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The Body as (in) Curriculum: On Wars, Complexes and Rides

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Title: The Body as (in) Curriculum: On Wars, Complexes and Rides
Language: English
Authors: Janssen, Diederik F.
Source: Pedagogy, Culture and Society. 2007 15(1):1-17.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 17
Publication Date: 2007
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Descriptive
Descriptors: Sexuality, Human Body, Curriculum, Teaching Methods, Educational Theories, Inquiry, Child Development, Cultural Influences, Foreign Countries, Social Influences, History
Geographic Terms: Africa
DOI: 10.1080/14681360601161958
ISSN: 1468-1366
Abstract: In this article the author discusses what he considers to be an ultrastructure of Michel Foucault's "pedagogisation" of sex, which is the expanding normative imagination of bodies and sexualities as and in curricula. Here the author proposes an inclusive reading of "curriculum" that departs from the specific scholastic definition, one that embraces the total cultural apparatus that prescribes bodies' chronologies. Body curricula are explored by their being implied in diverse pedagogical paradigms articulating a body's development, specifically its sexual development. As a test-case, he illustrates how alternating stories of "first sexual experiences" correspond to alternating tales of the body in/as a curricular order, the order that renders bodies "curricular" and, "as such", subject to pedagogical praxis. In an attempt to open up such body curricula to an anthropological digestion, he describes three paradigms of storying virginity, alternatively plotted as a "war", a "complex" and a "ride". (Contains 4 notes.)
Abstractor: As Provided
Number of References: 86
Entry Date: 2011
Accession Number: EJ937959
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0024505118;nt901mar.07;2019Mar14.13:13;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0024505118-1">The body as (in) curriculum: on wars, complexes and rides. </title> <sbt id="AN0024505118-2">Introduction</sbt> <p>In this article the author discusses what he considers to be an ultrastructure of Michel Foucault's pedagogisation of sex, which is the expanding normative imagination of bodies and sexualities as and in curricula. Here the author proposes an inclusive reading of 'curriculum' that departs from the specific scholastic definition, one that embraces the total cultural apparatus that prescribes bodies' chronologies. Body curricula are explored by their being implied in diverse pedagogical paradigms articulating a body's development, specifically its sexual development. As a test‐case, he illustrates how alternating stories of 'first sexual experiences' correspond to alternating tales of the body in/as a curricular order, the order that renders bodies 'curricular' and, as such, subject to pedagogical praxis. In an attempt to open up such body curricula to an anthropological digestion, he describes three paradigms of storying virginity, alternatively plotted as a 'war', a 'complex' and a 'ride'.</p> <p>A most compelling issue apparent from ongoing literature reviewing cultural pedagogies of the sexual body (Janssen, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref1">42</reflink>]–2005) is concerned with diverse conceptualisations of 'childhood' and 'adolescence' as 'moments' in the course of 'turning adult'. This issue, ever since Bronislaw Malinowski and Margaret Mead, sensitises quests for 'normative baselines' of life events that ultimately were to substantiate a distinctly American 1990s 'age‐appropriateness' paradigm. It especially sensitises 'cross‐culturally informed' age‐based delimitations of 'normal' sexuality (e.g. Frayser, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref2">31</reflink>]). Having reviewed this site of culture critique, I would say that in the contemporary West sexuality is among the most heavily politicised and medicolegally colonised areas of pedagogical praxis. In any case, critical ethnography of life narratives has in recent decades piloted to avoidance of, as Walkerdine ([<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref3">82</reflink>], p. 451) suggests, '[fetishizating] western rationality as the universal pinnacle of development' (cf. Bradley, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref4">8</reflink>]). This is particularly relevant in the West's psychological project that tends to address 'life phases' as 'monolithic cultural categories' (Burman, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref5">10</reflink>]). Today, ethnographers have begun to address how such categories can be and are being 'construed', 'deconstructed', 'decoded', 'reconstructed', 'reinvented', 'manufactured', 'contested', 'renegotiated', 'represented', 'theorised', and, thus, 'governed', 'regulated', 'disciplined', 'contained' and 'reclaimed'. For instance Forrester ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref6">26</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref7">27</reflink>]) argues in favour of a discursive ethnomethodologic study of the developing Self, in terms of self‐positioning, narrativisation and dialogic representation. Middleton ([<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref8">59</reflink>], pp. ix–x) had previously argued that, in ethnographies of children's bodies and sexualities, one could 'let neo‐Marxist and postmodern and poststructural theories "rub against each other"'. Likewise, Stein ([<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref9">73</reflink>]) opted for a blending of sociological and cultural analysis that combines insights of psychoanalysis, symbolic interactionism and discourse analysis that help focus on 'the cultural scenarios that make sexual practices likely or possible [...] in culture' (p. 170). Others, including Redman ([<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref10">67</reflink>]) and Angelides ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref11">4</reflink>]), join this call by advocating fusions of constructionist and psychodynamic theorising of the broad terrain of growing up sexually. While such 'rubbing' will probably not 'resolve' any dialectic moment in acculturation studies, it does open up the way to 'a' critical cartography of Selves, as of bodies, and their being implicated and ordered through the micropractices of cultural curricula, broadly taken.</p> <hd id="AN0024505118-3">The curricular body</hd> <p>In this article I would like to make the argument that after Michel Foucault's opening up of sexuality's genealogical ramifications of sex, a central yet avoided critique of disciplinary power remains relatively unimplemented—that of the body's <emph>curriculum</emph>. Now I would like to propose an inclusive reading of 'curriculum' that departs from the specific scholastic usage of the term, one that embraces the total cultural apparatus that prescribes bodies' chronologies. Curriculum, after all, not only articulates a circumscribed and compartmentalised thematic coverage (the stuff of content analysis), but also implies a mode of injection, an ethic of titration, and a schedule of exposure and immersion (Janssen, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref12">44</reflink>]). In fact, all curricula are based on the principle 'curriculum', a programmatic <emph>parcours</emph> projected forward in time, a scheme that propels bodies into adventure, situates them <emph>en route</emph>, and delivers them <emph>in due course</emph>. Increasingly evident since the first compulsory education laws, the student body has become a candidate, an interim, a drop‐out or the end product of a formalised and rationalised developmental plan.</p> <p>Formally stated, one might want to appreciate 'body curricula' broadly as confluences of local, reciprocally implicated ethnotheories integrating notions of social <emph>chronology</emph> (some logic of sequentiality, timing and chronic segmentation), <emph>content</emph> and <emph>governance</emph>. In a poststructural reading, curriculum's resultant or concomitant <emph>curricular body</emph> may be understood as a body contained and performed through totalising temporal straitjacketing of its eventualities, eventualities now partial to life courses, development, transitions, liminalities, biographies (Janssen, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref13">45</reflink>]). In the West this has produced a culture that heavily invests in what Morss ([<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref14">61</reflink>]) identifies as the 'biologising' of life phases, in chronometric age (Chudacoff, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref15">15</reflink>]) and in 'developmental' stages rather than the earlier medico‐hygienist desiderata of regulation, firmness and discipline (Turmel, [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref16">80</reflink>]).</p> <p>The resulting body‐subject has been approached by a range of authors who have analysed matters in terms of 'pedagogisation' and biopower (Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref17">28</reflink>]), 'developmentalism' (e.g. Burman, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref18">12</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref19">11</reflink>]; Carr, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref20">14</reflink>]), pedagogy's recurrent 'chronometric' paradigm (cf. LaRossa & Reitzes, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref21">53</reflink>]), the 'schooling' of bodies (e.g. Thorne, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref22">77</reflink>], pp. 136–147) and of sexualities (Epstein & Johnson, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref23">23</reflink>]) and by a discursive reading of socio‐sexual maturity as evident in work by Vehkalahti ([<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref24">81</reflink>]), Aapola ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref25">1</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref26">2</reflink>]; cf. Gonick <emph>et al.</emph>, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref27">36</reflink>]) and Eckert ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref28">22</reflink>]), among others.</p> <hd id="AN0024505118-4">Pedagogical inquiry, culture and the curricular body</hd> <p>Now, how does a 'critical cartography' of curricular bodies inform pedagogical analysis, praxis and critique? Evidently, body curricula are culturally, analytically <emph>and</emph> methodologically political substrates. As illustrated in Cotton <emph>et al.</emph> ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref29">17</reflink>]), when posed to adolescents, questions of the curricular body in sociological studies generally reduce self‐evaluative options to simplex chronological binaries juxtaposing 'too‐early' and 'too‐late' bodies. Another illustrative case is provided by Kilpatrick ([<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref30">50</reflink>]), who used a sex questionnaire a priori specified for age groups 0–6, 7–10, 11–14, 15, 16 and 17 (pp. 148–184). From this intervention it seems that age specificity becomes parabolically significant, trustworthy, memorable or interesting—we just don't know since no legitimisation was offered. An ethnographer learns a lot from the left‐hand margins of age‐plotted diagrams with sexual statistics, the cut‐off points where readers are not supposed to find any meaningful or substantive scores.</p> <p>To recall, Gesell and Ilg's classic works on American child development addressed the Sex topic with considerable confidence. They presented developmental behavioural pathways composed of time‐delimited compartments precise from four‐week ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref31">33</reflink>], pp. 324–326) to one‐year intervals ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref32">34</reflink>], pp. 322–325; Gesell <emph>et al.</emph>, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref33">32</reflink>], pp. 287–289). A critical (and Foucaultian) analysis of body curricula however needs to reflect on children as potential (conventional, heretic) self‐developmentalists (cf. Kelle, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref34">49</reflink>]); that is to say, how might we envision ethnographies of curricula in terms of 'self‐technologies', in terms of 'taking care of the Self'? This problem interacts with questions such as: are children Marxists, or at all politically aware beings, either with regard to economic power (Cummings & Taebel, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref35">19</reflink>]) or in other political (e.g. sexological) schemes? Is it viable, or productive, to hypothesise that 'children' have come to reduce questions of intimacy to what appears to have become evermore chronometric and chronocentric moralities? For instance, the issue of agency emerges in a range of writings on local scenes of age‐disparate sex (Amado, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref36">3</reflink>]; Reiss, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref37">68</reflink>]; Leahy, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref38">54</reflink>]; Leshabari & Kaaya, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref39">56</reflink>]; Silberschmidt & Rasch, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref40">72</reflink>]). Is sexual development a culturally situated performance, as implied in the generic text by Gubrium and Buckholdt ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref41">37</reflink>]), a performance by which the body is not only referenced but in fact 'accomplished' (p. ix)? Depending on choices in ontology and trope, then, how are curricula narrated (stories), composed (texts), accomplished (tasks, roles), performed (acts), contested (discourses) or preceding (simulacra) (Janssen, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref42">46</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref43">47</reflink>])?</p> <p>The outcome of this question will also depend on how critical we choose to be. Interestingly, Angelides ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref44">5</reflink>], p. 164) recently called for a 'queer theory of age stratification', however he still seems to privilege 'serious sexuality' and reject the notion of sex play for its application being a 'regulatory construction'. Angelides's notion of 'age', then, seems to be rhetorically situated in a conventional register of sovereign power, a tale of heroes, kings and battlefields. Paradigmatically, this genre privileges gender‐pivoted developmentalist tales about deprived, endangered and entitled bodies, and body trajectories that 'lack', 'need' or 'suffer' pedagogical intervention. However, per Foucault, is it not the case that mainstream pedagogy's <emph>curricularism</emph>, its necessarily curricular appearances and connotations, is internalised by children to the extent that pedagogical curricula are now being claimed, reclaimed and retained as discursive self‐projects, for instance, via 'rights to a normal development'? And, for an anthropological knee‐jerk, how neo‐colonialist, ethnocentric or otherwise reductive are such (e.g. sex education) curricula, given the fact that where 'sex' and bodies appear in texts aimed at the international scene, they are predominantly ordered by (historicisable and local) doctrines about welfare entitlement, protectionist modes of 'freedom', and 'sexual rights' to opt <emph>out</emph>, less so <emph>in</emph>. At the very least this conundrum necessitates pedagogues' awareness and analysis of optionality. So what about these options?</p> <hd id="AN0024505118-5">Three tales of curricular subjectivity</hd> <p>To summarise the above introduction, we might like to direct some analytic stamina to what may <emph>at least in part</emph> be conceived as an ultrastructure to Foucault's <emph>pedagogisation of the body</emph> (Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref45">28</reflink>]), which is the expanding normative <emph>curricularisation of the body</emph>. Here we might ask: How has curriculum, as a principle, come to be deployed as a master‐axis of sexualities? Historical studies of budding bodies (for the Victorian case, consider Kincaid, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref46">51</reflink>], pp. 104–133) may inform empathic calls for distinguishing body 'control' from body 'care' (Leavitt & Power, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref47">55</reflink>]). Curiously, while the medicolegal apparatus has for a considerable time been shifting its interests from gender to age as a site of political investment, sex qua trajectory seems to be distinct in its virtual absence from 'critical', anti‐developmental and post‐developmental psychologists' oeuvres. This is not to say, however, that there isn't a sizeable bibliography on poststructuralism and sex education; it is to say that there is hardly any material that engages in a substantive critique of curriculum's most guarded plots and edges—the timetables of bodies, pleasures, erotics (but do read Tobin, [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref48">79</reflink>]). Conversely, critical pedagogy seems to be alien to American avant‐garde and self‐celebrated postmodernisers of gendered sexuality. Might it be productive to speak of a hiatus here (Janssen, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref49">43</reflink>])?</p> <p>In the remainder of this article I would like to illustrate how alternating tales of pedagogical praxis correspond to alternating tales of the curricular self‐as‐body. Taken together, the lines of critical inquiry identified above inform a <emph>dialexis</emph> of three stances on the matter of power and body schedules. By this I mean to say that the body <emph>as a pedagogical agenda</emph> partakes in three options of dealing with power—<emph>delimiting</emph>, <emph>enabling</emph> and <emph>steering</emph> bodies. These familiar options prove nuanced in their specifications, but are partial to distinct paradigms of pedagogical rationale. Hence, I propose to order matters in what I see as three paradigms of storying curricular sexualities, as based on <emph>allochtonous</emph>, <emph>autochtonous</emph> and <emph>infrastructural</emph> plots, respectively (I will explain these terms at the respective occasions). The proposed paradigms, which are not to be taken strictly as historically consecutive, feed into distinct philosophies of pedagogical invention, and thus invoke distinct registers of rationalising bodies <emph>in</emph> and <emph>as</emph> curricula.</p> <p>My test‐case is children's entry in the sexual world, sexuality's 'propaedeutic' (inaugural) moment, 'first' sex. This test‐case refers to Foucault's never finished genealogical work on the matter,[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref50">1</reflink>] but also profits from a harvest of ethnographic observations. The data presented are derived from a comprehensive and ongoing four‐volume cross‐cultural review of child and youth sexualities (Janssen, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref51">42</reflink>]–2005).</p> <hd id="AN0024505118-6">Allochtonous curricula: the virginity wars</hd> <p>According to a first position, developmentalist discourses represent a historicisable 'limiting force' (Howley <emph>et al.</emph>, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref52">40</reflink>]), a 'restraint' on trajectorial plurality and self‐determination. For instance, Burrows and Wright ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref53">13</reflink>]) found that 'the construction of a normative, hierarchical trajectory for child development categorises, classifies and marginalises groups of children whose developmental patterns differ from those mapped out in [a physical education] syllabus' (p. 165). The authors opt for a proliferation of discourses and more individualist approaches, granting 'a wider range of possibilities for understanding' how children experience education. Leaving the pedagogical imperative as such intact, the authors antagonise the exclusion and oppression inherent in theoretical monism, doctrine and <emph>blueprintism</emph> vis‐à‐vis student bodies. This 'econo‐repressive' register can be traced in the work of Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, Wilhelm Reich, René Guyon, Norbert Elias, Herbert Marcuse, Jos van Ussel and Hans Peter Duerr (to whom we might add pivotal twentieth‐century sexologists such as Alfred Kinsey, John Money and Gilbert Herdt). According to this (by all means hegemonic) reading of the body's cultural biography, developmentalist discourses aid normalising projects (Schwartz, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref54">71</reflink>]) at the expense of tolerance for (and also of investigation of) entitled plurality, polymorphy and ambiguity. Thus, Burman ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref55">11</reflink>]) asserts that there are definite 'absences' in developmental psychology, as well as 'abusive and oppressive practices reproduced and meted out in the name of development' (p. 146). Note that both developmentalists and anti‐developmentalists might subscribe to this 'absence and reduction' register, while entertaining divergent normative evaluations of its implications.</p> <p>According to Foucault, these <emph>sovereignty tales</emph> address circumscript, visible anddiscrete acts of penalising, known penalties, recognised and personal penalisers, and autonomous resisting agents. This genre is evident in much feminist, action and grass‐roots ethnographic work on the girl‐child. In this line of hypotheses, briefly stated, the patriarch controls the timing of filial entry into reproductive alliances that are considered strategically opportunistic for the social collective. The chronological timing of one pivotal investment (age of betrothal, which is often considered concurrent with first sex) has recently been coded cross‐culturally (Hendrix, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref56">39</reflink>]). Other salient chronological interventions include that of 'initiation', cohabitation and marriage, that is, formal arrangements by parental parties to organise a sexologically significant age stratification.</p> <p>The traditional form of arranged marriage is a central case in point. In Western anthropology and grass‐roots activism, the locus of curriculum is commonly thought of as experientially <emph>allochtonous</emph> (extra‐territorial, alien, foreign, extraneous) to the body, which implies that the latter is open to invasion, infestation, colonisation, parasitic assault and ill propaganda. Here the body has a sense of 'bad', 'hurried', 'deprived' or 'interrupted' development. Insofar as its alignment with the curriculum is imagined to be accomplished by the body itself, it is so in terms of blind, suicidal, quietist, opportunistic, conformist or passive subordination, or at the very least it is consequential to a failed insubordination. Another application is found in Meyer ([<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref57">58</reflink>]) discussing adult monopolisation of orgasm as pleasure technology. In this line of argument, the capitalist order 'family' can be interpreted as combining the quartet of production, reproduction, sexuality and socialisation, thus demarcating the woman's (Gimenez, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref58">35</reflink>]) and child's 'domesticated' world.</p> <p>For another example, Gahuku (New Guinea) boys were to await receiving 'the official approval of their elders to have intercourse with the girls to whom they had been betrothed. ...The young men, in their early twenties, had been betrothed several years before at the time of initiation. During the intervening period they had been required to avoid their future wives, waiting until their elders considered they were physically mature and ready for cohabitation' (Read, 1980, p. 111). Read suggests that this restrained (at least) the boys who 'hoped to prevail' and who reduced their intimacies to a less indulgent than 'complete' form of consummation. Scheduled either before or at the occasion of defloration, tests of virginity have been employed in a number of societies valuing premarital anatomical intactness, tests done in a formal or less formalised way, the latter perhaps as a preventative strategy (cf. Paige & Paige, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref59">64</reflink>], pp. 89–91; Ericksen, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref60">24</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref61">2</reflink>] Suggestive of the existence of such virginity tests, youths in a number of African societies are known to have practised non‐penetrative coitus as a means of 'preserving' premarital virginity, customs at times acquiring a semi‐institutional status, and a specific name: <emph>Hlobonga</emph> or <emph>ukusoma</emph> (Amazulu), <emph>ngwiko</emph> (Kikuyu) or <emph>ombani na ngweko</emph> (N'Jemp), <emph>tsarance</emph> (Hausa), <emph>metsha</emph> (Xhosa, Tebu) along with <emph>unkuncokolisa</emph> and <emph>uku‐phathaphatha</emph>, <emph>kujuma</emph> (Swasi), <emph>kuchompa</emph> (Ila) and <emph>lukh</emph> (Wa‐Sania). Other expressions include 'petting of the pubic apron' (Otoro) and 'placing of arms' (Lugbara). Formerly, South African boys and girls were instructed 'not to play inside', and only to have 'panty' or 'thigh' sex (Ntlabati <emph>et al.</emph>, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref62">63</reflink>], pp. 9, 11, 18). In Durban Area, South Africa:</p> <p>The testing of girls generally involves examination of the vagina by a teacher while the girl lies on the ground. A virginity test for boys involves looking for lines at the back of the knees, inspecting the foreskin (which should be hard), and testing whether boys can urinate over a wire suspended 1 m above the ground. Testing occurs in a public, ceremonial setting, with certificates subsequently awarded to virgins by the All Africa Cultural Organization. (Watts, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref63">84</reflink>], p. 9)</p> <p>Crucially, the dramatis personae and plot are clear to all: testers testing the tested. Yet another contemporary example may be in place. In September 2001, King Mswati III ordained that all teenage Swasi girls wear red tassels as a show of their virginity and avoid shaking hands with men. Girls were told to wear woollen tassels called <emph>umchwasho</emph> to symbolise their purity. Some weeks later he stunned the country by taking a 17‐year‐old schoolgirl as his eighth wife. Princess Sikhanyiso Dlamini, then 14, who attended school in Britain at the weekend, said she came back for the holidays to encourage reluctant girls to take the <emph>umchwasho</emph> chastity pledge for unmarried women under 23. Announced by the leader of Swaziland's young women, Lungile Ndlovu, women who were in relationships and older than 19 years would be expected to wear red with black tassels, and those still virgins will wear blue with yellow. Gradually, the headgear began to appear in rural areas and towns, as girls would wear the <emph>umchwasho</emph> to schools. According to an International Policy Formation White Paper:</p> <p>The purpose of the tassels is to make virgins recognizable and warn Swazi men to stay away from the maidens. The law forbids women under the age of 19 to make any physical sexual contact with men, including handshakes, and allows limited sexual contact, but not intercourse, for women over the age of nineteen (Haworth). Severe fines and social ostracism serve as pumishment [<emph>sic</emph>] for violators. (Taylor, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref64">74</reflink>], p. 3)[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref65">3</reflink>]</p> <p>To anticipate, a Foucaultian critique reads that the foregoing <emph>umchwasho</emph> example (composed of newspaper coverage) enables a view of an erotic/sexual Self as essentially free and only limited by an outside negative power, the concealment of whose mechanisms is a condition of acceptability. The structural genre has nevertheless proven to be very instrumental to American storying of sex (e.g. Plummer, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref66">65</reflink>]), as seen in stories produced by intersex activists, Gay/Lesbian/Bisexual/Transsexual/Questioning youth sponsors, circumcision abolitionists, workers in sex abuse recovery and 'survival', feminist pedagogues, structuralist cross‐culturalists, sex therapists, anti‐sexualisation culture critics, even paedophilia apologists and so on. These objectivist professionals envision a breakaway of the body from oppression suffered through dichotomies and normativisms, attitudinal (e.g. homophobic) fixtures, traditionalisms, mechanisms, (violent) structures, (patriarchal) orders, (cultural) institutes and dynamics, and self‐destructive or self‐defeating modes of self‐realisation. This positionalist pretence entails an imagination as <emph>clair et distinct</emph> of three roles that prefigure personalised (if representative) antagonists: the Innocent, the (generalised) Aggressor and the Expert. Our plot reads: The sexually innocent inadequately resists both sexual aggression and sex therapy, the aggressor pathetically violates innocents and deconstructs therapy, while the traumatologist unsuccessfully and melancholically contains and disciplines both traumatised and traumatising bodies. The Pedagogue is usually conceptualised either as a kind of Expert or diagnost, or a potential Aggressor of bodies. Innocence, aggression and expertise together form the sexological plot in which bodies suffer the premeditated truths, the assault of psychological developmentalism (against stagnation and delay), lifelong therapeutism (against malfunction), conflict‐oriented and positivist sexologies (against controversy), informed criminologies (against injustice), anti‐traumatic pedagogies (against challenge), commercialisation (against low consumption) and managerialism (against low productivity). Again, all these strands inform a 'curricular order' that is envisioned to recruit the child subject innocent of any curricularising externality, a recruitment ideally without any friction or internal contradiction. Our curricular body, in this realist genre, is alternatively a theoretically saturated task, obstacle, defect, problem, <emph>corpus delictum</emph>, site of rapture and scarring, product or production site, all naked before the expert gaze. Sexual inauguration, then, represents a potential crisis in which our paradigmatic triad (Innocent–Aggressor–Expert) is necessarily invoked and increasingly <emph>assumed</emph> (witness the prosaic and medicolegal hypertrophy of all three social roles in recent decades).</p> <hd id="AN0024505118-7">Autochtonous curricula: the virginity complex</hd> <p>A second position (elaborated mainly by the late Foucault, some queer theorists and some performance theorists) maintains that the developmental subject is not restrained or oppressed but in fact <emph>teased into being</emph> by the developmentalist <emph>dispositif</emph>, by the cultural apparatus through which the body <emph>constitutes</emph> itself as a trajectory (other than being <emph>harassed</emph>, <emph>reduced</emph> or <emph>characterised</emph> by it) and by the discursive repertoire through which it constitutes itself. For example, Moore ([<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref67">60</reflink>]) observed how pre‐adolescents established 'variably hierarchical cliques using inclusive and exclusionary dynamics that held each other accountable to emergent and racialised conceptions of gender and age in ways that actively and creatively used the adult cultures around them' (p. 835). In this narration the curricular body figures as a performative project in which it shapes itself through the available discursive routines amidst which it positions itself. It is here where The War of Virginity turns into The Virginity Complex, an internal dynamic. In short, our second option maintains that 'eventualities' are only that insofar as (<emph>not</emph>: despite the fact that) they are thought to 'fit' in some disciplining chronology.</p> <p>The aforementioned (<emph>allochtony</emph>) register wrestles with the agentic body and does not resolve a problem: that of embodiment. A post‐1980 wave of critical thought, however, has reinvented the conventional sexological triad, and has—if anything—interbred positional options, thereby proposing the bankruptcy of externally authored bodies as such. Positional authority has been rediscovered as 'always already' operating in, on and through bodies, which renders the curriculum <emph>autochtonous</emph> (indigenous) to, or owned by, the body (see particularly an interview with Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref68">29</reflink>]). Sexual development is now an act of what is called <emph>indigenous</emph> or <emph>auto</emph>‐ethnography, where the native body writes its own developmental tale (if any). This has meant an (interestingly covert) sexological crisis in which our prior cast (e.g. the sexually ignorant–the educationist–the curricularist) is recast to allow agentic children, critical developmental psychologists and postdevelopmental pedagogies. This new genre is one utilised by a range of authors including those within postcolonial studies, poststructural feminism, queer studies and so on. Using a conventionalised auctorial metaphor: the authored (curricular) subject now reads (back), writes (back) and rewrites the author. Indeed, it writes itself as author.</p> <p>According to this tradition, as 'sexuality' was construed for it be disciplined on its very own terms, its emergence, inauguration and 'first' trials are discursively constructed to be in need of the interventions of the normative apparatus which, in its late capitalist cradle, flourished into a large all‐pervasive medicolegal industry. The truths produced in this industry are feeding a concurrent 'interiorisation' of body truths leading to 'self‐disciplining' bodies (panopticism), parental interventionalism ('pedagogisation') and corporate paternalism answering to principles of morality and <emph>appropriate</emph> praxis. The very concept of sexuality's significant and dramatic 'first occurrence' is actually reborn here, as a psychological pivot. This <emph>invention of sexarche</emph> entailed widespread propaganda of a range of scientific universals designed to survey, contain and police it as such. Consequentially, as an autobiographic fixture 'first sex' has come to be both paradigmatic and problematic for the Self (Janssen, 2003, II, ch. 6; Janssen, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref69">48</reflink>]). The ancestral Freudian thesis of <emph>infantile Sexualität</emph> was to ensure that hysterics and neurotics agreed upon the rooted nature of their disturbance, that this root was infantile, that it was a disturbance outside the normal, that there was a normal—if 'normally traumatic'—trajectory. Infantile sex was all around, it had no inaugural moment. By contrast, the later mass domestication of the 'first sexual experience', clearly an involution of intellectual and poetic capital, was propagandised in order to delay 'it', to model and modify (sociology), at best a project of <emph>Verstehen</emph> (ethnography) to inform the concerned educator. School curricula were designed to, paradoxically, moralise a delay choice without further options. Erratically inaugurated child bodies were 'diagnosed' as such (leading to the conceptually ambiguous buzz‐word <emph>abuse</emph>) in order to return them to the pre‐inaugural space to which healthy kids belong. Since the early 1980s no less than 90 studies have provided numeric and statistical impetus to the concept of 'reactive sexual behaviour' in pre‐pubertals, thought of as 'symptomatic' of 'abusive' experiences (and another 32 on 'sexualised' doll play; Janssen, 2003, II). Embarrassingly, this almost sufficiently contextualises the Western cult of normal childhood sexuality in the 1990s, as well as some anthropologists' apparent obligation to it (Frayser, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref70">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>To advertise, as educationalists are known to do, that 'humans are sexual from birth' (clearly a pseudo‐heresy of the sexarche doctrine, that 'sex' as a key identity marker allows a 'first occasion') is to endorse the sexological hegemony constructing for children what they are assumed to accept: that 'the' child conceptualises, needs and centralises 'it' (sex) the way it is advertised that it would (as in the abstraction 'sexuality', and the nostalgic lore of 'my first time'). Thus young people came to claim, demand and campaign their sexualities as essences, identities, orientations, to the extent that their trajectories included what they understood as being 'entitled' to according to the writings of a juridical‐normative bulwark of educators and mentor activists (a bulwark, might we add, that excluded what it needed to exclude).</p> <p>Illustratively, this bulwark's dual propagandising of a pre/inaugural, pre/propaedeutic sexuality (<emph>the sexarche thesis</emph>) was already articulated in the pivotal dialectic between Sigmund Freud and Albert Moll on the issue of pyschosexual development (chronicled in Janssen, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref71">41</reflink>]). According to Schmidt ([<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref72">70</reflink>]) this dialectic involved a 'heterology'–'homology' divide, stating the child is both precedent (partial to trajectories), and antecedent (constitutive of trajectories). Hence, the normative subject's curriculum required two disciplinary operations which proved progressively <emph>autochtonous</emph>: autobiography and self‐analysis, self‐narration and self‐critique. In the line of our narrative trope, the body indeed became an ongoing auto‐ethnographic and auto‐ethnologic effort. In post‐industrial societies, the child is raised according to an institutional incitement to speak, to testify and to confess (Foucault); it is in fact at the heart of a 'recent exponential multiplication of [sexual] narratives' (Plummer, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref73">65</reflink>]; cf. Kincaid, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref74">51</reflink>]), including family, emotional, representational, bodily, gender, erotic and identity genres. The first operation (biography) is used to colligate and subjugate, to assimilate and remind, to improve and rewind, to archive and revisit. The latter operation (analysis) is used to rationalise and integrate, to blame and surpass, to survive and depart. Clearly, both are normalising interventions in which 'the child' is self‐produced insofar as it is <emph>reduced to the curriculum</emph>, as much as 'the adult' is reduced to 'the' child‐father (in early twentieth‐century Freudianism) or 'the' child‐age trauma (in late twentieth‐century trauma psychology). Crucially, this clinical/normative trope of <emph>reduction</emph> contrasts the ancestral econo‐repressive trope of <emph>deprivation</emph> exactly where the former references the <emph>production</emph> of a curricular subject rather than its <emph>delimitation</emph>.</p> <p>In this bi‐generational scheme, the imagination of erotic eventualities as <emph>nova</emph> (firsts, milestones, initiations, deflorations, seductions) in auto/biographical sexology (from Von Krafft‐Ebing and Havelock Ellis to the ongoing) informs an <emph>idée fixe</emph> nowhere more nicely documented than in ethnographic and colonial encounters (Janssen, 2003, II, pp. 84–85, 159–182 <emph>et passim</emph>). From recent articles on Xhosa adolescents' delimitation of sex qua 'play' as an ambiguous negative and preliminary of 'procreation', 'passion' or 'debut' (Wood <emph>et al.</emph>, [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref75">86</reflink>]; Collins & Stadler, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref76">16</reflink>]; Ntlabati <emph>et al.</emph>, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref77">63</reflink>]), and from a range of corroborating ethnographic material, it becomes clear that both the image of play sex and that of post‐play sexuality are discursive (autobiographic) options resisted as much as they are exploited opportunistically or for subversive purposes (cf. Janssen, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref78">45</reflink>]). OK. But might we have to deal with yet newer forms of containment?</p> <hd id="AN0024505118-8">Infrastructural curricula: the virginity ride?</hd> <p>According to Deleuze ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref79">21</reflink>]), <emph>control</emph> tales are tales of <emph>dividuals</emph>, passwords, pirates and viruses, continual training (<emph>formation permanente</emph>) and continuous monitoring (<emph>contrôle continu</emph>). This takes us into the twentieth‐century world of porn‐blocking software, V‐chips (Kunkel <emph>et al.</emph>, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref80">52</reflink>]) and access‐delimited public library terminals (Wardak, [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref81">83</reflink>]). This is a 'new' political landscape (cf. Tien, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref82">78</reflink>]) inviting reflection on children's action radius, on spaces and spatial principles, access restriction, firewalls, browsing, dangerous hyperlinks, ratings, filters, logging, blocking, reporting (Janssen, 2003, II, <emph>post hoc</emph> ch.18). We now have browsers, moderators and programmers that enact webs of exchange. The curricular subject here is defined by eventual entry ('login'), by automated and computerised age checks, phrase‐based algorithms, logged key strokes and age‐defined user privileges. This <emph>navigation paradigm</emph> departs from the localisation of chronologies <emph>in</emph> the normative body, and instead chronologises the many infrastructures <emph>through which</emph> the subject might navigate. We go from <emph>Virginity Complexes</emph> to <emph>Virginity Rides</emph>.</p> <p>The relevance of Deleuzean control as a curricular principle for eroticisms/sexualities/intimacies may be thought of as already substantial yet limited to newly emerging, decentralised and virtual territories, and to access‐privileged classes. Another 'distinctly American' application of programmatic control is found in Cruikshank ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref83">18</reflink>]), who notes that:</p> <p>In neoconservative programs such as abstinence‐only education, the promotion of marriage, and workfare, the individual will is no longer useful as the instrument and effect of power as it was in disciplinary schemes. Instead, the will is treated as an obstacle to good government. It is my contention that the linkage of power–knowledge so painstakingly described by Foucault is more or less broken in these efforts to 're‐moralise' the state and civil society. Power, uncoupled from knowledge, does not operate productively according to a norm, but negatively against the pluralisation of norms...This is government by mandate and fear rather than governmentality. (pp. 1, 5)</p> <p>As Cruikshank argues this is not a return from the deployment of sexuality to the deployment of alliance, nor are faith‐based initiatives and workfare a return to an earlier pastoral power. In neopolitics there is no (curriculum) reform, in its stead we have the questioning of its self‐evidence. Antipluralist mobilisation may be best demonstrated by the official condemnation by the US House of Congress of a 1998 apologetic (in fact non‐condemnatory) article on male adult–adolescent sexual acquaintances (Baird, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref84">6</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref85">4</reflink>] Another instructive American example is the battle of the public library terminals (Wardak, [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref86">83</reflink>]). Further, it appears that biopower, directed at and through the body at the health and sexuality of individuals, and through individual bodies at populations, is surpassed by a capitalist 'adult' industry directed to the subjectivity of any browser that can click 'Yes' when posed the question, 'Are you above age 18?' The products of this porn industry circulating through digital networks activate the resistance of conservative corpora that colonise potential access sites. This entails not a normalised child but a two‐way gate‐keeping agenda, to keep the child out of the corrupt world, and the corrupt world away from the child. Moreover, markets re‐present and reinvent erotics (to the point of dissolution?), calling for counter‐markets of containment and de‐presentation (and, perhaps in contrast to disciplinary solutions, to the point of <emph>resolution</emph>?). Thus, the curricular body is progressively reducible to the chronocentric corollaries of neopolitical gate‐keeping schemes (data representations, welfare administration and legislative formulae), or rather, to their perceived success or failure to deliver. While Williams ([<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref87">85</reflink>]) urges that 'the separation of our selves from our representations has a potentially positive dimension that might aid in social resistance', it may be acknowledged that '73% of 15–16 year old respondents compared to 33% of 9–10 year old respondents reported that they knew how to disable filters or controls on their home‐based computers' (Cyberspace Research Unit, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref88">20</reflink>], p. 12).</p> <p>In short, sexual liminality is increasingly transported <emph>outside the body</emph>, and sexual trajectories are elaborated as outer rather than inner journeys. I myself am already too old for this (at 29), but many adolescents probably remember accessing digital pornographic imagery as a 'transitional' and disjunctive event. This new positionality is not the traditionalist moral structuralism (nor, as we have seen, inter‐, ambi‐ or pluri‐positionality) but the emptying of deontological subjectivity by a 'total' and corporate investment in the policing of infrastructure: entry, access and exclusion. Inaugural sexualities, then, have become representational bulwarks not entered, alcohol not sold to minors, 'strong language' bleeped, typed playgrounds not navigated, linked web sites not browsed, sought information not gained, desired downloads denied and, one might assume, heroic juvenile hacking jobs. With its navigation monitored, the normal body (normal sexuality, normal curriculum) is obsolete, since the body now travels saliently, virtually and legitimately via approved and pre‐navigated routes. After structural and poststructural sexualities, we now have infrastructural sexualities. After violated, mutilated and restrained age‐stratified bodies, and after embodied, normal, self‐stratifying trajectories, we now have 'incorporation' into the logic of age‐appropriate delimitations of accessibility. To the extent that this age‐stratified network entails a neo‐structural pedagogy, it does so without discipline's responsibility and accountability, and possibly with a greater efficiency.</p> <hd id="AN0024505118-9">Epilogue</hd> <p>We have covered quite some ground. In the above trichotomous ramification of curricular bodies we go from economic assets in interest schemes of affiliation and dynastic rule, to private and personal (though professionalised) projects of self‐containment, to navigators into and through dynamic (if anonymous) representational networks. As I hope to have pointed out, the outcome of our ethnographic inquiry of bodies will depend on choices in research paradigm (emancipation, therapy, jurisdiction, culture critique) and research genre (gouvernmentality, Foucaultian discipline, Deleuzean control) as much as it will depend on choice of research site (structures, norms, filters).</p> <p>Again, narrative genres of power are not to be regimented to rigid historical ramifications. We are merely gravitating onto a more complicated dialectic. For instance, in our <emph>umchwasho</emph> case, the greatest enthusiasm was said to be found in bands of girls who acted as vigilantes, patrolling their neighbourhoods to see which girl had fallen pregnant (Hall, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref89">38</reflink>]). For another spurious anomaly: When in April 1956 the Njuri Ncheke, a council of male elders officially recognised by the colonial administrators in the politically peripheral Meru district of Kenya, banned clitoridectomy, in response to 'this novel intrusion of men into female initiation ceremonies' customarily in women's hands, Meru girls participated in <emph>Ngaitana</emph>, self‐circumcision groups (Thomas, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref90">75</reflink>]). European officers believed that in transforming the prenuptial process of female initiation into a prepubescent rite, they could eradicate unwanted pregnancies and abortions by eliminating the period when sexually mature (but unexcised) girls were 'customarily' prohibited from conceiving and giving birth (Thomas, [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref91">76</reflink>]). This example (also consider Njambi, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref92">62</reflink>]) is to conclude that biopower is a versatile and multifaceted ethnographic issue, the analysis of which is not forthcoming when restricted to armchair and <emph>ante portam</emph> analytical registers. Biopower, in any case, has powerful, that is, <emph>ultrastructural</emph> (if subliminal) curricular connotations that may be analysed as such.</p> <p>Allow me to briefly anticipate the likely inference that I have been psychologising erotic curricula as ego‐dystonic, ego‐syntonic and ego‐atonic. I believe that erotic trajectories and their curricular containment may be thought of as reciprocally constitutive on a content level. To put it plainly: the road shapes the treasure as it leads to it. In a sense, Fenichel ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref93">25</reflink>], p. 72) may have captured the birth of disciplinary sex best when writing that: '"Knowing sexual facts" may substitute for the observation of sexual facts and becomes a sexual aim of its own'. On the other hand, this process seems to have been completed only in the high technocracy of information‐centred urban societies, where, other than in the case of neurotic or 'wholesome' abstinence, true virginity is equated with a lack of information. Anyway, with 'appropriate sex' as a shrinking vacuum invaginated by encroaching territories of inaccessible, hostile pleasures, we might proceed to hypothesise that the trespasser's delight and the curricularised thrill of sabotage are replacing the erotics of the unbetrothed and that of the abnormal. Technologies to body curricula, then, are not neutral, not neutered. To rephrase: as sex is concerned, we go from a pedagogy of self‐technologies to a pedagogy of self‐logistics. Cyberpedagogical inquiry might explore this thesis. I do not want to force this argument into a neurotic trichotomy, though I guess we do go from entering sex acts, to embodying sexualities, to being incorporated into <emph>sexscapes</emph> (<emph>sexoramas</emph> would do as well). Virginity goes from war to complex to ride. This has already been implemented by current research that examines sexuality as that of a critical user (e.g. Buckingham, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref94">9</reflink>]) who zaps, browses and logs on—not a novel curriculum, but a more complex one.</p> <hd id="AN0024505118-10">Acknowledgements</hd> <p>The author wishes to express his gratitude for helpful comments offered by anonymous reviewers.</p> <hd id="AN0024505118-11">Notes</hd> <ref id="AN0024505118-12"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref25" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> 1. Foucault's aborted, intentional, thematic schema included the never finished <emph>Croisade des enfants</emph> as the third of five works that would delineate modern sexuality's four constituent subjects. His earlier lectures <emph>Les anormaux</emph> (Foucault, 1974–1975, translated [30]) and his influential <emph>Introduction</emph> (1976) dealt with this discussion of The Masturbation Child to some extent.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref26" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> 2. It is less clear how colonial, missionary and ethnographic interventions have co‐constructed African virginity discourses. Some work remains to be done here.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref36" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> 3. The ban was lifted in August 2005, while 'No official reason has been given about why the sex ban was ended a year early' (BBC News, 19 August [7]). Illustratively, Uganda's First Lady recently called for a census of virgins (Matsiko, [57]). 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  Data: The Body as (in) Curriculum: On Wars, Complexes and Rides
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  Data: 10.1080/14681360601161958
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  Data: In this article the author discusses what he considers to be an ultrastructure of Michel Foucault's "pedagogisation" of sex, which is the expanding normative imagination of bodies and sexualities as and in curricula. Here the author proposes an inclusive reading of "curriculum" that departs from the specific scholastic definition, one that embraces the total cultural apparatus that prescribes bodies' chronologies. Body curricula are explored by their being implied in diverse pedagogical paradigms articulating a body's development, specifically its sexual development. As a test-case, he illustrates how alternating stories of "first sexual experiences" correspond to alternating tales of the body in/as a curricular order, the order that renders bodies "curricular" and, "as such", subject to pedagogical praxis. In an attempt to open up such body curricula to an anthropological digestion, he describes three paradigms of storying virginity, alternatively plotted as a "war", a "complex" and a "ride". (Contains 4 notes.)
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