partners, relatives from Mexico, in-laws, maids, and older neighbors. In a school- or work-related context, several women indicated sole use of Spanish with the parents of schoolchildren, possibly recent immigrants to the United States. In other work-related contexts, Spanish was used with older persons, persons from Nuevo Laredo, and clients (especially Mexican businessmen who had banking interests in Laredo). While Spanish permeates other domains including supermarkets, shopping malls, the university, church, and restaurants, English use has become equally dominant in both private and public domains. Many women cited English use with brothers and sisters, their own children, nieces and nephews, and younger neighbors. In the work and university domain, English was used with coworkers, clients (e.g., insurance, law), younger persons (especially at the mall), and with classmates and professors. Interestingly, public domains like retail businesses, supermarkets, and the schools tend to believe that both languages must be used to accommodate their clientele, which includes both native-born tejanos from Laredo as well as the continuous influx of Mexicans who come to shop, eat, and attend both private and public schools in the United States.</p> <p>The level of use and acceptability of Spanish in Laredo varied considerably. Some women felt that Spanish, not English, remains the predominant language for commerce and international business; others viewed Spanish and English as being equally important in this domain. Some women felt that Spanish is spoken and used more than English across various domains due to the continuous influx of Mexicans from Nuevo Laredo.</p> <p>The schools are the public domain in which the acquisition and teaching of English is strongly emphasized over Spanish. Here, the underlying philosophy promoted by many Mexican American administrators and teachers is that English is the language that merits recognition and promotion, even within the bilingual education programs and curriculum. Several accounts by these women revealed that monolingual Spanish-speaking parents are the most vocal proponents for English-only instruction as opposed to bilingual education. According to a woman who worked in a public school:</p> <p>English is more prestigious. Even in the schools the parents complain "why do they have subjects in Spanish and why are they having bilingual classes?" The kids should be drilled in English, they should emphasize more English than Spanish. "¡Métele más el inglés, pa'que le'stás metiendo el español, lo tengo aquí pa'que aprenda inglés!" My friends and in-laws are Spanish dominant and they feel that way. They say that they don't need Spanish, they're not in Mexico.</p> <p>The special education teacher confirmed her loyalty to English and the United States by advocating English use in the public domain of the school:</p> <p>I say that English is our official language and since we belong to the United States, that we should speak English and that we should respect our country. If they want to speak Spanish, that's their privilege if it's out of the public schools.</p> <p>The circumstances surrounding the mindset of border populations who advocate for an English-only curriculum are varied and complex and merit future empirical study.</p> <p>Based on this small sample and the comments made regarding language policy and use, it appears that the subjects are aware of notions of prestige, social mobility, and economic empowerment that tend to be affiliated with learning/speaking English on both sides of the border. Furthermore, it may also be the case that Laredoans want to set themselves apart from their Mexican neighbors in what is referred to as "psycholinguistic distinctiveness" (Giles, Bourhis, and Taylor 1977) by using English as their means of establishing and affirming their own distinct identity while simultaneously separating themselves from out-group members.</p> <p>A woman makes an insightful observation when she says that Laredoans tend to have an inferiority complex about who they are and where they come from. Living on the border means being Americans by birth but relating culturally to Mexico and as a result being caught somewhere in the middle. Knowing both Spanish and English is important, yet she feels that many Laredoans still bear the brunt of social and linguistic discrimination imposed by people from both sides of the border--Mexicans, Mexican Americans, and Anglos.</p> <p>Language use across domains reveals that Spanish language use with parents, older adults, and relatives appears to be maintained, especially within a home domain. Spanish use diminishes or shifts to English among in-group members including siblings and children and among out-group members including personal friends, coworkers, and classmates. This finding is corroborated by other research along border cities in California and Texas (Aguirre 1982; Hidalgo 1993; Mejías and Anderson 1984/1987, 1988). Spanish continues to be the lingua franca within the commerce/business and service-oriented domains. The most dramatic shift from Spanish to English is within an educational context where the goal is to speak and teach English to students, oftentimes due to pressure from Spanish-speaking parents themselves who want their children to learn English.</p> <hd id="AN9612131646-5"> IV. Intraethnic Attitudes on Spanish Language Varieties </hd> <p>The linguistic repertoire among women speakers in Laredo includes standard Spanish, border Spanish (inclusive of codeswitching), caló, and English. The women provided their own interpretations of what constitutes these varieties and their attitudes toward them and their speakers (e.g., caló). They were also asked to be introspective about their own idiolect of Spanish. Table 2 summarizes some of the characteristics assigned to these Spanish varieties.</p> <p>Standard Spanish was the variety deemed to be most correct and formal; its prototypes were Mexico City Spanish and Nuevo Laredo Spanish. One woman who was originally from Nuevo Laredo felt that correctness and formalness were closely aligned with social class and better education: "la gente que tiene mejor educación...tiene mejor español que gente humilde." Observations were made that this variety had not been influenced or mixed with English and that it also had a more elevated vocabulary.</p> <p>Border Spanish--español de la frontera--was described as an amalgam of Spanish and English resulting in lexical borrowings such as parquear, jopiar, el lonche, el bísquete, and guáchate (watch out). Border Spanish was described as being broken or mocho Spanish that begins in one language and changes to another: "comienza en una lengua y cambia." It was assigned the popular, layperson's label of "Tex-Mex," referring to the use of both Spanish and English within and across sentences that linguists describe as codeswitching and a byproduct of bilingualism. Descriptions of border Spanish are reflected in the following statements: "No es español correcto, tiene palabras como 'parquear' y 'guáchate.'" "Es muy mocho; la gente de Nuevo Laredo dice que somos pochos--ni hablas inglés, ni hablas español." "Un español no tan correcto como lo usan en México pero suficiente correcto para nosotros aquí los tejanos que nos entendemos y nos podemos hacer entender también en México."</p> <p>Border Spanish was not perceived positively as a product of two languages and cultures in contact, a linguistic creation based on lexical borrowings from English into Spanish; instead it was described more in terms of correctness, deviance from standard Spanish, and its acceptability (or lack thereof) by people from both sides of the border. It was described with one word--mocho--which literally means "choppy," and its speakers were called pochos, the pejorative term used by mexicanos for mexicano americanos who are Americanized or "gringoized" and who use pochismos (Galván and Teschner 1989). Pochismos are Spanish words or constructions reflecting English influence, much like the examples of jopiar and parquear in which the English root is affixed with Spanish morphology in order to create unique verb forms. Perhaps living so close to the border makes tejano speakers more cognizant of and sensitive to their language mixing (una revoltura), ultimately resulting in negative perceptions and descriptions of the Spanish found on la frontera.</p> <p>Caló was described as a linguistic variety existing primarily in the barrios located in south Laredo, where the women felt that the lower socioeconomic classes, the less educated--la gente humilde--resided. They were cognizant of caló and provided examples of its lexicon: e.g., filas, cuete, vamos al cantón, and vamos a pistiar (let's go drinking). Fifty percent of the women claimed not to use caló at all while the remaining half said that they did use it solely in intragroup settings with siblings in a joking manner. Linguistically, this language variety was described as a "slang," "una forma de hablar, una forma de expresión," "not very educated Spanish," and "un habla como de las pandillas, los pachucos." Attitudes ranging from acceptance to outright disdain for this variety were expressed: "Así como los negros dicen, 'yo man,' así los pachucos dicen, 'hey ese.' Los hombres, mujeres, los niños lo usan. Y aunque sea por jugar, se usa, y para 'cerles buda, todos lo conocen." "Not all speakers are drug users or criminals, they can be lawyers, no más cómo crecieron, qué clase de idioma oyeron. In Laredo, it's the southside." One woman stated, "I don't think very highly of it." Another woman stated, "Yo pienso que nunca ha sido aceptado y nunca lo va a set. La persona que habla ese idioma no tiene tanta oportunidad como la persona normal que hable su español bien y que sepa inglés bien." Thus, caló use seems to be associated with the poorest of the poor, and it is apparent that the language is not favored when compared to "good" or "educated" Spanish (more likely standard Spanish) by some. Others recognize that even professionals and other members of the Chicano speech community including children, adolescents, and females use it as a legitimate form of expression.</p> <p>Linguistic introspection took place when the following question was posed to the women: "¿Cómo characterizas el español que tú hablas?" Perceptions ranged from those expressing self-confidence and linguistic security to those professing a sense of linguistic insecurity and self-directed criticism. Women who were confident of their Spanish-speaking abilities said: "Creo que hablo el español correcto pero no precisamente ejemplar, tampoco tengo mucho vocabulario." "Yo me siento a gusto con el español que hablo y pienso que lo hablo a modo que me entiendan, que no me vayan a criticar que es un español mocho. Y siempre he pensado, '¿por qué no puedo hablar mi idioma nativo bien?' Soy mexicana, tengo apellido mexicano. Desde muy chica por eso es que me he forzado a exigírmelo que lo hable correcto y he tratado lo más posible." "Sí puedo hablar muy bien, como el inglés también. No me gusta estar diciendo como 'parquear' ahora digo 'estacionar.' Pienso que sí se oye mal hablar así."</p> <p>Linguistic insecurity on the part of some women revealed that they felt their Spanish was todo mocho or not as correct as the variety spoken in Mexico: "No se me hace correcto como el de México." One woman explained what she meant by the notion of correctness: "Correcto me parece saber la cuestión de la gramática, saber conjugar los verbos con todas las personas en todos los tiempos, saber pronunciar también y usar las palabras adecuadas para decir lo que quiere decir. Eso ya es un español correcto." I found it especially telling that the woman who established the parameters for correctness was herself a native speaker of Spanish born in Nuevo Laredo into a family of educated professionals (lawyers) who now resided in Laredo.</p> <p>For the most part, the women were conscious of their own linguistic abilities and even those who felt they spoke correct or good Spanish were not completely satisfied or feared criticism by others. Those women who said they spoke a "broken" version of Spanish either held the Spanish from Mexico as their norm for comparison, had been previously criticized by a university professor for speaking a less complex variety of Spanish, or felt that they could not feasibly conduct an entire conversation in Spanish without having to switch to English in the process. This finding corroborates Hidalgo (1989), who finds that border populations are extremely sensitive to dialect variation; moreover, they tend to be more insecure about their competencies when faced with constant exposure to Mexican nationals who speak fluent Spanish.</p> <p>Keeping in mind that border Spanish was described as being synonymous with or inclusive of codeswitching, these women were asked to reflect on the intermixing of codes. I hypothesized that, given the geographic proximity to Mexico, there would be more disapproval than approval of mixing the two languages, as opposed to the more tolerant attitudes toward codeswitching one would find the further from the border one lived and the more contact with English one had. Table 3 reflects a synthesis of comments regarding codeswitching.</p> <p>Several responses reflected aesthetic qualities surrounding codeswitching discourse, e.g., "A mí no me gusta eso; it sounds very ugly." "No se oye bien pero pos casi es lo que se usa aquí, toda la frontera." Along the lines of correctness, they said: "No es correcto, es falta de educación pero ya es parte de uno." "That is the worst thing anyone can do 'cause how can they mix two languages. I used to think that means that the person does not know the language." They were also conscious of being criticized by mexicanos and americanos (Anglos) for using codeswitching: "La gente de Nuevo Laredo dice que somos pochos. Los pochos son los que hablan mochos--ni estás hablando el inglés, ni estás hablando español." "Los critica la gente de México si revolvemos los dos, se ofenden y lo mismo un americano que habla puro inglés se ofende si metemos el español aunque ese americano entienda español." On a more positive note, there was a sense of acceptance of this linguistic reality along the border: "Ya eso es inconscientemente, no lo hace por querer hacerlo pero es parte de la vida de aquí." "There's no way that Laredo's gonna be monolingual either Spanish or English." "You just take it for granted that's just the way you carry on all the time and it doesn't click, 'I'm codeswitching and it sounds bad.'"</p> <p>In summary, codeswitching is a vital and increasingly growing linguistic phenomenon even along the U.S.-Mexico border, where some people want a clear-cut demarcation of the use of one linguistic code or the other while others feel that the increasing shift to English while maintaining Spanish among younger generations makes codeswitching a viable and accepted linguistic form.</p> <p>In addition to describing the Spanish language varieties currently existing in Laredo, these women offered insight into other varieties of Spanish they might be familiar with that are subsumed under the rubric of Tejano Spanish. This refers to other varieties found in Austin, San Antonio, Houston, and McAllen/Harlingen in the Rio Grande Valley. Tejano Spanish also serves as a base for comparison with Laredo (border) Spanish. These cities were selected by the women themselves because they were most familiar with them and/or had relatives living there. I hypothesized that the further one is from the U.S.-Mexico border, the less Spanish is maintained or used. This hypothesis was indeed confirmed. Table 4 illustrates some of the key descriptors used for Tejano Spanish across various cities.</p> <p>Austin speakers were described as not even possessing receptive abilities in Spanish much less speaking it. If it was spoken, it was very choppy, "bien mocho." In spite of the predominantly Mexican-origin population of San Antonio, some women claimed that they heard more English than Spanish; furthermore, the English heard was perceived to be more correct than what they were used to in Laredo, "es más correcto." San Antonio Spanish is perceived to be similar to Laredo/border Spanish because of its incorporation of lexical borrowings like parquear but differs in that its speakers are not considered to be as fluent as those from Laredo. The metropolitan area of Houston was described as being more English than Spanish dominant because of contact with non-Spanish-speaking populations including African Americans and Anglos. Several women had lived or traveled to McAllen and Harlingen--two major cities in the Rio Grande Valley, which constitutes a large portion of south Texas. The women observed that the existing linguistic situation in all these cities, including codeswitching and lexical borrowing, is similar to that in Laredo. Thus, it appears that the Spanish spoken in the metropolitan areas of Texas contains large numbers of lexical borrowings from English and that codeswitching is a product of the language contact situation in these cities. Laredoans may also feel that their Spanish proficiency is superior to that of their tejano counterparts who reside farther away from the border.</p> <p>This discussion of intraethnic attitudes involved the women's examination of the language varieties found in Laredo, those they personally possess, as well as those varieties existing across other cities in Texas. Overall, I sensed that while all of the women spoke Spanish and could maintain this linguistic code for the duration of a 60-90 minute interview, there were obvious feelings of linguistic insecurity regarding their idiolects. Furthermore, border Spanish was perceived as an amalgam of two languages whose products included codeswitching and the formation of new words. However, instead of accepting the reality of what happens when languages and cultures collide and mesh, this linguistic evolutionary product was perceived to be incorrect instead of creative or innovative. Comparisons to other varieties of Texas Spanish revealed that quantitatively and qualitatively Laredoans spoke more and better Spanish than residents of other cities located north or east of Laredo. It sounds contradictory to say that border Spanish is "mocho" and "español incorrecto," while in comparison to other varieties of Spanish found across the state, it closely parallels standard Mexican Spanish. It appears that the most valued Spanish is that of Mexico and that other forms decline in their level of acceptance and perceived correctness. Not surprisingly, caló was the variety least accepted by these women, and its speakers were categorically assigned stigmatizing labels popular in the literature on caló since the 1940s (e.g., Griffith 1947; Braddy 1960; Coltharp 1965). This is antithetical to the views expressed by Ortega (1977), Ornstein-Galicia (1987), Reyes (1988), and Galindo (1992) who paint a different picture of caló's function and use across a larger spectrum of the Chicano speech community, transcending social class, education, age, gender, and rural versus urban boundaries.</p> <p>Codeswitching seems to grate on the ears of some Laredoans, Mexicans, and Anglos. It is not very well received, and it is considered impolite to use it; but speakers conceded to its prevalence and growing existence in their community. Views toward codeswitching may be further exaggerated by criticism from Nuevo Laredoans who call tejanos pochos, reflecting the intermixing of both languages. In order to avoid such labeling, they advocate the speaking of one code separately from the other.</p> <hd id="AN9612131646-6"> V. Interethnic Attitudes: The Mexicano Americano/Mexicano Linguistic Situation </hd> <p>Within the fields of sociolinguistics and the sociology of language, few empirical studies regarding Mexican American and Mexican attitudes toward and perceptions of one another have been carried out. Margarita Hidalgo, aware of such a need, has written a dissertation, book chapters, and journal articles that address this topic. Hidalgo (1987) compared the linguistic similarities and differences of Mexican and Chicano Spanish and attempted to address the love-hate relationship between the two by pointing out what each group thinks of the other. For example, she believes that mexicanos tend to discriminate against Mexican Americans because in their eyes, they have betrayed their allegiance to what is considered mexicano, (in terms of behavior, culture, and language) and have opted instead to assimilate or acculturate into the dominant culture. This discrimination is overtly conveyed and expressed in the use of the pejorative term pocho to refer to Mexican Americans who mix English with Spanish, or codeswitch.</p> <p>Hidalgo claims that Mexican Americans tend to react in two ways: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref11">1</reflink>) if they are in the presence of mexicanos, they may feel inhibited or self-conscious and repress or hide their ability to speak Spanish; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref12">2</reflink>) they tend to express a strong sense of language loyalty toward and pride in their variety of Spanish and are inconsiderate of others who may not understand their dialect. I would like to supplement these reactions using my own empirical research as the basis for my observations (Galindo 1987; 1995) and state that urban Mexican American adolescents feel a linguistic need to distinguish themselves from mexicanos by speaking English rather than Spanish. In-group membership is determined not by physiological appearance or cultural similarities but rather by linguistic differences, more specifically language loyalty toward English, as the basis for this membership. Spanish speakers--whether native born or foreign born--are all pejoratively labeled by these adolescents as "wetbacks" (mojados) or "Mexicans." Hidalgo concludes by saying that both groups seem to mutually reject one another; I too must concur with her rather pessimistic assessment.</p> <p>Hidalgo in her sociolinguistic study on language attitudes on la frontera of El Paso-Juárez (1983) speculated about why mexicanos from Ciudad Juárez reject and criticize the speech of their El Paso neighbors, and this in turn led to an evaluation of their attitudes. The findings from my study corroborate those of Hidalgo in that these women overwhelmingly agreed that Mexicans (whether they were Nuevo Laredoans, residents of D.F., or from other cities/states) often criticized the speech of border Texans, especially in the workplace. Several women who were working or had worked at international banks in Laredo recounted how Mexican businessmen traveled frequently to Laredo to conduct financial transactions. In their interactions with bank employees from este lado, if a word was used incorrectly, these businessmen would react by laughing and/or correcting the speaker. These reactions by Mexicans heightened the linguistic insecurity and animosity of these women, who were made to feel like second-class citizens and objects of the caustic behavior and criticism of men who were not accustomed to dealing with women in a business/banking context.</p> <p>When traveling to Monterrey and Guanajuato, one woman observed that Mexicans always criticized her Spanish and made her feel ambivalent about her cultural heritage: "Que nos creemos muy gringas pero a la misma vez no somos aceptadas como mexicanas." Another woman made the following observation about how Mexicans perceive border or Texas Spanish: "Dicen que es un habla horrible, horrorosa--ese [sic] habla de que mochan las palabras o intercambian en inglés o 'lipstiquear'--una muchacha se está lipstiqueando--inventan palabras. Ellos vienen aquí y se oyen ese lenguaje y se asombran, se asombran con cualquier persona al escucharlo."</p> <p>Hidalgo (1987) illustrates how social class facilitates the creation of sociolects within Mexican Spanish across two major groups: high- and middle-class Mexicans, who speak what is referred to as el habla culta, oftentimes the standard language, and working-class Mexicans, who migrate from rural areas to urban centers and speak el habla popular. Thus, how one speaks is closely aligned with one's social class and vice-versa. One woman observed that in Mexico, that is very true: "Entre la gente de un nivel económico más alto, si se fijan mucho, 'Ay fíjate como habla, ha de ser pachuco por como habla.' Acá la gente en Laredo, Tejas, no se basa tanto en eso como los mexicanos. Allá se fijan mucho." Two women felt that Nuevo Laredoans cannot be too critical of Texans and their Spanish because they too are beginning to adopt and assimilate border Spanish and Americanize some of their words, especially in the business and tourist domains.</p> <p>Opinions regarding Mexico City Spanish and its comparison to border Spanish, including that of Nuevo Laredo, were offered by these women. In her study of attitudes among juarenses, Hidalgo (1986) found that 47 percent somewhat or strongly agreed that the Spanish of Mexico City was more correct than the Spanish of Juárez. In the case of border Spanish versus Mexico City Spanish, there was no doubt that "en el D.F., se habla más correcto"; "Es más perfecto el de D.F."; and "El español de la frontera está a un menos nivel." Lack of language contact with English was a primary factor in their attributing such an elevated status to Mexico City Spanish versus border Spanish: "El español de D. F. no tiene influencia del inglés; es una sola lengua y no se va a estar revolviendo y solamente mantienen su lenguaje." "Al vivir una persona en la frontera, tiene mucha influencia del otro lado. Las personas que viven en la Capital no tienen mucho contacto con la gente de este lado."</p> <p>Mexicano perceptions of border/tejano Spanish were gleaned from the women. Especially those speakers who hailed from the interior of Mexico and Nuevo Laredoans who belong to a higher social class felt that Mexican Spanish is superior, a more elevated, correct, less-contaminated language variety. Similar patterns of superiority were expressed by Hidalgo's (1986; 1989) juarenses toward the speech patterns of El Pasoans. Sixty-one percent said that "it bothered them when Mexicans from El Paso talk English and Spanish at the same time." Laredo women would most likely concur that this is why Mexicans refer to them as pochos who speak neither language well. Thus, within the Texas-Mexico frontera, we can claim negative interethnic attitudes by Mexicans (juarenses, nuevo laredoenses, mexicanos from D.F.) toward border/tejano Spanish (especially codeswitching) and its speakers. This is reinforced by Christian and Wolfram (1979:1) who state that "language attitudes are generally shared by members of a cultural group leading to a common evaluation of certain language patterns and the people who use them."</p> <p>Chicano attitudes toward Mexican Spanish, especially the variety found among speakers in D.F., were positive. Undoubtedly, the women concurred that it was the standard variety and therefore the most correct. Some provisos were offered that took into account a lack of contact with other languages, namely English, thus keeping it virtually untainted from borrowings and codeswitching, which infiltrate the language of border cities like Laredo.</p> <hd id="AN9612131646-7"> VI. Conclusion </hd> <p>Language contact on the U.S.-Mexico border has resulted in a fusion of Spanish and English referred to as border Spanish, or "Tex-Mex." This linguistic crossing of borders by mostly university women is alive and well, much like Anzaldúa's (1987) description of her situation growing up in the Rio Grande Valley. The current linguistic situation in Laredo, Texas, regarding Spanish-English use reveals that those domains traditionally demarcated for Spanish (e.g., home/neighborhood) are now being infiltrated by English; at the same time many public domains usually reserved for the dominant language (English) maintain the use of Spanish on equal or superior footing, including banks, department stores/malls, restaurants, and churches.</p> <p>Within the educational context, it was revealed that there is an overt and conscious movement to promote English at the expense of Spanish and native language maintenance. Anxious parents, usually monolingual speakers of Spanish, are leading the efforts to make sure their children learn English, not Spanish. These efforts to "Americanize" convey the cultural and linguistic ethos and prevailing attitudes of this border community and merit an in-depth ethnographic investigation. This philosophy geared toward the promotion of English can be interpreted as being both divisive (Mexicans Americans can be distinguished from Mexicans by way of English proficiency) and inclusive (Mexicans learning English can be accepted by Mexican Americans and Anglos on this side of the border).</p> <p>The utilization of women speakers as primary consultants for this study revealed that they tended to be harsh critics of their own speech, of members of their own speech community, and of other tejanos. Language was viewed mostly in terms of prescriptivist notions of correctness, formality, complexity, and quantity of vocabulary. The innovativeness and pragmatic value of codeswitching, the creation of new lexical forms borrowed from English and created through Spanish morphology, and the unique caló lexicon were not recognized as such by the majority of the women. Instead they were relegated to variables of social class or group membership. Codeswitching was often deemed the language spoken by pochos according to mexicanos; caló was used by gente humilde in the lower-class barrios of south Laredo. Austinites spoke little Spanish, San Antonians and people from the Rio Grande Valley spoke mixed Spanish like their Laredo counterparts. These women could undeniably be considered the conservators and promoters of a more standard norm versus the vernacular, as many strived to speak better Spanish, improve their vocabulary, and transmit the language to their offspring or at least maintain it. A caveat is offered: this sample of women is representative of a more educated, university-trained populace; perhaps their views are atypical and do not fully represent the views that could be offered by la gente común of this border city.</p> <p>Living in two cultures and trying to fit in in both exemplified these women's descriptions and discussions of how they are often perceived by their neighbors to the south. If they are too "gringoized," they are looked at with disdain by their Mexican counterparts; they are further criticized for speaking Spanish incorrectly or for not knowing appropriate vocabulary as in the case of Mexican businessmen interacting with women who held positions in international banking. Life on the border appears to be contradictory and schizophrenic in that you must fit in culturally and linguistically in two worlds without losing the sense of who you are. It is best summarized by the following quotation: "Nosotros estamos en la frontera y estamos en medio. Y tenemos que poder con los dos [inglés/español] y tenemos que hacerlo correctamente porque de cualquier manera somos discriminados aquí, por la gente de México y por los americanos más al norte."</p> <hd id="AN9612131646-8">TABLE 1 A Domain Analysis of Language Use on the Border</hd> <ct id="AN9612131646-9"> Legend for Chart: A - Domain/Interlocutors B - Spanish C - English A B C Home/Neighborhood parents/grandparents + husband/partner + mother/father-in-law + brothers/sisters + + other relatives (aunts, uncles) + brothers/sisters-in-law + children + + maids + nieces/nephews + older neighbors + younger neighbors + friends + + Work parents of schoolchildren + coworkers + + persons from Nuevo Laredo + older persons + younger persons + clients + + Other Domains supermarket + + shopping malls/stores + + university (professors) + + church + + classroom (university) + elementary schools + + restaurants +</ct> <hd id="AN9612131646-10">TABLE 2 Spanish Language Varieties on the Border</hd> <ct id="AN9612131646-11"> Legend for Chart: A - Standard Spanish B - Border Spanish C - Caló A B C perceived as "correct" and "formal" Spanish used by people with better education/higher social class no mixing with English based on Nuevo Laredo and Mexico City Spanish educated and elevated vocabulary a mixture of Spanish/English referred to as "Tex-Mex" (code- switching) contains lexical borrowings such as el lonche, el bísquete, parquear referred to as broken or "mocho" Spanish that begins in one language and changes to another (code-switching) a type of slang used in South Laredo barrios by "gente humilde" not educated Spanish unique lexicon such as filas (knives), vamos al cantón (house)</ct> <hd id="AN9612131646-12">TABLE 3 Codeswitching as a Border Phenomenon</hd> <ct id="AN9612131646-13"> Legend for Chart: A - Negative responses B - Neutral responses C - Positive responses A B C I don't like it; it sounds One should use one language ugly. or the other. It's part of our life on the border; it's done unconsciously. It's not correct; it's a lack of Doesn't sound good but it's education or being lazy. part of border experience. I do it. You take it for granted.</ct> <hd id="AN9612131646-14">TABLE 4 Tejano Spanish Varieties</hd> <ct id="AN9612131646-15"> Legend for Chart: A - Austin B - San Antonio C - Houston D - Rio Grande Valley (McAllen/Harlingen) A B C D Spanish heard is very similar to border Spanish "mocho"; heard more because it contains English than Spanish. words like parquear, Austinites don't posses but its speakers are not receptive abilities, as fluent as those much less speak it. from Laredo. more English dominant because of interactions with African Americans and Anglos. similar to Laredo in its use of Spanish-English codeswitching.</ct> <ref id="AN9612131646-16"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt"></bibl> <bibtext>Aguirre, Adalberto. 1982. 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"Chicano Caló: Description and Review of a Border Variety." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 9 (4): 359-73.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib29" type="bt"></bibl> <bibtext>Ortega, Adolfo. 1977. Caló Tapestry. Berkeley: Editorial Justa Publications.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib30" type="bt"></bibl> <bibtext>Peñalosa, Fernando. 1980. Chicano Sociolinguistics: An Introduction. Rowley, MA: Newbury.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib31" type="bt"></bibl> <bibtext>Reyes, Rogelio. 1988. "The Social and Linguistic Foundations of Chicano Caló: Trends for Future Research." In Research Issues and Problems in United States Spanish, ed. Jacob Ornstein-Galicia, George Green, and Dennis Bixler-Márquez, 75-97. Brownsville: Pan American University.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib32" type="bt"></bibl> <bibtext>Ruiz, Vicki, and Susan Tiano, eds. 1987. Women on the U.S.-Mexico Border: Responses to Change. Boston: Allen and Unwin.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By D. Letticia Galindo, ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY</p> </aug> |
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