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Philanthropy for the Middle Class: Vocational Education for Girls and Young Women in Mid-Victorian Europe

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Title: Philanthropy for the Middle Class: Vocational Education for Girls and Young Women in Mid-Victorian Europe
Language: English
Authors: Albisetti, James C.
Source: History of Education. 2012 41(3):287-301.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 15
Publication Date: 2012
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Evaluative
Descriptors: Social Problems, Middle Class, Foreign Countries, Daughters, Vocational Education, Private Financial Support, Program Development, Employment, Leadership, Marital Status, Educational History
Geographic Terms: United Kingdom (England)
DOI: 10.1080/0046760X.2011.620011
ISSN: 0046-760X
Abstract: Within a 20-year period from the late 1850s to the late 1870s, most European countries created programmes in response to what appeared as a new social problem: unwed daughters of the middle classes in need of jobs. Taking off from the 150th anniversary of the English Society for Promoting the Employment of Women, this paper examines the diffusion of such courses across Europe and the very similar occupations that most thought appropriate for their clientele. It also highlights variations in structures, leadership and funding that emerged, and in particular how the English pacesetter remained much smaller than many later creations. Sponsors seldom sought public funding, but they had no problem seeking charitable contributions to help middle-class young women avoid being "de-classed". (Contains 44 footnotes.)
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2012
Accession Number: EJ968514
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0076373293;hed01may.12;2019Feb27.12:29;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0076373293-1">Philanthropy for the middle class: vocational education for girls and young women in mid-Victorian Europe. </title> <p><sup>1</sup>Within a 20-year period from the late 1850s to the late 1870s, most European countries created programmes in response to what appeared as a new social problem: unwed daughters of the middle classes in need of jobs. Taking off from the 150th anniversary of the English Society for Promoting the Employment of Women, this paper examines the diffusion of such courses across Europe and the very similar occupations that most thought appropriate for their clientele. It also highlights variations in structures, leadership and funding that emerged, and in particular how the English pacesetter remained much smaller than many later creations. Sponsors seldom sought public funding, but they had no problem seeking charitable contributions to help middle-class young women avoid being 'de-classed'. <sup>1</sup>An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the International Standing Conference for the History of Education in Utrecht in August 2009. I would like to thank the audience for comments at that time, and Rebecca Rogers for several bibliographical suggestions.</p> <p>Keywords: comparative; career; Victorian; vocation; women</p> <p>The year 2009 marked the 150th anniversary of the founding in London of the Society for Promoting the Employment of Women, or SPEW. Although it changed its name in the 1920s to the Society for Promoting the Training of Women, the organisation exists to this day; and it marked the anniversary with publication of a slim commemorative volume, <emph>Timely Assistance</emph>.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>] That the authors, Anne Bridger and Ellen Jordan, chose to restrict their coverage to England is certainly understandable. Yet their narrow focus prevented any discussion of the extent to which the concern with unsupported single women from the middle classes that spurred the creation of SPEW was a European-wide phenomenon. By neglecting comparisons, they fail to see some of the peculiarities of the English response.</p> <p>SPEW was, in fact, the pacesetter among such organisations, but the two decades following its establishment witnessed the creation of similar forms of vocational education in almost all European countries. These nearly simultaneous creations occurred despite widely differing political, social, economic and religious conditions; the 'middle class' in the various countries certainly was not homogeneous. Although the demographic realities of 'surplus' or 'redundant' women remain vague, or even dubious, a general perception that their numbers were rising substantially and that their fate demanded attention existed across Europe.</p> <p>Comparative study of these efforts to assist young middle-class women reveals much about transnational perceptions and influences in the emergence of the 'woman question' in individual countries. For many at the time, the 'woman question' was primarily about the need for employment rather than the concurrent movements for improved academic secondary schools for girls and access to higher education for their graduates. Another aspect of these vocational programmes worth exploring is how, in most cases, their establishment involved the application of philanthropic practices more commonly directed at the lower classes to a new clientele, the unwed daughters of the middle classes.</p> <p>An additional question, too complex to be definitively answered in this brief survey, is the extent to which such programmes actually succeeded in opening up new job opportunities. In other words, were the demands for jobs by the young women, or the changing needs of the various national economies, the main motors of what change in employment patterns did occur?</p> <p>The centrality of job training to the 'woman question' in the second half of the nineteenth century and to the emerging feminist movements emerges very clearly in two multi-author works published soon after the period considered here. Both <emph>The Woman Question in Europe</emph>, edited by Theodore Stanton in the early 1880s, and the five-volume <emph>Handbuch der Frauenbewegung</emph> edited by Helene Lange and Gertrud Bäumer in the first years of the twentieth century, devoted significant attention to vocational courses.[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>] The pamphlets and periodicals on women's issues available on microfiche in the <emph>Gerritsen Collection of Women's History</emph> (most of which Dutch physician Aletta Jacobs Gerritsen assembled) also testify to the broad interest during the second half of the nineteenth century in providing job opportunities and training.</p> <p>As the following pages will demonstrate, secondary literature on individual countries is of uneven quality.[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref3">3</reflink>] Comparative scholarship regarding such philanthropic organisations is especially rare. Only three of them receive brief – and scattered – mention in the relevant volume of <emph>A History of Women in the West</emph>, even fewer in the survey <emph>A History of Their Own</emph>. Karen Offen, in her magisterial <emph>European Feminisms, 1700–1950</emph>, ranges more broadly, including several vocational courses in her chapter on 'Birthing the "Woman Question"' between 1848 and 1870. Yet even she devotes only three paragraphs to them. In the recent anthology <emph>Girls' Secondary Education in the Western World: From the 18th to the 20th Century</emph>, some authors include discussion of such courses as an aspect of secondary schooling but others neglect them completely.[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref4">4</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0076373293-2">The diffusion of vocational programmes</hd> <p> <emph>Timely Assistance</emph> adds much detail on the inner workings of SPEW, but even before its publication the organisation's origins and early years were fairly well known. After the 1840s had witnessed significant attention paid to the problems of seamstresses and governesses, including establishment of the Governesses' Benevolent Institution, Barbara Leigh Smith asserted in <emph>Women and Work</emph> (1857), 'There is no way of aiding governesses or needlewomen but by opening more ways of gaining livelihoods for women'. SPEW first announced its existence in the <emph>English Woman's Journal</emph> in September 1859. Closely linked to the feminist circle around Smith (later Bodichon), it shared offices on Langham Place with that journal and its successor, the <emph>Englishwoman's Review of Social and Industrial Questions</emph>, until both moved to Marlborough Street in late 1866.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref5">5</reflink>]</p> <p>At first, SPEW served as both a placement bureau and a home for training courses in various fields of work. Interest in the latter faded rather quickly, however; according to Bridger and Jordan, 'By 1865 the Committee had come to realize that most skilled occupations were entered by apprenticeship'. From that time the Society tended to focus its efforts on providing loans to help young women obtain apprenticeships in relevant crafts, and in a few cases to assist in the opening of small businesses. In contrast with several of the organisations established in subsequent years, SPEW never constructed a large school building, nor did it ever serve hundreds of young women at a time.[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref6">6</reflink>]</p> <p>This contrast is particularly striking in respect of an institution that originally took its inspiration and name from SPEW, the Association for Promoting the Employability of the Female Sex (<emph>Verein zur Förderung der Erwerbstätigkeit des weiblichen Geschlechts</emph>) in Berlin, known after the death of its founder in 1869 as the <emph>Lette Verein</emph>, another body still in operation. In 1865, Crown Princess Victoria of Prussia sent Wilhelm Lette and Gustav Eberty to London to investigate SPEW. Both men had long been associated with the Central Association for the Welfare of the Working Classes, an organisation that had recently developed some interest in the problems of 'redundant women'. After their return, they and other liberals in Berlin established the new <emph>Verein</emph>. After operating in borrowed quarters for several years, in 1872 it purchased its own building; seven years later the various training programmes enrolled over 1000 students, far beyond anything ever achieved by SPEW. English observer Dorothea Roberts commented in 1887, 'This <emph>Verein</emph> resembles no group of schools at home'. Continued expansion led to construction of an even larger building after the turn of the century.[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref7">7</reflink>]</p> <p>In addition to courses and placement, the <emph>Lette Verein</emph> also operated the Victoria Bazaar, originally an independent shop, which gave women an outlet for sale of their fine handicrafts, largely needlework. During the Austro-Prussia War in summer 1866, the Bazaar distributed orders for supplies for military hospitals. A similar Alice Bazaar was part of the Alice Association for Women's Education and Work (<emph>Alice Verein für Frauenbildung und -Erwerb</emph>), established in the late 1860s by Victoria's younger sister, who was married to the heir to the Grand Duchy of Hesse-Darmstadt. English visitor Catherine Winkworth noted in 1872 that the Alice Bazaar 'has been so admirably managed that, unlike most such enterprises in England, it has become no longer a semi-charitable, but a financially successful concern'. Several other cities also established vocational training programmes for women in these years, so that a national meeting in 1869 attracted delegates not only from Berlin and Darmstadt but from Dresden, Leipzig, Hamburg, Bremen and elsewhere.[<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref8">8</reflink>]</p> <p>No discernible influence from SPEW played into the establishment of the Society for Vocational Education of Women (<emph>Société pour l'enseignement professionnel des femmes</emph>) in Paris in 1862 by Élisa Lemonnier, a woman active in Saint-Simonian circles in earlier years. Her school did not offer religious instruction, making it the first secular school for girls in France. The general and vocational courses offered by the <emph>Société</emph> receive mention in numerous studies of female education and/or women's history in nineteenth-century France, but often with no bibliographical references, suggesting there is no modern scholarship on them.[<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref9">9</reflink>] According to a brief biography published by her husband after Lemonnier's death in 1865, the courses attracted 50 pupils in the first term, 150 by the second year. Writing a few years later, Paul Leroy-Beaulieu noted that the school had developed five branches, teaching a total of 800 girls and young women over the age of 12. He particularly praised the job placement efforts of the <emph>Société</emph> and its follow-up contacts with employed graduates.[<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref10">10</reflink>]</p> <p>Similar programmes do not appear to have spread as widely in France as in the German states during the 1860s. In two well-documented cases, however, individual families – especially the wives – were instrumental in establishing <emph>écoles professionelles</emph> for girls. In Nantes, at a time when the city had neither a normal school for girls nor one of the secondary <emph>cours</emph> created by Victor Duruy in 1867, Dr Ange Guépin and his wife Floresca, who had known Lemonnier in Paris, initiated in 1869 the <emph>Société nantaise pour l'enseignement professionnel des jeunes filles</emph>. The '<emph>école Guépin</emph>' founded by this organisation limped along for a few years with about 30 students; but in 1873 it merged with a more academically oriented private school established by a Mlle Bordillon. The merged institution prepared girls for teacher certification as well as for careers in commerce and industry; by 1880 enrolment had reached 160.[<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref11">11</reflink>]</p> <p>In the industrial city of Saint-Etienne, Caroline Dorian, widow of an iron producer, opened an <emph>école professionelle</emph> for girls in 1876. In her case, there appears to have been no link with Lemonnier. Yet like the Paris programme, her school combined general continuing education courses with training for commercial careers.[<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref12">12</reflink>]</p> <p>Lemmonier's influence spread north across the border into Belgium, where her work received publicity in the journal <emph>L'Éducation de la Femme</emph>, edited by Isabelle Gatti de Gamond. Gatti de Gamond herself opened a very influential secular secondary school for girls in Brussels in 1864, which aimed at equality with institutions for boys. The following year, the Belgian capital saw the birth of an <emph>Association pour l'enseignement professionnel des femmes</emph>, which established a school that also excluded religious instruction. A unique feature of the Brussels vocational school was the almost immediate support given by the anti-clerical city council, which also backed Gatti de Gamond; it promised up to 100 tuition scholarships for girls in need. The school began with 60 pupils; by the late 1890s it enrolled 204.[<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref13">13</reflink>]</p> <p>In the Netherlands, one important influence on discussion of employment opportunities for women came not from England, Germany or France, but from the United States. After witnessing the wider range of activities available to American women for six years, Miniette Storm-van der Chijs returned home in 1862 and began to campaign for opening new fields to Dutch women. In the mid-1860s the Dutch Industrial Society (<emph>Maatschaapij voor Industrie</emph>) sponsored an essay contest on the question: 'How must a girl be educated in order to gain her own livelihood without unfitting herself for domestic life, in case she should marry?' The winner was Elise van Calcar, who had also won an essay contest sponsored by the Society for the Common Good (<emph>Maatschaapij tot nut van't Algemeen</emph>). Calcar caused some controversy by opposing having single women work in positions that involved significant contact with the public, such as being clerks in postal and railroad offices. Only in 1871, following an exhibition and sale of women's handicrafts in Delft, did an organisation known as Work Ennobles (<emph>Arbeid adelt</emph>) emerge; it operated much like the Victoria and Alice Bazaars. Women who thought that the producers of articles offered for sale should be anonymous, which was not the case at Delft or the shops set up by <emph>Arbeid adelt</emph>, soon split off and formed the Tesselschade Dutch Women's Association, which also developed vocational courses and placement services. The two organisations later merged and exist to this day in the Netherlands.[<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref14">14</reflink>]</p> <p>The Swiss Society for the Common Good (<emph>Schweizerischer Verein für Gemeinnützigkeit</emph>) held extensive discussions in the late 1860s on the need to train middle-class girls for appropriate employment, framed largely in terms of declining marriage rates for them. In a major address in 1868, Johann Jakob Binder pointed out how the canton of Zurich, despite its numerous charitable organisations, had none devoted to the well-being of women who did not wed. He pointed to the types of technical training for girls available in Germany and Sweden, highlighting in particular the <emph>Lette Verein</emph>; he also noted commercial courses in the British Isles, Paris, Brussels, Amsterdam and several German cities. The following year, Franz Dula suggested as possible models Lemonnier's courses and Hamburg's Vocational School for Girls (<emph>Gewerbeschule für Mädchen</emph>), which had been founded in 1867. Writing 30 years later in the <emph>Handbuch</emph>, however, Emilie Benz suggested that despite the extensive discussions, concrete accomplishments in Switzerland had been few. One existing institution, the Residents' Girls' School (<emph>Einwohnermädchenschule</emph>) in Bern, did add commercial classes for girls in their teens in 1875.[<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref15">15</reflink>]</p> <p>There seems to have been less concern with 'redundant women' within the Austrian Empire than in Switzerland, yet more was accomplished in providing vocational training. Women in Vienna, led by Marianna Hainisch, followed closely on the heels of Berlin with creation of the Women's Employment Association (<emph>Frauenerwerbsverein</emph>) in 1866. Groups in Klagenfurt, Prague and Brunn established similar associations in 1868, 1869 and 1873. Czech women in Prague looked more to Paris for inspiration: Marie Riegerova, daughter of the Czech patriot František Palacký, had visited the French capital for the exposition in 1867 and published a report on Lemonnier's schools. The Women's Trade Association created by Czech women in 1871 taught over 500 students by 1877.[<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref16">16</reflink>]</p> <p>Italy also did not experience much concern with 'redundant women' in the 1860s, yet vocational courses for girls did become part of the post-unification reform agenda. In 1866 Giovanni Scavia published a book about his visits to girls' schools of various types in France, Germany and Switzerland; although he travelled too early to see the <emph>Lette Verein</emph> in action, he argued that Italy needed courses like Lemonnier's in Paris. A few years later Emanuele Celesia also called attention to developments in other European countries and highlighted the need for action at home. The first vocational programme for middle-class girls emerged in Milan in 1870, under the leadership of Laura Mantegazza, a friend of Garibaldi. This programme attracted just 89 students as of 1875; but achievement of the status of a corporation (<emph>ente morale</emph>) in that year led to enrolment almost quadrupling by 1878. By 1884, 16 vocational programmes for girls in Italy received state subsidies, although some of these seem to have targeted girls from lower social classes than the English or German programmes.[<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref17">17</reflink>]</p> <p>In Spain, the years following the overthrow of Queen Isabella in 1868 saw significant advances in female education, including teacher training. In Madrid, Fernando di Castro created the Association for Women's Education (<emph>Asociación para la Enseñanza de la Mujer</emph>) in 1870, which took the <emph>Lette Verein</emph> as its model. In the succeeding decades it spurred the foundation of similar vocational courses in Vittoria (1876), Malaga (1886), Valencia (1888) and Granada (1889). The capital also saw established of a commercial course for women in 1878 and a training programme for work in the postal and telegraph services in 1883.[<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref18">18</reflink>]</p> <p>Writing in <emph>The Woman Question in Europe</emph>, Kristine Frederiksen highlighted for Denmark a 'Commercial School' founded by Caroline Testman and a 'Drawing School and Institute for Arts and Industry' run by Charlotte Klein; the latter opened in 1874. In the same work, Rosalie Olivecrona noted the establishment in 1870 in Stockholm of the 'Beehive', which operated like the Victoria Bazaar in Berlin; two years later the Stockholm Society for Promoting Female Industry emerged, even though some sections of the School for Arts and Crafts in that city had been accessible by women since 1854. For Norway, however, Camilla Collett mentioned no similar endeavour; an Association for Promoting Norwegian Women's Interests came into being only in 1884. According to Gina Krog's contribution to the <emph>Handbuch</emph>, not until the 1890s did it turn its attention to vocational courses.[<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref19">19</reflink>] In Tsarist Russia, in many ways surprisingly advanced with regard to women's education, a Society for Women's Work was proposed as early as 1865; yet it failed to get off the ground because of conflict between upper-class female philanthropists and more radical representatives of the potential clientele.[<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref20">20</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0076373293-3">Appropriate fields of employment</hd> <p>The extensive contacts among these organisations account for the great similarity in their conceptions of appropriate jobs for middle-class women and in the training programmes they established. Most offered preparation for dressmaking, millinery and other clothing trades; those that did little more, such as the Vienna <emph>Frauenerwerbsverein</emph> and some Italian groups, may have served a more lower-class clientele than did others.[<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref21">21</reflink>] Arithmetic courses for potential store clerks and more advanced bookkeeping were common. Most organisations also trained young women for work in the postal and telegraph services, to which they gained admission at various times during the final third of the nineteenth century. As office work evolved, courses in stenography and typing also developed. A few organisations saw typesetting as suitable work for their clientele, with the Victoria Press in England under Emily Faithfull and a Russian cooperative printing society, both established in the early 1860s, leading the way. Many also focused on decorative arts such as engraving on wood or glass, or painting porcelain, glass or silk. Popular as well was the new art form, photography. According to Bridger and Jordan, though, SPEW had 'disastrous' results with 'specifically photography, glass-engraving, and gilding'.[<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref22">22</reflink>]</p> <p>A peculiarity of the early years of SPEW was an interest in training women for 'law copying', perhaps more possible in England than in the many continental countries where notaries played a more significant role. In Sweden, however, the <emph>Family Journal</emph> began a copy and translation bureau in 1864 that, according to Rosalie Olivecrona in 1878, employed 'a crowd of young ladies, some of whom are quite well paid'.[<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref23">23</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0076373293-4">Varieties of leadership</hd> <p>One way in which these organisations differed from each other was in the gender of their founders and early leaders. SPEW emerged very clearly from the group of women known as the 'Langham Place Group', although as a public entity it needed a man as president: the ubiquitous philanthropist the Earl of Shaftesbury filled this role. The associations in Paris and Brussels also originated with women, although in the case of the latter the entire administrative council during its first three decades was male. In the Scandinavian organisations and some of the German ones, including the Hamburg <emph>Gewerbeschule</emph> and the <emph>Alice Verein</emph> in Darmstadt, women also took the lead.[<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref24">24</reflink>]</p> <p>In other cases, men provided an original stimulus for women to take action. This was true of the abortive Society for Women's Work in St Petersburg, originally suggested by 'a small circle of men close to the feminist leaders, including [Aleksandr] Engelhardt and [Peter] Lavrov'. According to Marianne Hainisch, Vienna's <emph>Frauenerwerbsverein</emph> received its initial push from the male Society for Economic Progress (<emph>Verein für wirtschaftliche Fortschritt</emph>). In Prague as well, professor of economics Thomas Richter spurred German women to create their association.[<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref25">25</reflink>]</p> <p>Where longstanding organisations such as the Swiss Society for the Common Good took the lead in shaping debate about employment opportunities for women, men played a great role: Emilie Benz later credited Johann Binder with initiating discussion of the 'economic side of the woman question'. The initial directors and committee of the <emph>Lette Verein</emph> were entirely male, with the exception of Jenny Hirsch, the secretary. By 1869, though, regulations changed to have at least 10 men and 10 women on the committee, plus 10 others of either sex. In 1871, women could become directors; and the following year Anna Schepeler-Lette, the widowed and childless daughter of the founder, began a tradition of women presidents that lasted over 100 years. Male leadership of the <emph>Asociación para la Enseñanza de la Mujer</emph> remained longer: after Fernando de Castro's initial period in charge, its president from 1874 until 1898 was Manuel Ruiz de Quevedo.[<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref26">26</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0076373293-5">Demographic perceptions and realities</hd> <p>Scholars have explored for some individual countries the demographic reality behind the sudden burst of concern with 'redundant' women. Contemporaries offered many explanations for this phenomenon, most of which have found some resonance in recent studies. Barbara Leigh Smith in <emph>Women and Work</emph> pointed to changes within the family and household, suggesting that 'the work of our ancestors' had been taken away from Victorian single women. Others stressed an increasing reluctance of men to marry because of the rising costs of establishing and maintaining a household: in a speech to the Swiss Society for the Common Good in 1869, for example, Franz Dula blamed 'luxury' for the declining marriage rate. Others argued for an actual shortage of potential husbands, whether as a result of their absence in colonial empires or their deaths on the battlefields in the wars of Italian and German unification. For Russia, Richard Stites pointed to the simple fact of mass migration to the cities that caused many young women to search for work that differed from what they had done in the countryside.[<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref27">27</reflink>] It is certainly true that almost all vocational courses developed in cities.</p> <p>In a book published in 1999, Ellen Jordan concluded that any surplus of women 'was at most a minor factor; the real problem was the oversupply of young women looking for work <emph>before</emph> marriage'. Unbeknown to Jordan, Herrad-Ulrike Bussemer had made a similar argument for Germany back in the 1980s: she found more a delay than a decrease in marriages, which left young women searching for something productive to do. Recent research by Catherine Dollard also found 'no significant change in marriage rates or in terms of the unmarried proportion of the female population'.[<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref28">28</reflink>]</p> <p>In a rare analysis of the actual clientele of one of these schools, the Hamburg <emph>Gewerbeschule für Mädchen</emph>, Christine Mayer found an overwhelming majority of middle-class girls, though in that leading port city daughters of businessmen and merchants far outnumbered those of professionals and civil servants. Yet the proportion from the educated middle class, including military officers, rose from 12% to 20% between 1881 and 1897. In contrast, Marc Suteau found that in Nantes the <emph>École Guépin</emph>, once it faced competition from purely academic secondary schools, tended to lose the daughters of the educated and economic upper middle class, whose percentage of enrolment fell from over 34% in 1888 to under 19% by 1906.[<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref29">29</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0076373293-6">Fund-raising for vocational courses</hd> <p>For much of the nineteenth century, a widespread belief held bourgeois fathers responsible for the education of their daughters. In most cases, in fact, the vocational programmes for middle-class young women preceded significant government involvement in formal schooling for girls beyond the elementary level. That so many of them included general continuing education courses as well as vocational ones speaks to the inadequacy of much of girls' schooling; in particular, girls entering commercial courses often needed remedial work in arithmetic.</p> <p>England, of course, lacked even public secondary schools for boys (in the American sense) at this time; but the driving force to create a network of private institutions for girls, the Girls' Public Day School Company, did not begin until 1872, 13 years after the foundation of SPEW. In the Netherlands the few girls' secondary schools (<emph>Middlebares Meisjesscholen</emph>) that emerged in the 1860s were also private. The Austro-Hungarian Empire did not see its first German-language city-run <emph>Lyzeum</emph> for girls until 1873, in Graz. Government provision and partial funding of girls' secondary education came to France with the <emph>Loi Camille Sée</emph> in 1880, which found an echo in Belgian regulations the following year. Spain, Portugal and Italy refrained from spending money on girls' <emph>lycées</emph> at that time, taking the more economical course of allowing a handful of girls into boys' schools. Many German monarchs had created girls' schools in their capital cities for daughters of civil servants and officers, and some cities also supported girls' education beyond the elementary level. Yet as of the late 1860s, cities such as Hamburg, Bremen, Lübeck, Cologne, Essen, Dortmund, Dresden and Leipzig relied exclusively on private schools for the daughters of the middle and upper classes. Autocratic Russia stands as a major exception, where the government-sponsored secondary schools outnumbered private ones.[<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref30">30</reflink>]</p> <p>Opposition to spending public funds for educating middle-class girls surfaced explicitly when the Swedish Parliament debated creation of state-supported secondary schools for them in the early 1870s. Many speakers saw 'the responsibility of the state' as restricted to 'schools that gave secondary education to prepare future upper-level state officials', i.e. males. In this situation, most philanthropic organisations did not seek state or municipal assistance for vocational courses for middle-class girls, at least at first. At the joint meeting of German organisations in Berlin in 1869, for example, Otto Jessen of Hamburg firmly rejected the idea that cities should fund the necessary courses: available public funds should go for 'the poorer segment of the population'.[<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref31">31</reflink>]</p> <p>Yet the leaders of these organisations had no qualms about seeking charitable donations for young women who might well have been seen as the 'undeserving poor' – they were not old, sick or so young as to need protection by others. Preventing needy girls and young women from middle-class backgrounds from having to take jobs considered to be 'lower class' clearly sufficed as a motive for soliciting funds. Writing in 1860, for example, Bessie Rayner Parkes openly defended her concern with 'the needs of educated women – of women who have been born and bred ladies – it is a real distinction from which, even in America, the most earnest democrats cannot escape'. Miniette Storm-van der Chijs in 1863 avowed her interest in 'the host of daughters of officers, civil servants, clergyman, artists, and so on; that is ... women who lack family support'. Wilhelm Lette also felt moved by the 'precarious situation of the daughters of poor government employees, when, on the death of their father, they are thrown upon the world wholly unprepared for life'. As Francisca de Haan has noted, a member of the Amsterdam branch of the <emph>Maatschappij tot nut van't Algemeen</emph> named Piccardt claimed in 1865 'that it "would not be fair" to expect middle-class girls in needy circumstances to become domestic servants; after all, they had not been educated for that "class"'. As mentioned above, Binder lamented the lack of any association devoted to assisting unmarried middle-class women in the canton of Zurich.[<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref32">32</reflink>]</p> <p>Information on the source of donations for these vocational courses is uneven. Most did charge tuition for courses and expected up-front fees or post-employment contributions from those who used their placement services. Yet scholarships or free places were common, as was the case with 285 of the 519 girls enrolled in 1877 in the courses run by the Czech association in Prague.[<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref33">33</reflink>] Donations clearly played a significant role.</p> <p>Some historians have given the impression that who offered charity to middle-class girls is not an interesting or important question. Ellen Jordan, in her earlier work, discussed SPEW's finances in one sentence: 'The annual income of the Society seldom reached £500 a year'. In <emph>Timely Assistance</emph>, she and Bridger did not make use of the information about donors in SPEW's annual reports, which were available to them. Examination of one complete report and summaries of several others does, however, provide a fairly clear picture. That for 1864–1865, as summarised by one of the founders of the <emph>Lette Verein</emph>, indicated that about one-third of the income, £109, came from regular subscriptions, with other important sources being one-time gifts and £70 paid for law copying done by the trainees. Major expenditures included £100 for rent and salary, £86 for the instruction in law copying, £48 for that in hairdressing, and £19 for that in bookkeeping. A summary of the report for the nine months ending on 25 March 1868 indicated income of £375 and a total of 75 women receiving permanent benefits – 42 finding positions through SPEW's job register, 13 obtaining bookkeeping certificates, 10 beginning apprenticeships, and eight working as law copiers. The full report for 1871–1872 showed general subscriptions yielding £144 and gifts £382, of which £350 came from one person identified as 'J.B.' (in a list alphabetised by last name). Office expenses and salaries had risen to over £250, while two courses in bookkeeping and glass engraving had cost only £33. SPEW had clearly become much more of a placement bureau and clearing house than a training programme.[<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref34">34</reflink>]</p> <p>The same report lists all the individuals who since SPEW's foundation had paid £5 or more for a life membership, in contrast to the minimum subscription of 10 shillings. In the first year the organisation attracted 52 life members, including the prominent Jewish philanthropist Sir Francis Goldsmid along with his wife and his daughter, John Stuart Mill and Mill's stepdaughter Helen Taylor. The number rapidly declined, however, to just 14 new members in 1861 and six in 1862. Among later joiners were the future physician Sophia Jex-Blake in 1863, William Rathbone of Liverpool in 1864, and Crown Prince Friedrich and Crown Princess Victoria of Prussia, who gave £30 in 1869. The Crown Princess, her sister Louise, and her mother Queen Victoria became patronesses of the society in 1869; three years later, the Queen headed the list of contributors with 10 guineas (£10/10/0) but was not listed as a life member.[<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref35">35</reflink>]</p> <p>Christine Mayer also said little about donors, mentioning only in a footnote that the government of Hamburg provided the land for construction of the <emph>Gewerbeschule für Mädchen</emph> but that 'the enormous building costs, however, were obtained through association members' private funds and from Hamburg citizens'.[<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref36">36</reflink>] Other scholars have offered seemingly contradictory information about philanthropy. Simonetta Soldani, for example, suggested that Laura Mantegazza's school in Milan attracted support from 'many people among the educated and progressive bourgeoisie' in the 1870s; but she later noted that by 1905 only about 3% of its budget came from contributors. Rosa Capel Martinez claimed that the School of Commerce in Madrid had 'support from public and private entities' when it began in 1878; yet other authors have stated that the parent <emph>Asociación</emph> suffered 'difficult moments' after the School of Commerce opened and had to launch a new appeal 'to all lovers of national culture and prosperity'. The School received a government subsidy in 1880, but this was discontinued by a more conservative cabinet four years later.[<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref37">37</reflink>]</p> <p>Only slightly more financial information is easily available regarding Lemonnier's <emph>Société</emph>, which grew out of a group of women who in the 1850s agreed to pay for two Parisian girls to attend a prominent boarding school, rather surprisingly one near Frankfurt am Main run by Marie Hillebrand. In 1856 they also began to solicit annual subscriptions of 15 francs to assist the education of poor Parisian girls. When the <emph>Société</emph> began in 1862, Lemonnier attracted 50 subscriptions of 25 francs (£1); within six months this number had grown to 105 subscribers. By 1873 the organisation had also received 4055 francs (about £160) as gifts, but tuition made up a significant share of the operating budget.[<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref38">38</reflink>]</p> <p>A very different picture emerges from the capsule history of the Brussels <emph>Association</emph> that was published in 1898. The 34 subscribers of March 1865 soon grew to 84 individuals who committed to pay 36 Belgian francs – the basic tuition for one student – for at least two years; but one donor gave 2000 francs and another 500. As mentioned earlier, the city council agreed to fund up to 100 full scholarships with 3600 francs, which within a few years led to significant involvement of the city council in the school's affairs. Wealthy banker and Senator Jonathan-Raphaël Bischoffsheim loaned 7000 francs for equipping the school, an amount he forgave in 1871. More important, Bischoffsheim donated 250,000 francs (£10,000) for purchase of a larger building in 1869. A private banker who had served for 20 years as a director of the Banque Nationale, Bischoffsheim came from Frankfurt-am-Main, was Jewish, and had only daughters – three factors of relevance for his philanthropy not mentioned by the group's chronicler. After his death, Bischoffheim's English-born son-in-law George Montefiore Levi took his place on the administrative council.[<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref39">39</reflink>]</p> <p>Perhaps the best documented financial history belongs to the <emph>Lette Verein</emph>. It began with important royal support: Crown Princess Victoria served as patroness from the beginning, three years before she took on a similar relationship with SPEW. She also donated 500 Thaler, the equivalent of 1500 of the later German marks or £75. The strong ties of the <emph>Lette Verein</emph> to liberal circles in Berlin became clear when annual benefit lectures featuring leading professors and intellectuals began as early as January and February 1867. When the association wanted to build a new home in the early 1870s, it raised 8000 Thaler, 1000 of which came from Victoria, and managed to take out a loan for 25,000 Thaler. Much of this was repaid with 15,000 Thaler in proceeds from an unprecedented week-long bazaar held in the Crown Princess's palace on Unter den Linden in 1874. Even the elderly Kaiser Wilhelm I made donations from the profit of annual subscription balls at the court. When Lette died in 1869, the Crown Princess and many others contributed to a memorial endowment fund that made loans to help single women to establish businesses. In 1871, a woman named Charlotte Stiepel left an endowment of 20,000 Thaler (£3000) to be used for scholarships. Of 1043 pupils attending courses in 1879, 159 attended free of charge, 22 supported by Stiepel's gift, six paid for by the Crown Princess and 114 with scholarships from the organisation's general funds.[<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref40">40</reflink>]</p> <p>The various organisations thus had widely varying experiences in raising money: city subsidies and one major donor in Brussels, royal patronage and broad support from the upper-middle class in Berlin, heavy reliance on tuition in Paris, a mix of subscriptions, gifts, and fees in London.</p> <hd id="AN0076373293-7">How effective were the courses?</hd> <p>A question raised by several scholars, especially in British history, is whether organisations such as SPEW really had a discernible effect. Did changes in the occupational profile for women between 1850 and 1900 result more from the needs of the economy for workers or from women demanding new areas of activity, especially in office work and segments of the civil service? Jordan went against the grain of much recent scholarship in downplaying the 'pull' of the economy and emphasising the 'push' from women's organisations, noting the strong resistance in many trades to the employment of women. For Russia, Stites noted that 'employers were slow to accept the idea of upper- and middle-class women working', which also suggests the push was greater than the pull. The difficult struggles to open employment in the postal and telegraph services point to much the same conclusion.[<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref41">41</reflink>]</p> <p>Similar ambiguity concerning push versus pull exists in discussion of the rapid growth after the mid-1860s in the numbers of women teachers, where governments rather than philanthropies played the major role in training. The expansion of elementary education – including reduction in class sizes – certainly created a demand for more teachers; and women were attractive because they generally earned less than men. Yet frequently expressed concerns in the 1870s and after about too many young women pursuing teacher certification, if only as 'insurance' against the possibility of not getting married, suggests that 'push' was also important. The widely differing levels of feminisation of the teaching profession that existed across Europe in 1900 also argue against a simplistic explanation in terms of 'pull'.[<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref42">42</reflink>] Much more detailed tracking of the later lives of programme graduates would be needed to demonstrate which factor played a greater role.</p> <hd id="AN0076373293-8">Conclusions</hd> <p>This broad survey has demonstrated some intriguing variations among the vocational courses for girls and young women created between the late 1850s and late 1870s. They differed in terms of size, leadership, funding and degree of diffusion within individual countries. SPEW, despite its pioneering position, stands out for its relative smallness as well as for its general abandonment of direct provision of courses in favour of acting as a conduit for applicants to obtain appropriate training in other venues and to find employment.</p> <p>Important similarities emerge as well. One is the very brief time period of 20 years in which such different countries addressed the problem of vocational education for middle-class girls. Noteworthy also is the widespread agreement that preventing the 'declassing' of such middle-class girls was a worthy object of charity, an acceptable extension of the philanthropic practices of 'popular education' to a new clientele. The careers viewed as appropriate for this clientele showed little in the way of national peculiarities despite the differences among economies in this era.</p> <p>Most important is the high level of cross-fertilisation among these organisations, fuelled by educators, philanthropists and the emerging international women's movement. Akira Iriye and Pierre-Yves Saunier have defined 'transnationalism' as being 'interested in links and flows' and seeking 'to track people, ideas, products, processes, and patterns' among 'polities and societies'.[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref43">43</reflink>] The flowering of job training for 'redundant' women certainly qualifies as a transnational phenomenon.</p> <hd id="AN0076373293-9">Notes on contributor</hd> <p>James C. Albisetti is professor of History at the University of Kentucky. He is the author of <emph>Secondary School Reform in Imperial Germany</emph> and <emph>Schooling German Girls and Women: Secondary and Higher Education in the Nineteenth Century</emph>, both published by Princeton University Press. He has recently co-edited, with Joyce Goodman and Rebecca Rogers, <emph>Girls' Secondary Education in the Western World</emph> (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).</p> <ref id="AN0076373293-10"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> <sups>2</sups>Anne Bridger and Ellen Jordan, <emph>Timely Assistance: The Work of the Society for Promoting the Training of Women, 1859–2009</emph> (Ashford, Kent: Society for Promoting the Training of Women, 2009). I would like to thank Joyce Goodman for alerting me to this book, which is available only through the Society, and Dr. Carolyn Boulter, its chair, for sending me a copy <emph>gratis</emph>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref2" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> <sups>3</sups>Theodore Stanton, ed., <emph>The Woman Question in Europe</emph> (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1884); Helene Lange and Gertrud Bäumer, eds., <emph>Handbuch der Frauenbewegung</emph>, 5 vols (Berlin: W. Moeser, 1901–1906). Most relevant material is in volume 1.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref3" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> <sups>4</sups>My access to such literature is, of course, also limited by my knowledge of foreign languages.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref4" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> <sups>5</sups>Geneviève Fraisse and Michelle Perrot, eds., <emph>A History of Women in the West</emph>, vol. 4: <emph>Feminism from Revolution to World War</emph> (Cambridge, MA, and London: Belknap Press, 1987), 235, 487, 491, 502; Bonnie S. Anderson and Judith P. Zinsser, <emph>A History of Their Own: Women in Europe from Prehistory to the Present</emph>, 2 vols (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), 2: 185; Karen Offen, <emph>European Feminisms, 1700–1950</emph> (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 122–3; James C. Albisetti, Joyce Goodman and Rebecca Rogers, eds., <emph>Girls' Secondary Education in the Western World: From the 18<sups>th</sups> to the 20<sups>th</sups> Century</emph> (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref5" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> <sups>6</sups>Barbara Leigh Smith as cited in Bridger and Jordan, <emph>Timely Assistance</emph>, 1; 'Association for Promoting the Employment of Women', <emph>English Woman's Journal</emph> 4, no. 1 (September 1859): 54–9; <emph>Englishwoman's Review of Social and Industrial Questions</emph> 2 (January 1867): 121. Several relevant documents from SPEW are reprinted in Candida Ann Lacey, ed., <emph>Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon and the Langham Place Group</emph> (New York and London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref6" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> <sups>7</sups>Bridger and Jordan, <emph>Timely Assistance</emph>, 25.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref7" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> <sups>8</sups>Centralverein für das Wohl der arbeitenden Klassen, ed., <emph>Die Erwerbsgebiete des weiblichen Geschlechts</emph> (Berlin: O. Janke, 1866); Jenny Hirsch, <emph>Geschichte der fünfundzwanzigjährigen Wirksamkeit des ... Lette Vereins zur Förderung höheren Bildung und Erwerbsfähigkeit des weiblichen Geschlechts</emph> (Berlin: Berliner Buchdruckerei, 1891), 40; Doris Obschernitzki, <emph>'Der Frau ihre Arbeit!' Lette Verein: Zur Geschichte eines Berliner Institution 1866 bis 1986</emph> (Berlin: Edition Hentrich, 1987), 22, 74, 106–11; Dorothea Roberts, <emph>Two Royal Lives: Gleanings at Berlin and from the Lives of Their Imperial Highnesses, the Crown Prince and Princess of Germany</emph> (New York: Scribner and Welford, 1887), 212.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref8" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> <sups>9</sups>Obschernitzki, <emph>'Der Frau ihre Arbeit'</emph>, 24; Gerard Noel, <emph>Princess Alice: Queen Victoria's Forgotten Daughter</emph> (London: Constable, 1974), 137–44; Susanna Winkworth, 'The Alice Ladies' Society of Darmstadt', <emph>Contemporary Review</emph> 21 (December 1872): 138–58, here 142; <emph>Die Berliner Frauen-Vereins-Conferenz an 5. und 6. Dezember 1869</emph> (Berlin: C. G. Lüderitz'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1869). On the school in Hamburg, see Christine Mayer, 'The Struggle for Vocational Education and Employment Possibilities for Women in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century in Germany', <emph>History of Education Researcher</emph> 80 (November 2007): 85–99, esp. 91–95.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref9" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> <sups>10</sups>See, for example, the discussions of Lemonnier in Rebecca Rogers, 'Culture and Catholicism in France', in Albisetti et al., <emph>Girls' Secondary Education</emph>, 32; and Marc Suteau, <emph>Une ville et ses écoles: Nantes, 1830–1940</emph> (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 1999), 132–3.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>11</sups>Charles Lemonnier, <emph>Élise Lemonnier: Foundateur de la société pour l'enseignement professionnel des femmes</emph> (Saint-Germain: L. Toinon, 1866), 29–31; Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, <emph>Le travail des femmes au XIXe siècle</emph> (Paris: Charpentier, 1873), 333–4, 459.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>12</sups>Suteau, <emph>Une ville</emph>, 132–5.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>13</sups>Mathilde Dubesset and Michelle Zancarini-Fournel, <emph>Parcours de femmes: Réalités et représentations: Saint-Etienne, 1880–1950</emph> (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1993), 36–7.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>14</sups>Éliane Gubin, 'Politics and Anti-Clericalism: Belgium', in Albisetti et al., <emph>Girls' Secondary Education</emph>, 124–6; <emph>Association pour l'enseignement professionnel des femmes: École professionelle</emph> (Brussels: T. Lombaerts, 1898), 8, 17.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>15</sups>Francisca de Haan, <emph>Gender and the Politics of Office Work: The Netherlands, 1860–1940</emph> (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1998), 12–13, 20; Stanton, <emph>The Woman Question</emph>, 161; Maria Grever and Berteke Waaldijk, <emph>Transforming the Public Sphere: The Dutch National Exhibition of Women Labor in 1898</emph>, trans. Mischa F.C. Hoynick and Robert E. Chesal (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2004), 30; <ulink href="http://www.tesselschade-arbeidadelt.nl/english">http://www.tesselschade-arbeidadelt.nl/english</ulink> (accessed July 8, 2010). A history of this Dutch women's association exists but is not in any library in the United States: Vilan van der Loo, <emph>Toekomst door Traditie: Honderdvÿfentwintig jaar Tesselschade-Arbeid Adelt</emph> (Zutphen: Walberg Press, 1996).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>16</sups>Johann Jakob Binder, 'Űber die Bildung der Mädchen für Haus, Familie und Beruf', <emph>Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Gemeinnützigkeit</emph> 7 (1868): 379–91, here 383, 389–90.; Franz Dula, 'Über die Bildung der Mädchen für das Haus und die Familie', ibid. 8 (1869): 18–69, here 56–7; Emilie Benz, 'Die Geschichte der Frauenbewegung in der Schweiz', in Lange and Bäumer, <emph>Handbuch</emph>, 1: 194; Gottlieb Rothen, <emph>Hundert Jahre Mädchenschule in der Stadt Bern</emph> (Bern; n. p., 1936), 73. See also Claudia Crotti, <emph>Lehrerinnen – frühe Professionalisierung: Professionsgeschichte der Volkschullehrerinnen in der Schweiz im 19. Jahrhundert</emph> (Bern: Peter Lang, 2005), 260–76. I have not seen Binder's earlier pamphlet: <emph>Über die Ausbau der Zürcherischen Sekundarschule und die Berufsbildung unserer Töchter</emph> (Zurich: Orell Füssli, 1866).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>17</sups>Johanna Leitenberger, 'Austria', and Elise Krásnohorská , 'Bohemia', in Stanton, <emph>The Woman Question</emph>, 170 and 451; Margret Friedrich, '<emph>Ein Paradies ist uns verschlossen ...': Zur Geschichte der schulischen Mädchenerziehung in Österreich im 'langen' 19. Jahrhundert</emph> (Vienna, Cologne, and Weimar: Böhlau, 1999), 182–4; Helene Volet-Jeanneret, <emph>La femme bourgeoise à Prague, 1860–1895: De la philanthropie à l'émancipation</emph> (Geneva: Editions Slatkine, 1988), 110, 213; Jitka Malečková, 'The Emancipation of Women for the Benefit of the Nation: The Czech Women's Movement', in <emph>Women's Emancipation Movements in the Nineteenth Century: A European Perspective</emph>, ed. Sylvia Paletschek and Bianka Pietrow Ennker (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), 167–88, here 174, 178.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>18</sups>Giovanni Scavia, <emph>Dell'istruzione professionale e femminile in Francia, Germania, Svizzera, Italia</emph> (Turin: T. Vaccarino, 1866), 161; Emanuele Celesia, <emph>Le scuole professionali femminili</emph> (Genoa: E. Ferrando, 1869); Aurelia Cimino Folliero de Luna, 'Italy', in Stanton, <emph>Woman Question</emph>, 315; Simonetta Soldani, 'Il libro e la matassa: scuole per 'lavori donneschi' nell'Italia da costruire', in <emph>L'educazione delle donne: Scuole e modelli di vita femminile nell'Italia dell'Ottocento</emph>, ed. Soldani (Milan: Angeli, 1989), 87–129, esp. 97, 111. I have not seen Celesia's book and base my comments on Soldani's article.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>19</sups>Katharina Rowold, <emph>The Educated Woman: Minds, Bodies, and Women's Higher Education in Britain, Germany, and Spain, 1865–1914</emph> (New York and London: Routledge, 2010), 159–60; Consuela Flecha, 'Between Modernization and Conservatism: Spain', in Albisetti et al., <emph>Girls' Secondary Education</emph>, 77–92, here 81, which draws on Rosa Maria Capel Martinez, <emph>Trabajo y la educación de la mujer en Espana (1900–1930)</emph> (Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, 1986), 333–5; Yvonne Turin, <emph>L'éducation et l'école en Espagne de 1874 à 1902: Libéralisme et tradition</emph> (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1959), 275–6; Mercedes Garcia de la Torre and Manuel Ledesma Reyes, 'Un hito historico en la educación femenina: La asociación para la enseñanza de la mujer', in <emph>Mujer y Educación en Espagna, 1868–1975</emph>, ed. Sociedad Espanola de Historia de la Educación (Santiago: Universidade de Santiago, 1990), 615–22.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>20</sups>Kristine Frederiksen, 'Denmark', Rosalie Olivecrona, 'Sweden' and Camilla Collett, 'Norway', in Stanton, <emph>Woman Question</emph>, 225, 200, and 189–98, respectively; Gina Krog, 'Die Geschichte der Frauenbewegung in Norwegen', in Lange and Bäumer, <emph>Handbuch</emph>, 1: 308. See also Rosalie Olivecrona, <emph>Notices sur l'éducation et sur l'activité de la femme en Suède</emph> (Stockholm: Imprimerie Centrale, 1878), 8. This pamphlet was prepared for the international exhibition in Paris; she had previously written similar works for Vienna in 1873 and Philadelphia in 1876. These institutions are not included in Agneta Linné, 'Lutheranism and Democracy: Scandinavia', in Albisetti et al., <emph>Girls' Secondary Education</emph>, 133–47.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>21</sups>Richard Stites, <emph>The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860–1920</emph> (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 69–70.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>22</sups>Friedrich, <emph>'Ein Paradies'</emph>, 182; Soldani, 'Il libro', passim.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>23</sups>Jessie Boucherett, 'England: The Industrial Movement', in Stanton, <emph>Woman Question</emph>, 98; Stites, <emph>Women's Liberation Movement</emph>, 69; Bridger and Jordan, <emph>Timely Assistance</emph>, 45.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>24</sups>Boucherett, 'England: The Industrial Movement', 98; Olivecrona, <emph>Notices</emph>, 15.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>25</sups>Lacey, <emph>Langham Place Group</emph>, passim; Lemonnier, <emph>Élisa Lemonnier</emph>, 27–8; <emph>Association pour l'enseignement professionnel</emph>, 8, 35–6; Christine Mayer, 'Macht in Frauenhand: Fallbeispiele zur Berufsbildung im 19. Jahrhundert', in <emph>Geschlecht und Macht: Analysen zum Spannungsfeld von Arbeit, Bildung und Familie</emph>, ed. Martina Löw (Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2009), 193–213, here 205–9; Noel, <emph>Princess Alice</emph>, 137–45.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>26</sups>Stites, <emph>Women's Liberation Movement</emph>, 69; Marianne Hainisch, 'Die Geschichte der Frauenbewegung in Österreich', in Lange and Bäumer, <emph>Handbuch</emph>, 1: 170 ; Wilhelmine Wiechowski, <emph>Frauenleben und -Bildung in Prag im 19. Jahrhundert</emph> (Leipzig: Frauen-Rundschau, 1899), 11.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>27</sups>Benz, 'Frauenbewegung in der Schweiz', 192; Obschernitzki, <emph>'Der Frau ihre Arbeit!'</emph>, 21, 23, 45–6; Turin, <emph>L'éducation et l'école</emph>, 273.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>28</sups>Smith's work as excerpted in Lacey, <emph>Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon</emph>, 39; Dula, 'Über die Bildung', 50; Stites, <emph>Women's Liberation Movement</emph>, 57.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>29</sups>Ellen Jordan, <emph>The Women's Movement and Women's Employment in Nineteenth-Century Britain</emph> (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 9; Harrad-Ulrike Bussemer, <emph>Frauenbewegung und Bildungsbürgertum: Sozialgeschichte der Frauenbewegung in der Reichsgründungszeit</emph> (Weinheim and Basel: Beltz, 1985), 21–4; Catherine L. Dollard, <emph>The Surplus Woman: Unmarried in Imperial Germany, 1871–1918</emph> (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2009), 3, and 66–88 (a chapter entitled 'Imagined Demography').</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>30</sups>Mayer, 'Struggle for Vocational Education', 95; Suteau, <emph>Une ville</emph>, 137.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>31</sups>Albisetti et al., <emph>Girls' Secondary Education</emph>, passim; James C. Albisetti, <emph>Schooling German Girls and Women: Secondary and Higher Education in the Nineteenth Century</emph> (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 39.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>32</sups>Linné, 'Lutheranism and Democracy: Scandinavia', 140; Bussemer, <emph>Bildungsbürgertum</emph>, 95; <emph>Berliner Frauen-Vereins-Conferenz</emph>, 66.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>33</sups>Parkes as reprinted in Lacey, <emph>Langham Place Group</emph>, 183; de Haan, <emph>Gender and the Politics of Office Work</emph>, 19; Anna Schepeler-Lette and Jenny Hirsch, 'Germany', in Stanton, <emph>Woman Question</emph>, 143; Binder, 'Über die Bildung', 382–83.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>34</sups>Volet-Jeanneret, <emph>La femme bourgeoise</emph>, 218. See also Olivecrona, <emph>Notices</emph>, 8; and Lemonnier, <emph>Élisa Lemonnier</emph>, 31.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>35</sups>Jordan, <emph>The Women's Movement</emph>, 174; Bridger and Jordan, <emph>Timely Assistance</emph>, passim; Centralverein, <emph>Die Erwerbsgebiete</emph>, 40–2; <emph>Englishwoman's Journal</emph> 8 (July 1868): 534; <emph>Thirteenth Annual Report of the Society for Promoting the Employment of Women</emph> (London: Society for Promoting the Employment of Women, 1872), 18–21, 26ff. The generous donor was most likely the long-time backer of SPEW Jessie Boucherett, though that name should have been listed as B, J, to be consistent with the rest.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>36</sups>Ibid., 22–5, 18; <emph>Englishwoman's Journal</emph> 11 (April 1869): 224.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>37</sups>Mayer, 'Struggle for Vocational Education', 99, n. 56. For an interesting look at a similar theme in the United States, see Kathryn Kish Sklar, 'Who Funded Hull House?', in <emph>Lady Bountiful Revisited: Women, Philanthropy, and Power</emph>, ed. Kathleen D. McCarthy (New Brunswick and London: Rutgers University Press, 1990), 94–115.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>38</sups>Soldani, 'Il libro', 97, 116; Capel Martinez, <emph>Trabajo</emph>, 34; Garcia de la Torre and Ledesma Reyes, 'Un hito historico', 619.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>39</sups>Lemonnier, <emph>Élisa Lemonnier</emph>, 27–8; Leroy-Beaulieu, <emph>Le travail des femmes</emph>, 327–30. On this German boarding school, see Jean Roland, <emph>Marie Hillebrand (1821–1894): Ihr Leben und erziehliches Wirken</emph> (Giessen: Ricker, 1895).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>40</sups> <emph>Association pour l'enseignment professionnel</emph>, 8–10; P. Kauch, 'Jonathan-Raphaël Bischoffsheim', <emph>Biographie Nationale</emph>, 30, part 2 (Brussels: H. Thiry-Van Buggenhoudt, 1959), col. 171–4; François Stockmann, 'George Montefiore Levi', ibid., 38, part 2 (1974), col. 596–618.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>41</sups>Hirsch, <emph>Geschichte</emph>, 40, 44, 46, 52; Obschernitzki, <emph>'Der Frau ihre Arbeit!'</emph>, 26, 34, 74.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>42</sups>Jordan, <emph>The Women's Movement</emph>, 169–78; Stites, <emph>Women's Liberation Movement</emph>, 59.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>43</sups>See James C. Albisetti, 'The Feminization of Teaching in the Nineteenth Century: A Comparative Perspective', <emph>History of Education</emph> 22, no. 3 (Sept. 1993): 253–64.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <sups>44</sups>'Introduction', in Akira Iriye and Pierre-Yves Saunier, eds., <emph>The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History: From the Mid-19th Century to the Present Day</emph> (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), xvii.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By JamesC. Albisetti</p> <p>Reported by Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref39"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref40"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref43"></nolink>
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  Data: Philanthropy for the Middle Class: Vocational Education for Girls and Young Women in Mid-Victorian Europe
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Albisetti%2C+James+C%2E%22">Albisetti, James C.</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22History+of+Education%22"><i>History of Education</i></searchLink>. 2012 41(3):287-301.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: 15
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Evaluative
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Problems%22">Social Problems</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Middle+Class%22">Middle Class</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Daughters%22">Daughters</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Vocational+Education%22">Vocational Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Private+Financial+Support%22">Private Financial Support</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Program+Development%22">Program Development</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Employment%22">Employment</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Leadership%22">Leadership</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Marital+Status%22">Marital Status</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+History%22">Educational History</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22United+Kingdom+%28England%29%22">United Kingdom (England)</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1080/0046760X.2011.620011
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  Data: 0046-760X
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  Label: Abstract
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  Data: Within a 20-year period from the late 1850s to the late 1870s, most European countries created programmes in response to what appeared as a new social problem: unwed daughters of the middle classes in need of jobs. Taking off from the 150th anniversary of the English Society for Promoting the Employment of Women, this paper examines the diffusion of such courses across Europe and the very similar occupations that most thought appropriate for their clientele. It also highlights variations in structures, leadership and funding that emerged, and in particular how the English pacesetter remained much smaller than many later creations. Sponsors seldom sought public funding, but they had no problem seeking charitable contributions to help middle-class young women avoid being "de-classed". (Contains 44 footnotes.)
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      – SubjectFull: Daughters
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      – SubjectFull: United Kingdom (England)
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      – TitleFull: Philanthropy for the Middle Class: Vocational Education for Girls and Young Women in Mid-Victorian Europe
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