Making the Nuevo South Home: Latinx College Students' Forms of Resistance to Southern Epistemology
Saved in:
| Title: | Making the Nuevo South Home: Latinx College Students' Forms of Resistance to Southern Epistemology |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Elsa Camargo (ORCID |
| Source: | Journal of Latinos and Education. 2024 23(2):659-675. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 17 |
| Publication Date: | 2024 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Education Level: | Higher Education Postsecondary Education |
| Descriptors: | Hispanic American Students, Resistance (Psychology), Epistemology, Racial Discrimination, Racism, Citizen Participation, African American Students, Undergraduate Students, Student Attitudes, Social Problems |
| DOI: | 10.1080/15348431.2023.2179055 |
| ISSN: | 1534-8431 1532-771X |
| Abstract: | Aligned with critical scholarship and upholding minoritized populations' agency and power, this survey research study addresses Latinx college students' resistance strategies in two Nuevo South states by examining the social issues that students are aware of, engage with, and the nature of their interactions with these issues. We apply Southern epistemology as a framework to center the unique Nuevo South sociopolitical context and examine modern issues Latinx communities face in this geographic region and how Latinx college students resist hostility. Findings empirically establish how the Southern epistemology remains to modernly construct and constrain the lives of Latinx college students in the Nuevo South. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2024 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1415623 |
| Database: | ERIC |
|
Full text is not displayed to guests.
Login for full access.
|
|
| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwFTAxGUrsJJVWvy6Y38tE4eAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDLus2JdyC9Tpk0pjugIBEICBm2MwN2sEnJ6DuILkkAJ89fdg-dsNBTg8lNYmDIwjPnqg9I42YgP6pLr57GlPOL_Q_dE_T7m-AK6D2SEJiAVi-fyD2yZfegLOnkONmO05J_ONKCJ_vqDL8prcSPJADSvEo3lj5LwsZgFXQ0re3dTpVaHYuDk0yTHIb3kSnekcND_bp_u27ChwmCQoVCEA_I2FwuuCggkTcDV2v8te Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0175795062;hd001apr.24;2024Mar06.05:55;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0175795062-1">Making the Nuevo South home: Latinx college students' forms of resistance to Southern epistemology </title> <p>Aligned with critical scholarship and upholding minoritized populations' agency and power, this survey research study addresses Latinx college students' resistance strategies in two Nuevo South states by examining the social issues that students are aware of, engage with, and the nature of their interactions with these issues. We apply Southern epistemology as a framework to center the unique Nuevo South sociopolitical context and examine modern issues Latinx communities face in this geographic region and how Latinx college students resist hostility. Findings empirically establish how the Southern epistemology remains to modernly construct and constrain the lives of Latinx college students in the Nuevo South.</p> <p>Keywords: Nuevo South; Latinx college students; Southern epistemology; student resistance; student engagement; student awareness; post-secondary education</p> <p>In the last two decades, Southern states had the fastest growth of Latinx people of any other US region. Between 2008 and 2018 the Latinx population grew 33%, reaching 22.7 million in 2018 (Flores et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref1">9</reflink>]). The large growth of Latinx people in Southern states has transformed this region into what some call the Nuevo South (NS) (Winders, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref2">35</reflink>]). Specifically, the states that make up the NS include Arkansas, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, West Virginia, Mississippi, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Tennessee.</p> <p>Existing research in geography, anthropology, sociology, K-12 education, and other fields document the hostile environments that the growing Latinx population experience in the NS (Carrillo, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref3">6</reflink>]; Planas, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref4">24</reflink>]; Thompson, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref5">30</reflink>]). These environments are rooted in white supremacy, xenophobia, and nativism historically characterizing Southern states (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref6">33</reflink>]). Consequently, Latinxs in NS states uniquely experience issues connected to immigration, discrimination, and racism resulting in a lack of access to healthcare, employment opportunities, food, and other basic needs. Yet, despite a group of scholars (McClain et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref7">19</reflink>]; Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref8">27</reflink>]; Weise, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref9">32</reflink>]) attributing the contemporary issues that Latinxs face to the fact that NS states are "new destinations," there is another body of literature that traces a longer history of Latinx immigration to these states. This corpus of literature problematizes the ideology of NS states as being new destinations for Latinx immigrants.</p> <p>Considering the long history that Latinxs have in NS states, this manuscript examines the forms of resistance of Latinx college students in the NS theoretically framed within the Southern epistemology of the region. Precisely, the Southern epistemology possesses historical ties to white supremacy and racism, color blindness, romanticizing the past, and opposition to elitist intellectualism (Kincheloe et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref10">18</reflink>]; Pinar &amp; Kincheloe, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref11">23</reflink>]; Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref12">33</reflink>]). Southern epistemology (SE) as a framework centers the unique sociopolitical context of the NS as we examine modern issues Latinx communities face in two NS states and how Latinxs college students resist a hostile sociopolitical context. Thus, we study Latinx college students' resistance strategies by examining the social issues that they are aware of, engage with, and how they interact with these issues, to illustrate a foundational theoretical framework for understanding Latinx college students' forms of resistance in the NS. We apply critical quantitative methodologies for survey research to identify Latinx college students' forms of resistance to these manifestations of white supremacy. Data for this research included 42 closed- and open-ended items addressing features of Latinx students' perspectives on living and studying in the region.</p> <p>Two research questions guide our study: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref13">1</reflink>) How do Latinx college students perceive their NS state values their presence and facilitates access to community resources and services? (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref14">2</reflink>) How do Latinx students engage with issues impacting the Latinx community in the sociopolitical context of the NS? This study is significant as it is among the first in higher education literature to document the uniqueness of the Nuevo South's sociopolitical context and the forms in which Latinx college students resist its hostile environment. As the Latinx college student population growth continues in the NS, it becomes imperative for higher education to understand the region and how context impacts the educational experiences of the people within this ethnic group</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-2">Literature review</hd> <p>To contextualize the present study, we first review literature that documents history of the South, historical conceptions of racialization, and their ties to higher education's origins in this region. We use concepts of the SE (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref15">33</reflink>]) to trace the aggregated features unique to the South that create a hostile environment toward people of color and shape everyday life. This epistemology's concepts demonstrate the South's idiosyncrasy: white supremacy and racism, color blindness, romanticizing the past, and opposition to elitist intellectualism. Unexamined white supremacy and white patriarchy coincide with racism, prioritizing whiteness and denigrating people of color. More precisely, we review literature that speaks to how these features shape Latinxs' everyday lives, identities, communities, and relations with African Americans in the region. We then present literature on Latinxs' forms of resistance to the hostile sociopolitical context of the NS.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-3">Historicizing African Americans in higher education foundations</hd> <p>To illustrate white supremacy and racism as elements of the SE, we discuss the role slavery played in building institutions of higher education and shaping contemporary racial relations among White, Black, and Latinx people in the NS. Similar to the development of the colonies, African slavery was also used to build the Southern region of the country in the 1760s (Wilder, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref16">34</reflink>]). Colonists built wealth through slave trade and enslaved labor that "provided free men, the wealth that slave traders and slaveholders could generate, and the social networks of plantation economies" (Wilder, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref17">34</reflink>], p. 111).</p> <p>Subsequently, colleges received funding and amassed wealth from Atlantic Slave Traders. Enslaved people built college campuses and performed labor-intensive tasks to keep them running (Wilder, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref18">34</reflink>]). Settler colonialism permeates US higher education predicated on "subjugation" (Tuck &amp; Yang, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref19">31</reflink>], p. 6). Enslaved people being seen as property to grow wealth and owning African people was a common practice among institutions' presidents, faculty, and governors, all prosperous men (Wilder, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref20">34</reflink>]). In fact, there were more African enslaved people than faculty, administrators, or active trustees on college campuses (Authors, Year).</p> <p>Unquestionably, slavery demonstrates how fundamental African descent people were in the construction of this region and its institutions of higher education. Although during this period higher education institutions were also marketing Indian missions, Black people were thought to lack the same intelligence and artistry as Indigenous peoples (Wilder, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref21">34</reflink>]). Through such views, racializations were built to manage settler wealth and construct Indigenous, Black, and Brown peoples as sub-human (Tuck &amp; Yang, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref22">31</reflink>]). As the existence of Indigenous peoples prevented access to land and negatively impacted settlers' wealth, Indigenous communities were actively erased as a means for settlers to grow their wealth. Elimination tactics used against Indigenous peoples included breaking down Indigenous identities (Wright, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref23">38</reflink>]) and extreme violence, resulting in the killing of many tribal members (Wilder, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref24">34</reflink>]). Additionally, children from Indigenous communities were taken and put in boarding schools that stripped them from their Indigenous languages (Wilder, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref25">34</reflink>]). At these schools, they were forced to adopt settler customs (Wright, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref26">38</reflink>]) and to perform manual labor that would grow the settler economy and wealth (Grande, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref27">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>Similarly, enslaved Blacks represented free labor and were quantified into monetary value (Tuck &amp; Yang, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref28">31</reflink>]). Therefore, settlers were subject to the "one drop rule," making those with any amount of African ancestry "Black" and consequently an enslaved person (Grande, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref29">14</reflink>], p. 50). This racial taxonomy allowed for settler-colonizers to have a higher number of enslaved people, resulting in a growth in their wealth (Tuck &amp; Yang, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref30">31</reflink>]). Consequently, Black and Indigenous peoples were racialized differently in a way that demonstrated the role each group played in the development of the US society (Wolfe, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref31">36</reflink>]). Inevitably, this Southern belief is what shaped and continues to shape the unique racialization that exists in the NS toward communities of color.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-4">The erasure and devalue of Latinx people in NS states and higher education institutions</hd> <p>The SE influences the sociopolitical context of the state and extends into institutions of higher education as these erase any Southern historical ties to Latinxs. As opposed to Southwestern states like California, where Mexican-Americans and other residents of the state know about historical events that have brought change for Latinx communities (e.g., Chicano Movement), Southern states make ahistorical conceptions of race and the contributions of Latinx people as a way to legitimize racism and racialization against these communities (Ray, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref32">26</reflink>]). By extension, NS public institutions of higher education employ ahistorical perspectives of the contributions of Latinx people to avoid taking responsibility in serving the needs of Latinx communities.</p> <p>To challenge ahistorical conceptions of Latinx contributions in NS states, reviewing the longer history that Latinx immigration has in this region is necessary, as it is not entirely new (Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref33">27</reflink>]). Weise ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref34">32</reflink>]) traced the history of Mexican immigrants in some Southern states to 1910. These were individuals with diverse social economic statuses, who came from rural and urban regions. Between 1916 and 1920, they began relocating to New Orleans (Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref35">27</reflink>]). As early as 1908, New Orleans served as a gateway to trading ports in Mexico and other Latin American countries, resulting in businessmen immigrating. Simultaneously, Mexican workers were being recruited to work in the lumber industry and cotton fields in Mississippi. By the 1920s, African Americans left the South in large numbers due to social repression (Jim Crow) to find better opportunities in northern states, known as the Great Migration to the North. Mexican immigrants were working in cotton fields in Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Mississippi and worked in African American labor markets (Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref36">27</reflink>]; Weise, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref37">32</reflink>]). In 1942, the United States and Mexico initiated the Bracero Program to recruit Mexicans as temporary workers. During this time Arkansas, Louisiana, and Mississippi were the Southern states that supported this program. Morgan ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref38">20</reflink>]) detailed Arkansas as one of the greatest Bracero program supporters to secure workers for large cotton-producing areas in the state's Delta area.</p> <p>When the Bracero Program started in 1942, most braceros were assigned to the Southwest, but after several years, many were placed in Arkansas and Mississippi's agricultural areas. Once the Bracero Program ended, the NS industries of poultry, meatpacking, and farming, among others, attracted Latinx immigrants residing elsewhere in the country. Although in the 1980s there were migrant streams directly from Latin American to the South, some of the new Latinx immigration to this region occurred as "step migration... an extension of immigration in other US settlement areas" (Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref39">27</reflink>], p. 23). Frequently, Latinx immigration to the South occurred after having lived in other regions where labor markets became saturated. These states saw a Latinx population growth between 1980 and 1990. This was the case in North Carolina and Georgia which accounted for 77% of the Latinx population in the Southern region (Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref40">27</reflink>]).</p> <p>By 2000, the strong birthrates of Latinxs and the migration from Mexico, other areas of Latin America, and the Caribbean led a large part of the growth in Southeast states (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref41">17</reflink>]; Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref42">27</reflink>]). During this period, both traditional places of relocation in the Midwest and new destinations in the NS saw the highest Latinx growth in the country, primarily comprised of undocumented Mexican migrants (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref43">17</reflink>]; Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref44">27</reflink>]). Today, states like Georgia and North Carolina are in the top 10 states with the largest populations of undocumented immigrants.</p> <p>Latinx people make significant contributions, historically and contemporarily, to society and economic infrastructure in NS states. However, Latinx college students in public higher education institutions in this region report not seeing themselves in the curriculum and not receiving an education that equips them with the necessary tools to advocate for their communities. Inevitably, the erasure of Latinx history in the NS is a product of the SE, and it is used as justification by NS states and higher education institutions to avoid investing in these communities.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-5">Latinx community social issues and lack of resources in NS states</hd> <p>Today, the SE continues to manifest in contemporary forms of discrimination and racism that romanticize the past and support white supremacy in the NS. Previous NS studies (Guerrero, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref45">15</reflink>]; Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref46">17</reflink>]) demonstrate that Latinxs face discrimination, racialization, and oppression, resulting in their inaccessibility to health care and education, violations to their civil rights, and legislations that depict immigration as invasive, criminal, and a drain on government resources. Such mistreatment and state disinvestment in Latinx people is justified through romanticizing the past of what used to be the South and nativist claims that reinforce white supremacy.</p> <p>For example, between 2005 and 2007, almost 60 counties in the country signed 287(g) agreements with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref47">17</reflink>]). Currently, 287(g) agreements have grown prevalent, especially in Southern states; there are 142 jurisdictions as of late 2021 for Jail Enforcement and Warrant Services, for example (Immigrant Legal Resource Center, 2022, para. 12). In most cases, these agreements allow ICE a stronger presence by working in collaboration with police to enforce federal immigration laws and process deportations. Consequently, this results in decreased access to social services and higher education. Furthermore, participants in Jones' ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref48">17</reflink>]) study reported that these policy changes resulted in fear that decreased their mobility and increased difficulty having employment, attending school, going to college, or even getting a driver's license. These laws prevent immigrant communities from "moving up" (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref49">17</reflink>], pp. 77–78).</p> <p>College students' awareness of immigration issues and their effects on Latinx communities increases with agreements such as 287(g). While eligibility policies to attend community colleges in NS fluctuate, it is challenging for undocumented students in high school to plan on pursuing a higher education (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref50">17</reflink>]). The 287(g) agreements completely close off access to community colleges for undocumented students. In fact, some undocumented Latinx students are greatly discouraged by college counselors from pursuing a degree, framing their legal status as a threat to obtaining a job and developing a career (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref51">17</reflink>]). Closing off access to higher education institutions blocks undocumented communities from social mobility. Relatedly, college students are often highly aware of the various issues that impact undocumented communities.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-6">Latinxs' forms of resistance in the NS</hd> <p>While research in higher education has documented Latinxs' forms of resistance to oppressive structures, context is not always considered. Therefore, our study seeks to document how Latinx college students resist oppressive structures in the NS. In this last section of the literature review, we describe the unique sociopolitical context of the NS and how Latinxs and African Americans collaborate to resist overt discrimination in this region of the country. We conclude this section by reviewing Yosso's ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref52">39</reflink>]) Community Cultural Wealth (CCW) as we find that it contributes to how we understand the Latinx community forms of resistance from an asset-based perspective.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-7">Latinx college students' community engagement</hd> <p>One strand of scholarship elevates higher education institutions' missions to serve communities and promote students' civic engagement (Coley &amp; Sum, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref53">7</reflink>]; Hurtado, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref54">16</reflink>]). However, these missions are often implemented disparately, privileging some groups over others. For example, Latinx college students' engagement is often discussed in terms of participation, including political involvement that is entangled with citizenship, community service, and volunteerism (Alcantar, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref55">2</reflink>]; Garcia &amp; Cuellar, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref56">13</reflink>]). These traditional civic engagement measures fail to account for, and effectively exclude, students from racialized backgrounds who participate in civic activities, but may define their involvement differently (Alcantar, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref57">2</reflink>]; Garcia &amp; Cuellar, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref58">13</reflink>]; Perez et al., [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref59">22</reflink>]; Rubin, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref60">28</reflink>]). In fact, research that uses traditional metrics for observing civic engagement shows that Asians and Latinxs engage in civic engagement at lower levels than whites, while Blacks civically engage at similar levels as whites (Foster-Bey, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref61">10</reflink>]; Galston, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref62">12</reflink>]). Additionally, scholarship based on traditional metrics suggest people from lower socioeconomic backgrounds and with lower levels of educational attainment are less likely to civically engage (Coley &amp; Sum, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref63">7</reflink>]; Foster-Bey, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref64">10</reflink>]); U.S.-born citizens are more likely to civically engage than foreign-born citizens or non-citizens (Foster-Bey, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref65">10</reflink>]). Summarily, these studies do not account for within-group variation among racially minoritized people and the cultural community definitions of engaging civically which may be hidden by an emphasis on traditional measures of civic engagement. Furthermore, traditionalist quantitative methods of defaulting to white students as reference groups methodologically promote white supremacy culture.</p> <p>Scholarship of Latinx civic and political engagement illustrates the advantages of within-group comparisons. Specific to the NS state of North Carolina, Schuh and colleagues ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref66">29</reflink>]) evidenced that Latinxs (<emph>N</emph> = 382) participated in civic activities; given their over half of their sample were college graduates (50.6%) and just under a third were between 18 and 34 years old (32.2%), these results help illuminate perspectives on Latinx college students in the NS. Succinctly, Schuch et al. ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref67">29</reflink>]) included multiple forms of engagement including volunteering (58.6%), membership in faith-based or charitable organizations (47%), and neighborhood or community issue meeting attendance (38.9%); while not inherently political or entangled with formal citizenship, these engagements reflect the micro-cultural and community-based priorities for participation that rupture from traditionalist measures.</p> <p>Additionally, when student identity is considered, higher education institutions can be more intentional when promoting civic engagement. Accordingly, Pak ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref68">21</reflink>]) found that Spanish language service-learning supports Spanish language heritage students' belonging at PWIs, a context where Latinx students customarily are subject to interpersonal and institutional racism. Likewise, Wray Lake et al. ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref69">37</reflink>]) studied Latinx youth's (<emph>n</emph> = 562) political engagement during the 45<sups>th</sups> US presidency and found that 40% of the participants expressed critical views of the contemporary immigration policies, which participants ascribed to racism toward Latinxs. Attributes of language and first-generation status inform the extent to which Latinx college students feel connected to the community, especially in majoritarian white and xenophobic contexts. Opportunities for Latinx Spanish-speaking college students to engage in Spanish language service-learning experiences within their own communities can enhance their social and civic inclusion. Collectively, sensitivity and responsiveness to Latinx conceptions of and priorities for engagement in higher education attenuates the potential erasure of traditional measures of civic engagement.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-8">Collaboration with black communities</hd> <p>There is limited scholarship on how Latinx and African American college students in the NS relate cross-racially. The only scholarship on this topic that we are aware of includes perspectives that high-school students share about Black students in Winston-Salem, North Carolina (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref70">17</reflink>]). In this study, one Latinx high-school student describes that there are no Hispanic teachers at her school, white teachers treat Latinxs more harshly than other students, but Black teachers are nicer to all students.</p> <p>Precisely, the collaboration between Latinxs and African Americans has flourished from shared experiences of racialization, discrimination, marginalization, consciousness, and minority linked fate. Latinxs reported strong feelings of closeness, and at times described African Americans as "allies in the struggle against discrimination" (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref71">17</reflink>], p. 127). African Americans, reciprocated such feelings through official messaging and political engagement from church leaders, community activists, city officials, and service providers (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref72">17</reflink>]). Additionally, Latinxs expressed that in many cases they received informal actions of generosity from African American neighbors, coworkers, and teachers. Subsequently, we document Latinx and African American collaboration to resist the sociopolitical context in the NS that has been produced by the SE.</p> <p>Although the Latinx population is vastly growing in the NS, due to immigration status, this population lacks political representation. Therefore, Latino community and civil-rights organizations have sought alliances with other minority organizations. Latinx communities along with African Americans have collaborated to defend the restrictive policies toward the immigrant population and educational issues affecting children in both groups in the South (Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref73">27</reflink>]). In fact, in Alabama, prominent African Americans spoke against new restrictive immigration laws that are remnants of the state's racist history against Black people. In Winston-Salem, NC, Black residents in an Afro-American community gathered over 100 signatures pledging the department of immigration to not deport a Latino resident that lived in the same community (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref74">17</reflink>]). In this manner, political unity between both groups is evident.</p> <p>Racial formation is contextual and contingent. Jones ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref75">17</reflink>]) argues that although Latinx people have immigrated to various states in the country, as shifting demographics or the "browning" of the NS occurs, we need to rethink our understanding of Latinx identity and politics and inter-minority relations (p. 5). Latinx racialization in the NS is not about creating a "new color line" but rather about how newcomers are incorporated into a racial hierarchy (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref76">17</reflink>], p. 7). To locate Latinx people in this hierarchy requires understanding race as a local and varied construct. Furthermore, Jones ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref77">17</reflink>]) addresses how African Americans and Latinxs view their racialized experiences dissimilarly; politically, however, shared historical and current racialized oppression in the South fosters a sense of a new majority-minority, or "minority linked fate" (p. 21). Consequently, positive black–brown relations in the NS are due to negative Latinx experiences with whites and positive relations with African Americans. These result in Latinxs' "reverse incorporation" and an identity shift to minority linked fate (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref78">17</reflink>], pp. 20–21): reverse incorporation is when minoritized group changes perceptions from more in common with white populations than another minoritized groups to, instead, having positive relationships with minoritized groups and negative relationships with whites. These transitions result in minoritized groups' identities and social belonging to be in greater alignment.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-9">Factors that impact Latinx and African American collaborations in the NS</hd> <p>McClain et al. ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref79">19</reflink>]) examined Latinx immigrants' views of African Americans in Durham, NC, and found that more social contact promotes Latinxs' positive attitudes toward African Americans. However, when Latinxs lived in neighborhoods with a higher number of African Americans they had more negative attitudes toward African Americans due to them feeling a higher sense of competition over housing, jobs, and resources (McClain et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref80">19</reflink>]). Factors that reduced Latinx immigrants' negative attitudes toward African Americans included an increase of education, stronger linked fate of Latinxs with fellow Latinxs, and more frequent interactions with African Americans (McClain et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref81">19</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-10">Forms of resistance from an asset-based approach</hd> <p>Yosso's ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref82">39</reflink>]) argues that deficit thinking is one of the "most contemporary forms of racism" in the U.S. educational system (p. 75). Although we acknowledge that Yosso's ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref83">39</reflink>]) community cultural wealth model can normalize oppressive environments by documenting Latinx communities' navigational strategies as assets, there is merit in positively highlighting culturally relevant strategies that oppose oppression in efforts to dispute ahistorical, inaccurate, or incomplete representations of Latinx communities. To conclude our literature review we include Yosso's work not as the framework for this study, but as a significant contribution in this area of research as it establishes Latinx college student populations as ones with wealth.</p> <p>Yosso's ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref84">39</reflink>]) proposes six forms of capital that build on each other and encompass community cultural wealth. (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref85">1</reflink>) Aspirational capital speaks to keeping future dreams and hopes despite Encountered barriers. Such aspirational capital is generationally shared (parents with children). (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref86">2</reflink>) Linguistic capital allows for developing intellectual and social skills through communication in more than one language, via visual art, music, or poetry. Students able to serve as translators gain cross-cultural awareness among other skills. (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref87">3</reflink>) Familial capital represents cultural knowledges maintained in the family related to community history, memory, and intuition. Familial capital encompasses a commitment to community wellbeing. Thus, family includes "extended family" and friends considered family. (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref88">4</reflink>) Social capital is comprised by networks of individuals and community resources that provide emotional support to navigate society's institutions (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref89">39</reflink>]). (<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref90">5</reflink>) Navigational capital includes the skills to move through social institutions that follow structures of inequality and racism. (<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref91">6</reflink>) Resistant capital are knowledges and skills developed through oppositional behavior to fight for equality. Yosso's ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref92">39</reflink>]) theory distinguished between two forms of resistance: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref93">1</reflink>) different forms of oppositional behavior that may include self-defeating or conforming and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref94">2</reflink>) cultural knowledge of structures of racism and oppression and a desire to transform these. In this manner, while Yosso's model has not been used in existing research focused on Latinx students in the NS, it is one that is often used when discussing issues of racial microagressions and inequity in educational systems (Acevedo-Gil, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref95">1</reflink>]) and Latinxs college experiences in relation to their commitment to social change (Cuellar, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref96">8</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-11">Theoretical framework</hd> <p>Contemporarily, Critical Race Theory (CRT) has become politicized. This tool is contested in the social imaginary between left and right political groups, but resistance to CRT in education has many implications for students of color in the South. Namely, avoidance of CRT in curricula upholds ideologies of white supremacy and systemic oppression of people of color as CRT is a mechanism to identify and trace the manifestations of power that reproduce racialized social inequities. Based on existing research (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref97">17</reflink>]) and in defiance of passive resistance toward acknowledging historical and modern forms of structural racism in the South, we center time and context and frame this investigation through a Southern epistemology (SE) theoretical perspective (Kincheloe et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref98">18</reflink>]; Pinar &amp; Kincheloe, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref99">23</reflink>]; Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref100">33</reflink>]).</p> <p>Southern epistemology is an explanatory framework connecting historical and contemporary realities to the effects on perceptions and responses to race: features of the framework include white supremacy and racism, color blindness, romanticizing the past, and opposition to intellectual elitism (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref101">33</reflink>]). During the Reconstruction, White Southerners experienced shame that manifested in fierce xenophobia after being defeated; as a grasping gesture to maintain face and dignity, Southerners gravitated toward the comfort of local ways of being and knowing. This shift relates to Southerner's preference to rely on "communal intuition or emotion rather than ... 'ivory tower' intellectuals" (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref102">33</reflink>], p. 411). Relatedly, Southerners who ascribe to white supremacy avoid formal intellectualism that manifests in distrust in knowledge derived from formal research.</p> <p>To cope with this reality in the South, historically minoritized groups develop "navigational capital" to traverse institutions like higher education that are organized around white supremacy (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref103">39</reflink>]). Racism continues to take on more covert forms in the South, where color blindness attempts to erase the existence of race altogether. Rather than acknowledging and confronting racism, white supremacy, and its reverberations of violence and trauma, there is tendency to "default to ... colorblindness" (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref104">33</reflink>], p. 412). For example, the people within the panethnic label Latinx are often portrayed as a monolith, where the vast array of cultural traditions and heritages are erroneously constrained to being referred to as simply Mexican and portraying the panethnic group Latinx as a monolith or mono-culture perpetuates erasure (Busey &amp; Silva, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref105">4</reflink>]).</p> <p>Contemporary racism presents less as acts of physical violence, but rather violence perpetuated in willfully ignoring the existence and experiences of people of color. Responding to demoralization following the Civil War, a Southern epistemology highlights romanticizing the past and promoting the region via "hospitality and chivalry" (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref106">33</reflink>], p. 411). An apt starting point is the role of imaginary after the Civil War to elide responsibility for slavery, shift from overt to covert racism, and to harken to a mythological, chivalrous time in the South. Unexamined white supremacy and white patriarchy coincide with racism, prioritize whiteness, and attempt to denigrate people of color (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref107">33</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-12">Methodology</hd> <p>We incorporated survey research methodology to examine the social issues that Latinx college students are aware of, engage with, and how they interact with these issues to develop a theoretical framework to examine Latinx resistance strategies in the NS. This allowed us to better understand Latinx perceptions of the way in which they feel valued within the NS, against the backdrop of the SE. The use of surveys to measure opinions and perspectives is well documented, especially in work that aims to quantify subjective feelings among people (Fowler, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref108">11</reflink>]). These understandings supported our decision to employ surveys to collect data from our participants.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-13">Study sites</hd> <p>Our study includes a sample of Latinx undergraduate students (<emph>n</emph> = 544), all enrolled at (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref109">2</reflink>) public, four-year institutions geographically situated in the NS. Data were collected at two sites with given pseudonyms. Central University (CU), located in the South Atlantic region of the NS, and West University (WU), located in the West South Central region of the NS. During the Fall 2018 semester, there were 17,000 undergraduate students enrolled at Central University (CU) with 10.3% identifying as Latinx. In contrast, there were 24,000 undergraduate students enrolled at West University (WU), during the Fall 2018 semester, with 8.9% identifying as Latinx. The geographic location of these institutions is essential to situating our study within the NS.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-14">Participant recruitment and data collection</hd> <p>Eligibility criteria to participate included (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref110">1</reflink>) Participant identified as Latinx or Hispanic, (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref111">2</reflink>) Participant lived in one of the two NS states in the study for at least 2 years or attended high school in one of these states, and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref112">3</reflink>) Participant was enrolled as an undergraduate student at one of the study sites in Spring 2019. The data were collected via the online "La Conciencia de Equidad en el Sur" (Equity Consciousness in the South) survey, including 42 items addressing the following topics: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref113">1</reflink>) The role of NS higher education institutions in developing Latinxs' students awareness and understanding of social justice and equity issues impacting their communities, and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref114">2</reflink>) The role of their Latinx identity in developing the awareness, understanding, and engagement with issues related to equity and socioeconomic issues impacting the Latinx community.</p> <p>To identify potential participants, we reached out to the two institutions' research offices and requested the e-mail addresses of Latinx-identifying students enrolled during Spring 2019. This effort yielded a list of 3,688 student e-mail addresses. Furthermore, these e-mail addresses were then used to deliver e-mail invitations sent three times by researchers between May 2019 and July 2019, incentivizing the opportunity to be included in a drawing for a gift card. This approach produced 544 responses to the online survey.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-15">Sample profile</hd> <p>A total of 544 undergraduate students enrolled in Spring 2019 completed the online survey, with (<emph>n</emph> = 325) enrolled at Central University (CU) and (<emph>n</emph> = 219) enrolled at West University (WU). Survey participants represented 20 Latinx ethnicities self-identifying as follows: Argentine, Bolivian, Brazilian, Chilean, Colombian, Costa Rican, Cuban, Dominican, Ecuadorian, Guatemalan, Honduran, Mexican/Chicano, Native American, Nicaraguan, Panamanian, Peruvian, Puerto Rican, Salvadorian, Uruguayan, and Venezuelan. To ensure inclusion of all participants, including those with ethnicities reported less frequently, these (<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref115">20</reflink>) ethnicities were collapsed into four categories representing regions of the American continent. Table 1 shows the originally reported ethnicities, while Table 2 represents the ethnicities distributed across four regions of the American continent. Further, analyzing the participants responses by region allowed researchers to account for an unequal distribution of participants. For example, Mexican-origin students account for nearly 58% (<emph>n</emph> = 315) of the sample (<emph>n</emph> = 544).</p> <p>Table 1. Ethnicity of participants.</p> <p> <ephtml> &lt;table&gt;&lt;thead&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ethnicity&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Number of Participants&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/thead&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Argentine&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;3&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Bolivian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;13&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Brazilian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;4&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Chilean&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;5&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Colombian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;14&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Costa Rican&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;5&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Cuban&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;12&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Dominican&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;14&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ecuadorian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;7&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Guatemalan&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;6&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Honduran&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;16&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Mexican/Chicano&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;315&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Native American&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;2&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Nicaraguan&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;5&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Panamanian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;17&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Peruvian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;10&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Puerto Rican&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;36&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Salvadorian&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;39&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Uruguayan&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;1&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Venezuelan&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;4&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Ethnicity not provided&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;16&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;&lt;bold&gt;Total&lt;/bold&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;&lt;bold&gt;544&lt;/bold&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/tbody&gt;&lt;/table&gt; </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 2. Regional representation.</p> <p> <ephtml> &lt;table&gt;&lt;thead&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Region&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Number of participants&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/thead&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Caribbean&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;62&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Central American&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;88&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;North American&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;317&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;South American&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;61&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Region not provided&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;16&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;&lt;bold&gt;Total&lt;/bold&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;&lt;bold&gt;544&lt;/bold&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/tbody&gt;&lt;/table&gt; </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0175795062-16">Variables of interest</hd> <p>This article is guided by the following research questions: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref116">1</reflink>) "<emph>How do Latinx college students perceive their NS state values their presence and facilitates access to community resources and services?"</emph> and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref117">2</reflink>) "<emph>How do Latinx students engage with issues impacting the Latinx community in the sociopolitical context of the NS?"</emph> To examine participant perceptions of how their state values their presence and facilitates access to resources and services, the researchers asked the following questions, (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref118">1</reflink>) "<emph>Keeping in mind that you live in one of the southern states, do you believe your state values the presence of the Latinx community in the state</emph>? (yes or no)," and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref119">2</reflink>) "<emph>Keeping in mind that I live in one of the southern states, I believe my state supports the Latinx community through policies that facilitate access to ... (check all that apply)</emph>."</p> <p>Accordingly, we conceptualized Latinx students' resistance strategies by examining the social issues that Latinx college students are aware of, engage with, and the nature of their interactions with these issues. The following variable was used to examine participants' engagement with social issues impacting the Latinx community in the NS states: <bold>a) Latinx students' engagement with the issues impacting the community as a form of resistance</bold>. This variable was developed from participants' responses to survey items such as 1) "<emph>How frequently do you engage with issues that impact the Latino/a/x and Hispanic community in the state?</emph>" (1-never, 2-sometimes, 3-frequently), and 2) "<emph>What outlets do you use to engage in issues affecting the Latino/a/x Hispanic community in the state</emph>?" (Select all that apply: general or Latino/a/x- and Hispanic-based community organizations, government agencies, and local or regional coalition and advocacy groups). Participants could select all that apply and had the option to identify a different outlet that they may use with the provision of an open-ended response. To better understand Latinx students' engagement with the social issues impacting their community, we asked 3) "<emph>What issues affecting the Latino/a/x and Hispanic community in the state are you engaged in?"</emph> This question was an open-ended question for participants to respond to. Lastly, we asked 4) "<emph>Keeping in mind I live in one of the southern states, it is easier for the Latino/a/x and Hispanic community to collaborate with</emph> (the white community, another racial/ethnic group, both, neither)."</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-17">Data analysis</hd> <p>Our data were analyzed descriptively using the SPSS crosstabs function to explore variation across each of the research sites and to observe the spread across ethnic groups represented in the study. Therefore, the results of the different analyses we conducted are presented using descriptive statistics represented across the four continental regions based on ethnic groupings. No inferential analyses were conducted for this study due to the unbalanced structure of our data and in an effort to include all participants in spite of lower representation in our sample. Additionally, for open-ended responses, we applied code mapping (Anfara et al., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref120">3</reflink>]) as a method to determine overall categories and density of themes from participants' open-ended responses. For example, related to the major theme of "Immigration," participant responses included topics such as fear of deportation and awareness of ICE presence in their communities. These topics were coded for "Immigration" as they reflected related issues present among participants' communities.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-18">Findings</hd> <p>To contextualize our findings within the NS, we first present overall results reflective of participants' perceptions of how they feel the state values their presence in their Nuevo South state. Results show that when asked 1) "<emph>Keeping in mind that you live in one of the southern states, do you believe your state values the presence of the Latinx community in the state</emph>?" of the sample (<emph>n</emph> = 544) participants, 53.1% (<emph>n</emph> = 289) of them responded "No," while only about 26.8% (<emph>n</emph> = 146) responded "Yes," confirming that they felt the state valued the Latinx community within their state. When asked 2) "<emph>Keeping in mind that I live in one of the southern states, I believe my state supports the Latinx community through policies that facilitate access to ...,"</emph> participants responses show that the top three areas where they felt their state supported the Latinx community through policies that facilitates access were as follows: education (<emph>n</emph> = 206), food (<emph>n</emph> = 168), and employment (<emph>n</emph> = 123). However, about a third of our sample (<emph>n</emph> = 162) expressed that their state facilitates access to none of the areas listed. Although education, food, and employment were the top three responses reported in this item, the disagreement from a third of our sample highlight the heterogeneity within the Latinx panethnic group of students. The level of disagreement captures the variance in participants' lived experiences in the state. This finding requires additional research to better understand this diversity of perceptions.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-19">Issues within the Latinx community</hd> <p>To further examine the extent to which participants were aware of the social issues impacting the Latinx community and the issues they reported within the Latinx community we also asked, 2) "<emph>What issues impacting the Latino/a/x and Hispanic community in the state are you aware of?"</emph> To conduct a qualitative analysis of open-ended responses, we coded these open-ended responses and organized these into categories using code mapping (Anfara et al., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref121">3</reflink>]). Table 3 presents the combined codes and categories used to report the social issues the NS Latinx community face. Upon examination, participants' responses suggested that the top three issues that they were aware of impacting the Latinx community within their NS state included immigration (<emph>n</emph> = 168), socioeconomic disparities (<emph>n</emph> = 136) (including access to health care, education, and food insecurity), and racial discrimination (<emph>n</emph> = 90). While the top three issues participants reported do not alone demonstrate that these are unique to Southern states, it is important to understand that these issues can manifest uniquely within the context of this region. More importantly, it is important to see the responses of these items in relation to one another and in relation to context.</p> <p>Table 3. Issues participants are aware of.</p> <p> <ephtml> &lt;table&gt;&lt;thead&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;&lt;italic&gt;What issues impacting the Latino/a/x and Hispanic community in the state are you aware of?&lt;/italic&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Major Themes&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Density&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Notes reflect open ended responses illustrating the major theme&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/thead&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Socioeconomic disparities&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;136&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Includes employment, poverty/drugs, health care access, food insecurity, access to education, crime, housing, transportation, unequal pay and gender inequality, equal opportunity&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Police brutality&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;12&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Includes police brutality, incarceration, diversity issues&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Immigration&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;168&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Includes deportation, ICE raids, undocumented and documented, border issues, citizenship&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Policies &amp; laws&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;56&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;DACA, immigration laws and policies&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Lack of community involvement&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;1&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td /&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Language barriers&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;9&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td /&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Unspecified responses&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;16&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Includes none, N/A, and IDK, or another unspecified response, little to none&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Racial discrimination&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;90&lt;/td&gt;&lt;td&gt;Includes inequality/equality, racial tension, racist ideologies&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/tbody&gt;&lt;/table&gt; </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0175795062-20">Engagement</hd> <p>To further examine the extent to which participants engage with the issues impacting their community, researchers asked, 2) <emph>"What outlets do you use to engage in issues affecting the Latino/a/x Hispanic community in the state?</emph> (Select all that apply)." Participant responses demonstrated a variety of outlet types among the four ethnic groups. Overall, North American participants (<emph>n</emph> = 304) most actively engaged in outlets across the ethnic groups; however, it should be noted that North American students represent over 60% (<emph>n</emph> = 317) of the sample (<emph>n</emph> = 514). Furthermore, Caribbean students reported that the top three outlets that they use to engage in issues impacting their community were community organizations (<emph>n</emph> = 12), Latino/a/x- and Hispanic-based community organizations (<emph>n</emph> = 12), and local and regional coalition and advocacy groups (<emph>n</emph> = 7). Similarly, Central and North American participants' top three outlets used to engage with issues affecting their community were also community organizations, Latino/A/Z- and Hispanic-based community organizations, and local and regional coalition and advocacy groups chronologically. On the contrary, South American participants' top outlets were community organizations (<emph>n</emph> = 16), Latino/a/x- and Hispanic-based community organizations (<emph>n</emph> = 13), and a different outlet (<emph>n</emph> = 7), in which they later specified the different outlets that they use. These findings reinforce how important it is to disaggregate our analysis to more accurately understand how engagement varies between Latinx ethnic groups.</p> <p>Participants had the opportunity to specify different outlets that they engage with that may not have been listed as an option. Nearly 12.5% of South American participants (<emph>n</emph> = 7) within our study reported engaging in different outlets other than the ones listed, while about 11% of North American participants (<emph>n</emph> = 33) and 7% of Caribbean participants (<emph>n</emph> = 4) reported engaging in a different outlet, followed by 5% of Central American participants (<emph>n</emph> = 4). Overall, responses indicated that of these different outlets used to engage with issues, the most common was the use of online technological platforms, such as social media and blogs. These accounted for nearly 28% of the open-ended responses (<emph>n</emph> = 13) across the four various ethnic groups (<emph>n</emph> = 48). In spite of online communities and social media being modern forms of engagement, there may be unique contextual reasons (e.g., rural communities, conservative political environments) that may facilitate the use of online platforms for Latinx communities to engage and organize around these issues.</p> <p>To assess participants' engagement with these social issues we asked, 3) <emph>What issues affecting the Latino/a/x and Hispanic community in the state are you engaged in?</emph> Results showed that the top three issues students were the most engaged within their communities included access to education and healthcare (<emph>n</emph> = 49), immigration (<emph>n</emph> = 46), and advocacy with community organizations. Many participants (<emph>n</emph> = 37) also mentioned racial discrimination/equality as an issue that they are engaged in, specific to their racialized experiences within the NS. The issues with which participants are the most engaged demonstrate a connection with the issues that respondents were aware of that affected their community. These findings may suggest that if participants become aware of the issues impacting their community, they become engaged with these matters.</p> <p>Finally, to better understand participants' use of collaboration in their engagement, we asked, 4) <emph>Keeping in mind I live in one of the southern states, it is easier for the Latino/a/x and Hispanic community to collaborate with</emph> (the white community, another racial/ethnic group, both, neither). Those who selected another <emph>racial/ethnic group</emph> were then able to specify a racial/ethnic group. Examining this response globally within our sample, nearly 50% of the participants selected <emph>another racial/ethnic group</emph> or <emph>both (n = 250)</emph>, while nearly 23.8% of the participants selected <emph>neither</emph>, and 20% did not respond. Additionally, when examining the bulk of participant responses (<emph>n</emph> = 132) that indicated <emph>another racial/ethnic group</emph> or <emph>both</emph> we found that nearly 70% (<emph>n</emph> = 90) of participants specified the African American and Black community as collectives with whom it is easier for the Latino/a/x and Hispanic community to collaborate. These findings were not surprising, given that participants reported the most concerning issues for the Latinx community to be socioeconomic disparities, immigration, and racial discrimination. Our participants naturally felt that African American and Black people were the best ally. It is likely that participants understood that these issues stem from the Southern epistemology's, which prioritizes whiteness and denigrates people of color (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref122">33</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-21">Discussion</hd> <p>The first research question explores student perceptions of value and support from their NS state of residence. Historical contexts of erasure and devaluing underscore present-day perspectives as Latinx students most readily felt that the state did not value them. The SE (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref123">33</reflink>]) indicates the existence of engrained racism which has been previously documented to permeate the structural and interpersonal relationships that exist for Latinx students within their environment. The SE can only exist through the systemic oppression of communities of color. Therefore, it is not surprising that over half of the participants in our findings feel undervalued by their state of residence. Southerners that uphold white supremacy intrinsically belittle nonwhite ways of knowing and being and seek to incorporate this devaluation in the sociopolitical contexts of the NS region. This tendency to disparage the Latinx community manifests as policies and laws that endanger the Latinx community, racialized interactions, tensions with those outside of the community, and decreased access to community resources that address the needs of individuals within the community.</p> <p>Additional findings from the first research question highlight insufficient access to support for the Latinx community when living in the NS. The reliance on situationally beneficial colorblindness, as noted in the SE framework (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref124">33</reflink>]), naturally mitigates the nuanced aid that would support success for Latinx individuals in an oppressive environment. Their unique needs and the necessity to have state policies that address them can then be dismissed without retribution due to living in a sociopolitical context that is based in cultural erasure. This dismissal of culturally competent resources subsequently promotes white supremacy in terms of forced competition between different races for the limited supports available to them. McClain et al. ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref125">19</reflink>]) highlight that communities of color residing in proximity led to perceptions of rivalry for aid in employment and housing, particularly between the Latinx and Black community. As the Latinx population continues to grow in the NS, those that ascribe to SE and uphold white supremacist ideologies limit expansion of services that could support these communities, reinforcing the scarcity of aid. Data from our research aligns with this belief in lack of resources as almost one-third of our participants indicated that there are no policies that facilitate access to address educational, food, and employment insecurity.</p> <p>Regarding our second research question, Latinx students do engage with issues impacting the Latinx community in the sociopolitical context of the NS. Their forms of engagement respond to and disrupt the hostility they, and their communities, experience in the region. To coalesce our reported findings, Latinx students most frequently named immigration and multiple forms of discrimination as the most prevalent issues for their communities. As understood through the SE framework (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref126">33</reflink>]), these issues reflect the region's sociopolitical context that is rooted in white supremacy and racism. Our data indicate that the prevalence of Latinx community issues related to threats from ICE and experiences of prejudice such as socioeconomic and racial discrimination indicate how features of the SE restrict the lives of Latinx college students and their communities. The present study extends scholarship on racism and discrimination Latinx people experience in the NS (Guerrero, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref127">15</reflink>]; Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref128">17</reflink>]).</p> <p>Subsequently, Latinx students in our study demonstrate that they <emph>resist</emph> the overt and covert racism present in the NS that create a hostile sociopolitical climate. Thus, our research extends current critical race scholarship on resisting oppression (Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref129">39</reflink>]) that is specific to the Latinx population in this region. Among participants grouped by the North American continent in our study, community organizations and Hispanic-based community organizations were the most commonly indicated outlets for resistance to racism in the NS; those identified as from an ethno-racial categorization within the South American continent, online platforms were most common in resisting the issues impacting their communities. Aligned with previous scholarship (Camargo et al., [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref130">5</reflink>]; Ramos et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref131">25</reflink>]), this variation indicates another form of heterogeneity within the pan-ethnic label Latinx. Succinctly, Latinx participants – representing multiple racial-ethnic and country-based backgrounds – resist oppression in the NS and do participate in groups organized around supporting their communities. Our findings extend scholarship on Latinx students' participation (Alcantar, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref132">2</reflink>]; Garcia &amp; Cuellar, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref133">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>Collaboration is an additional facet of Latinx college students' resistance to oppression in the NS. While about half of participants indicated an ease of collaboration with African American or Black and White people, of those selected another racial/ethnic group, most indicated ease of collaboration with African American and Black people. That Latinx college students report it is easier for their communities to collaborate with African American and Black communities mirrors the racism in the NS and echoes extant scholarship specific to this region (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref134">17</reflink>]). Simultaneously, findings from our study contribute to the limited scholarship on Latinx college students in the NS and the groups with which they collaborate to resist the hostile environment in which they live.</p> <p>Both Latinx and African American and Black communities experience racialization in the NS that manifests as avoiding the recognition of race and ignoring the historical and ongoing trauma connected to when people of color were treated as property and enslaved by colonizers (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref135">33</reflink>]). Hostile sociopolitical dynamics explained by the SE framework (Whitaker et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref136">33</reflink>]) seek to dehumanize and devalue people of color; participants in our study resist this hostility through collaborations across racialized oppression with African American and Black people who also experience racism and discrimination.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-22">Implications</hd> <p>Our study has several implications for practitioners of higher education, including administrators, professors, and Student Affairs professionals. In this section, we discuss implications for practice, policy, and research that can contribute to challenging the SE rather than contributing to it.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-23">Practice</hd> <p>Our findings demonstrated that Latinx college students experience communities in which there are across-group racial/ethnic collaboration, resulting from the hostile sociopolitical context that minoritized groups experience in their home state. Practitioners in NS universities and colleges must provide spaces to cultivate and promote across-group racial/ethnic collaboration, as these relationships serve as an infrastructure for Latinxs and other minoritized populations communities to resist the ethnoracial discrimination they face. Therefore, public higher education institutions must serve as an extension of these infrastructures.</p> <p>One-third of our participants reported feeling that their state of residence did not value their presence and furthermore many also did not believe their state supported the Latinx community through policies that facilitated access to any of the areas listed (e.g., healthcare). NS public higher education institutions are an extension of the state and therefore practitioners have the responsibility to understand the Latinx communities' sociopolitical challenges to better serve their Latinx students on campus. One way to stay abreast of the issues impacting the Latinx community is to cultivate relationships with community racial and ethnic affinity groups to support Latinx students' access to outlets for addressing inequity in their communities.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-24">Policy</hd> <p>Participants most often noted awareness of how immigration policies and practices impact the NS Latinx communities. In fact, many participants specified that 287(g) was an issue. While these are state-level agreements, which NS universities should seek to have eliminated, this process can be long. Therefore, to obtain results at the local level, higher education institutions can look to create district agreements with local police. These agreements should ensure that local police do not patrol streets around schools and universities during peak hours to decrease the intimidation and fear among Latinx communities. More importantly, these agreements create a more positive relationship between institutions of education and the Latinx community in NS states.</p> <p>Additionally, states in which public higher education institutions do not admit undocumented students, must advocate for this student population to gain access. Without access to these colleges and universities, states are limiting this population's ability to gain social mobility and contribute to their home state's innovative and financial growth. It is the responsibility of institutions of higher education to eliminate the existing narrative that the undocumented and Latinx communities are deficient. Instead, as producers of knowledge, institutions of higher education through science and learning, need to build narratives highlighting the many assets and strengths that these communities embody to change policies related to college admissions.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-25">Research</hd> <p>Our study's findings also have research implications. First, while our findings emphasized the cross-racial collaborations between Latinxs and Blacks, several participants mentioned other ethnoracial groups (e.g., Marshallese) that were not listed in the response options we provided in the survey. Future research must explore the types of cross-racial collaborations in which Latinxs communities engage, and more specifically, those of Latinx college students. As noted in our literature review, currently little to no research exists on this college student's population cross-cultural collaborations within the NS region.</p> <p>Second, our participants with South American ancestry indicated that online platforms are a common form of engagement for them. This finding demonstrates the heterogeneity of the Latinx ethnic group and how engagement varies in this community. Additionally, this study documents that traditional metrics of engagement, may not be inclusive of Latinx community engagement practices, resulting in current research further contributing to narratives of deficiency among this group. Future research must document non-traditional forms and outlets of Latinx engagements.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-26">Limitations</hd> <p>Although the survey was examined and critiqued by experts in higher education and Latinx populations, we recognize that the aggregation of ethnic groups into larger continental categories risks reducing the richness of experiences represented in the study as groups with smaller representation became a part of larger categories. Additionally, we, as researchers, recognize that operating in a Black–White binary often limits how the data are viewed and interpreted. This dichotomous lens may cause further marginalization of the experiences of multi-ethnic participants, especially Afro-Latinx participants and their agency. Future research and literature should focus on analyzing the repercussions of dichotomous epistemologies.</p> <p>Furthermore, the present study only accounted for the experiences of participants in two states, which limits our ability to speak on these topics in relation to the many Latinx communities residing in the Southern region of the US. Lastly, the data presented in this manuscript can be enriched through the incorporation of qualitative approaches to more comprehensively examine the study's key conclusions.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-27">Conclusion</hd> <p>Latinxs in NS states experience issues connected to immigration, discrimination, and racism resulting in a lack of access to healthcare, employment opportunities, food, and other basic needs. Results from our study reveal that Latinx students did not feel that their state valued their community or supported the Latinx community through policies that facilitated access to resources. Latinx college students resist the NS hostile environments by engaging with community organizations, Hispanic-based organizations, and online platforms on issues impacting their communities. Additionally, minority linked fate manifested in our study as participants sought to collaborate with African American and Black communities who also experienced racialization and discrimination. Overall, findings from this study empirically establish the ways in which the NS sociopolitical context is unique to the rest of the country's due to the SE that continues to impact the daily lives of Latinx college students and the forms in which they resist regional hostility.</p> <hd id="AN0175795062-28">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.</p> <ref id="AN0175795062-29"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref13" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Acevedo-Gil, N. (2022). New Juan crow education as a context for institutional microaggressions: Latina/o/x students maintaining college aspirations. Urban Education, 57 (8), 1358 – 1386. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042085918805152</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref14" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Alcantar, C. M. (2014). Civic engagement measures for Latina/o college students. In F. K. Stage &amp; R. A. Well (Eds.), New directions for institutional research: No. 158. New scholarship in critical quantitative research–part 1: Studying institutions and people in context (pp. 23 – 36). Jossey-Bass.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref87" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Anfara, V. A., Brown, K. M., &amp; Magione, T. L. (2002). Qualitative analysis on stage: Making the research process more public. Educational Researcher, 31 (7), 28 – 38. https://doi.org/10.3102/0013189X031007028</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref88" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Busey, C. L., &amp; Silva, C. (2021). Troubling the essentialist discourse of brown in education: The anti-black sociopolitical and sociohistorical etymology of Latinxs as a brown monolith. Educational Researcher, 50 (3), 176 – 186. https://doi.org/10.3102/0013189X20963582</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref90" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> Camargo, E., Ramos, D., &amp; Bennett, C. (2022). Siendo Latinx en el Nuevo South: Defining Identity, Social Justice, and Equity. Innovative Higher Education, 47 (4), 533 – 563. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10755-021-09588-0</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref3" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> Carrillo, J. F. (2016). Searching for home in Dixie: Identity and education in the New Latin@ South. American Educational Studies Association, 52 (1), 20 – 37. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131946.2015.1120208</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref53" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> Coley, R. J., &amp; Sum, A. (2012). Fault lines in our democracy: Civic knowledge, voting behavior, and civic engagement in the United States. Educational Testing Service.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref96" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> Cuellar, M. G. (2019). Latina/O students as agents of change: The influence of cultural assets and college experiences. Race Ethnicity and Education, 24 (6), 789 – 809. https://doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2019.1579184</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref1" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> Flores, A., Lopez, M. H., &amp; Krogstad, J. M. (2019). U.S. Hispanic population reached new high in 2018, but growth has slowed. Pew Research. https://<ulink href="http://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2019/07/08/u-s-hispanic-population-reached-new-high-in-2018-but-growth-has-slowed/">www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2019/07/08/u-s-hispanic-population-reached-new-high-in-2018-but-growth-has-slowed/</ulink></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Foster-Bey, J. (2008). Do race, ethnicity, citizenship and socioeconomic status determine civic-engagement?. Center for Information &amp; Research on Civic Learning &amp; Engagement.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Fowler, F. J., Jr. (2013). Survey research methods. Sage Publications.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Galston, W. A. (2007). Civic knowledge, civic education, and civic engagement: A summary of recent research. International Journal of Public Administration, 30 (6–7), 623 – 642. https://doi.org/10.1080/01900690701215888</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Garcia, G. A., &amp; Cuellar, M. (2018). Exploring curricular and cocurricular effects on civic engagement at emerging Hispanic-serving institutions. Teachers College Record, 120 (4), 1 – 36. https://doi.org/10.1177/016146811812000404</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Grande, S. (2018). Refusing the university. In E. Tuck &amp; K. W. Yang (Eds.), Toward what Justice?: Describing diverse dreams of justice in education (pp. 47 – 65). Routledge. <ulink href="http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/tamucs/detail.action?docID=5257621">http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/tamucs/detail.action?docID=5257621</ulink></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Guerrero, P. M. (2017). Latinas/Os, Asians, and the remaking of place: Nuevo south. University of Texas Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hurtado, S. (2007). Linking diversity with the educational and civic missions of higher education. The Review of Higher Education, 30, 185 – 196. https://doi.org/10.1353/rhe.2006.0070</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Jones, J. A. (2019). The browning of the New South. University of Chicago Press. <ulink href="http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uncg/detail.action?docID=5507013">http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uncg/detail.action?docID=5507013</ulink></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kincheloe, J. L., Pinar, W., &amp; Slattery, P. (1994). A last dying chord? Toward cultural and educational renewal in the South. Curriculum Inquiry, 24 (4), 407 – 436. https://doi.org/10.1080/03626784.1994.11075434</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> McClain, P. D., Carter, N. M., Defrancesco Soto, V. M., Lyle, M. L., Grynaviski, J. D., Nunnally, S. C., Scotto, T. J., Kendrick, A., Lackey, G. F., &amp; Davenport Cotton, K. (2006). Racial distancing in a Southern city: Latino immigrants' views of black Americans. The Journal of Politics, 86 (3), 571 – 584. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00446.x</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Morgan, S. (2005). Elite dominance in the Arkansas Delta, from the new deal to the new millennium [ unpublished doctoral dissertation ]. University of Mississippi.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pak, C. -S. (2018). Linking service-learning with sense of belonging: A culturally relevant pedagogy for heritage students of Spanish. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 17 (1), 76 – 95. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192716630028</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Perez, W., Espinoza, R., Ramos, K., Coronado, H., &amp; Cortes, R. (2010). Civic engagement patterns of undocumented Mexican students. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 9, 245 – 265. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192710371007</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pinar, W., &amp; Kincheloe, J. L. (1991). Curriculum as social psychoanalysis: The significance of place. SUNY.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Planas, R. (2017). Latino population booms in the South: Pew. HuffPost. https://<ulink href="http://www.huffpost.com/entry/latino-population-growth%5fn%5f3860441">www.huffpost.com/entry/latino-population-growth%5fn%5f3860441</ulink></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ramos, D., Camargo, E., Bennett, C., &amp; Alvarez, A. (2022). Uncovering the effects of the sociopolitical context of the Nuevo South on Latinx college students' ethnic identification. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 15 (4), 438 – 452. https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000307</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ray, V. (2019). A theory of racialized organizations. American Sociological Review, 84 (1), 26 – 53. https://doi.org/10.1177/0003122418822335</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Rodríguez, N. (2012). New Southern neighbors: Latino immigration and prospects for intergroup relations between African-Americans and Latinos in the South. Latino Studies, 10 (1–2), 18 – 40. https://doi.org/10.1057/lst.2012.1</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Rubin, B. C. (2007). There's still not justice: Youth civic identity development amid distinct school and community contexts. Teachers College Record, 109 (2), 449 – 481. https://doi.org/10.1177/016146810710900202</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Schuch, J. C., Vasquez-Huot, L. M., &amp; Mateo-Pascual, W. (2019). Understanding Latinx civic engagement in a new immigrant gateway. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 41 (4), 447 – 463. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739986319865904</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Thompson, T. (2013). The new mind of the south (1st ed.). Simon &amp; Schuster.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Tuck, E., &amp; Yang, K. W. (2012). Decolonization is not a metaphor. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education &amp; Society, 1 (1), 1 – 40.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Weise, J. M. (2015). Corazón de dixie: Mexicanos in the U.S. South since 1910. The University of North Carolina Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Whitaker, W., Hardee, S. C., Johnson, L. C., &amp; McFaden, K. L. (2018). The Southern mind and the savage ideal: Deconstructing identities of place in the cracker state. Teaching Education, 29 (4), 407 – 420. https://doi.org/10.1080/10476210.2018.1513999</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Wilder, C. S. (2013). Ebony and ivy: Race, slavery, and the troubled history of America's universities. Bloomsbury Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Winders, J. (2011). Commentary: New directions in the Nuevo South. Southeastern Geographer, 51 (2), 327 – 240. https://doi.org/10.1353/sgo.2011.0018</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Wolfe, P. (2006). Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native. Journal of Genocide Research, 8 (4), 387 – 409. https://doi.org/10.1080/14623520601056240</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Wray Lake, L., Wells, R., Alvis, L., Delgado, S., Syversen, A. M., &amp; Metzger, A. (2018). Being a Latinx adolescent under a trump presidency; Analysis of Latinx youth's reactions to immigration politics. Children and Youth Services Review, 87, 192 – 204. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2018.02.032</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Wright, B. (1988). "For the children of infidels"?: American Indian education in the colonial colleges. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 12 (3), 1 – 14. https://doi.org/10.17953/aicr.12.3.ht5837m3502m57w1</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A CRT discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8 (1), 69 – 91. https://doi.org/10.1080/1361332052000341006</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Elsa Camargo; Delma Ramos; Cathryn B. Bennett; Destiny Z. Talley; Terry Chavis and Brandi Kennedy</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author; Author; Author; Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref52"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref62"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref66"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref69"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref108"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref131"></nolink> |
|---|---|
| Header | DbId: eric DbLabel: ERIC An: EJ1415623 AccessLevel: 3 PubType: Academic Journal PubTypeId: academicJournal PreciseRelevancyScore: 0 |
| IllustrationInfo | |
| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Making the Nuevo South Home: Latinx College Students' Forms of Resistance to Southern Epistemology – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Elsa+Camargo%22">Elsa Camargo</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1965-2901">0000-0002-1965-2901</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Delma+Ramos%22">Delma Ramos</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1611-243X">0000-0003-1611-243X</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cathryn+B%2E+Bennett%22">Cathryn B. Bennett</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4068-2969">0000-0003-4068-2969</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Destiny+Z%2E+Talley%22">Destiny Z. Talley</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Terry+Chavis%22">Terry Chavis</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Brandi+Kennedy%22">Brandi Kennedy</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Latinos+and+Education%22"><i>Journal of Latinos and Education</i></searchLink>. 2024 23(2):659-675. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 17 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2024 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Hispanic+American+Students%22">Hispanic American Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Resistance+%28Psychology%29%22">Resistance (Psychology)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Epistemology%22">Epistemology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racial+Discrimination%22">Racial Discrimination</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racism%22">Racism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Citizen+Participation%22">Citizen Participation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22African+American+Students%22">African American Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Undergraduate+Students%22">Undergraduate Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Attitudes%22">Student Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Problems%22">Social Problems</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/15348431.2023.2179055 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1534-8431<br />1532-771X – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Aligned with critical scholarship and upholding minoritized populations' agency and power, this survey research study addresses Latinx college students' resistance strategies in two Nuevo South states by examining the social issues that students are aware of, engage with, and the nature of their interactions with these issues. We apply Southern epistemology as a framework to center the unique Nuevo South sociopolitical context and examine modern issues Latinx communities face in this geographic region and how Latinx college students resist hostility. Findings empirically establish how the Southern epistemology remains to modernly construct and constrain the lives of Latinx college students in the Nuevo South. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2024 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1415623 |
| PLink | https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1415623 |
| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/15348431.2023.2179055 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 17 StartPage: 659 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Hispanic American Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Resistance (Psychology) Type: general – SubjectFull: Epistemology Type: general – SubjectFull: Racial Discrimination Type: general – SubjectFull: Racism Type: general – SubjectFull: Citizen Participation Type: general – SubjectFull: African American Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Undergraduate Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Attitudes Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Problems Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Making the Nuevo South Home: Latinx College Students' Forms of Resistance to Southern Epistemology Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Elsa Camargo – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Delma Ramos – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Cathryn B. Bennett – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Destiny Z. Talley – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Terry Chavis – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Brandi Kennedy IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2024 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1534-8431 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1532-771X Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 23 – Type: issue Value: 2 Titles: – TitleFull: Journal of Latinos and Education Type: main |
| ResultId | 1 |
